The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1935, Page 6

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Bsa sescgceate { 5 ; | Page 6 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 11, 1935 ' 4!Z retailing yarns about in the Soviet Union mas Wanton killings of letarian government of the Mr. Hearst in large, round figur Mr. Hearst lies! and even by of capitalism as the New York Times Hearst ynonymous with fraud and sensation corresponden yellow journalism has Daily <QWorker AINTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A, (SECTION OF COMMUMIST INTERMATIONAL? Daily Newspaper” Only Working Class FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. “America’s Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. ‘Daiwork,” New York, N. ¥. Room 954. National ress Building, Wi ington, D. C. Telephone: National 7910. 101 South Wells St., Room 705, Chicage, Ml. Telephone: Dearborn 3981, Subscription Rates: By Ma except Manhattan and Bronx 1 year, $6.00; 6 mon $3.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.78 cents. Man! nx, Foreign and Canada 1 year, $9.00; @ mon 0: 3 months, $3.00. By ir; Weekly, 18 cents; monthly, 75 cents. Saturday Edition: By mail, 1 year, $1.50; 6 months, 75 cents. FRIDAY, JANUARY 11, 1935 The Scottsboro Ruling HE brilliant victory won by the LL.D. in forcing the Supreme Court to grant a review of the death verdicts in the Scottsboro case is not going unchallenged by the enemies of the boys’ defenders. would be expected, the capitalist press is already giving the formula by which the vindication of the mass policies of the I.L.D, is to be attacked in a new form. The New York Times, for example, greets the announcement as proving that the Supreme Court “stands forth as the defender of that right... of the humblest citizen to the due process of law.” This, to put it bluntly, is hypocritical boloney. The Times knows very well that the Supreme Court in its decision acted only in the interests of the capitalist system which it is defending. The Supreme Court acted as it did only because it did not dare to ignore the millions of workers all over the world and in this country, particularly, who have been aroused over the case by the campaign of the I.L.D. The Supreme Court gives the masses concessions only when forced to do so by mass pressure. The “due process of law’ which The Times claims as the bulwark of the “hum- blest citizen” is only the hypocrisy of capi- talist law which is devoted largely to pro- tecting capitalist profit and capitalist op- pression. The Supreme Court is a defender of the whole system of national oppression and lynching out of which grows such a hideous frame-up as the Scottsboro case. How then can it be a defender of the boys? Only one thing can make the Supreme Court, as well as any other capitalist court listen to the voice of the masses—organ- ized mass protest, the policy of the LL.D. The trick of The Times is to belittle this mass protest just now at a time when more than ever it is the only thing that stands between the boys and the electric chair. A Belated Admission theme HUGH S. JOHNSON, ex- generalissimo of the N.R.A., finally ad- mits the correctness of the Communist Party’s claim that the N.R.A. is an instru- ment for building Wall Street monopoly. “The N.R.A. has proven to be con- structive,” the New York Times reports him as saying, “to highly organized in- dustry, but it has proven moribund for smaller industries.” This is a fancy way of saying that the N.R.A. has given the Wall Street monopo- lies bigger profits by crushing small, non- monopoly business. i This is exactly what the Communist Party said the N.R.A. would do, from the first week of its administration in 1933. The Communist Party was the only voice in this country which branded the whole Roosevelt New Deal-N.R.A. program as a drive to give the Wall Street monopo- lies a bigger share of the national wealth and income at the expense of the rest of the population. The past two years’ experience has con- firmed this analysis a thousand times, proving that the Communist Party, bas- ing itself on Marxism-Leninism, the theory of the world Communist International, is the only true guide of the working class to understanding the development of the crisis and the Roosevelt program. ' 4 nnocent peasants” U.S.S.R. are He lies because his fantastic yarns are refuted by hundreds of reputable observers of life in the U.S. S. R. r such staunch upholders for If the Hearst press lies about and distorts een bi right under he very noses of the American workers, how can these workers believe the fantastic and blood-curd- ling yarns published in the Hearst reptile press about life in the Soviet Union? reported here at home. Consider the Hearst journalistic “technique” right A Hearst reporter called upon Prof. John N. Wash- porter. burne of Syracuse University. as “Richard Smith,” but did not say he was a Hearst re- He said he was interested in studying govern- ment and politics—“especially the Rus He introduced himself an experiment.” The professor recommended a couple of innocvous years been day, accompanied facts Silk Workers’ Election HE election of the Plain Goods Depart- ment of the Paterson Silk Workers Union (U.T.W.) which takes place this tomorrow, brings up the issue of whether or not the workers will take control of their own union. The reactionary Keller-Lovestoneite leadership, masquerading under the title of “Progressives,” is fighting for its life in these elections, In a desperate statement issued by the “progressive” group, an attempt is made to confuse the issues by shameless lying. They, who have been eating the heart out of the union, have the audacity to entitle their leaflet the Union.” The “enemy” Keller says is the growing rank and file movement, the militant member- ship. The Lovestoneites pledge to expel from the union former members of the Na- tional Textile Workers Union, now among the most active in its ranks. Keller car- ries out Green’s expulsion policy, but not a word of concrete criticism of Gorman’s treachery in the General Strike is con- tained in the “progressive” statement An overwhelming vote for the rank and file slate, Saturday, similar to the victory scored in the dyer’s local last Saturday by the rank and file dyers’ slate, will be the most fitting answer to these reactionaries. To defeat the wage-cuts and gain better conditions, the Keller clique, which sup- ports the Gorman machine, must be de- feated. Elect the rank and file slate! “Save Thomas and Coughlin HE radio priest, Coughlin, while calling for fascist pogroms against the Com- munists, praised Norman Thomas as a “gentleman, who is anything but a fol- lower of Marx,” and that “Norman Thomas has the same objects in view as I have.” And the United Press reported on De- cember 10 that Norman Thomas. said: “Coughlin is a fine man, but many of his ideas are not practical.” Two fine men! Two gentlemen who do not follow Marx! How does it happen that a Socialist Party leader praises a typical and sinister Wall Street fascist tool as a “fine man?” How does it happen that an unscrupulous fascist demagogue praises a Socialist Party leader because he “does not follow Karl Marx?” Is it not clear that for all their “criti- cism” of one another they have no real enmity for one another? When Norman Thomas praises Coughlin he is aiding this fascist to spread his influence. Thomas says his ideas are not “prac- tical.” But Coughlin’s ideas are only too practical to carry out the aims of Wall Street and fascism! With this talk; Thomas depicts a man who is a conscious agent of Wall Street as a well-intentioned visionary. Now we put this question: Does not this help this Wall Street agent in his fas- cist work? Living Costs Still Soay ROM the beginning of the New Deal the Communist Party has declared that it was a scheme to increase the super-profits of the capitalist class at the expense of the living standards of the working class. The Communist analysis was verified again on Wednesday when Secretary of Labor Perkins announced that the cost of living had gone up 8.3 per cent during the 18-month period between June, 1933, and November, 1934. The real rise is con- siderably higher. Not being able to conceal the increased cost of living, the administration tries to cover it up with the claim that the masses have not suffered because real wages have not fallen. It is easy enough, however, to show that real wages have fallen. Even the A. F. of L. leadership admits that “thus far the rapid increase in prices has cancelled all the gains in the average worker’s in- come. “The worker’s dollar can buy only about 78 cents worth of food and about 79 cents worth of clothing.” And in terms of real wages his purchas- ing power in November was three per cent less than in March, 1933, at the lowest point of the crisis. This shows that the New Deal cut the real wages of the work- ers in order to inerease capitalist profits. » courses given by liberal teachers at the university. Next by another described himself as a “draftsman,” the prospective Hearst reporter, who Party Life i i| | Youth In Unions | A Center Aid from the Oldsters iO UNTLESS resolutions | have been passed by our| Party to impress on the mem- | bers of the Party that, “With- out a decisive turn of the! Party to work among the masses of young workers, a) successful struggle against the at- tacks of the capitalist class—against | | fascism, against the intensive prep- | | arations for war, for the estad- lishment of a revolutionary workers government—Soviet Power, is im-| possible.” | | Young Communist League mem- | bers have taken the floor at meet- | lings of mi organizations and junions and have attempted to get | the leadership to do something | | sbout the youth. Unfortunately, | | instead of offering concrete pro-| | posals, they have too often made eloquent but vague general speeches | accusing the leadership of neglect of | | youth work. As a result, decisions have been made to do youth work, | | Often a comrade with comparatively little ability is assigned to work with the youth and after a week or two| forgets all about it. | In textile, metal, marine, needle trades, laundry, etc. where youth | | have participated in strike strug- | | gles their militancy has been un- | questioned, their unflagging spirit | and enthusiasm have very often | been the cause of many a strike | victory. Through these struggles | the youth have been drawn into tae! | unions, youth who are not class| | conscious, who know very little of | | trade unionism; Republican, Dem- | | Socialist and every fascist- led youth who fought because they | knew that it was their bread and| butter that they were fighting for. | Finally, after the struggle was over, after their demands were won, | what has happened to these youth? | They have been promptly forgotten. | A perfect example of this was the strike of the floor boys in the fur industry. After a splendid victory, | We today find that the floor bos union exists only in name, that there is no floor boys union, be- cause no plans were made and no form of organization created that would keep this union from disin- tegrating during the slow season. 1| simply give this one example, but all of us can point to dozens more. Are the reformists and reaction- aries “youth-conscious?” Yes, they are doing everything in their power | to win the youth. | At a meeting of the youth section of the T. U. U. C.. we decided to | Work for the establishment of a | Trade Union Youth Center. This jcenter to be open to all youth, | Whether they be T. U. U. L., A. F. |of L. or independent union mem- bers. The aim of this center will be | primarily to educate the youth for | leadership in their unions. We will {have complete facilities for all | Sports activities, including a gym |which will contain a basketball |court and other gymnastic equip- ment, all forms of social and cul- | tural activities, discussions, forums and lectures on trade unionism and topics of the day with prominent speakers. But we need a start! After hav- | ing explained the importance of this project to leading Party com- rades in the unions and showing how it will assist in building their union we have asked them for their | cooperation. With abow+ $200 we | could establish such a center, We have planned on ways and means of making it self-supporting. Every comrade we ‘spoke to said it was a grand idea, some even told us | that they had thought of it years ago, others scolded us for having waited so long before starting such |@ progressive venture. All saw its potentialities and promised their | help. We gave them only two tasks: 1—Publicize the center in the union, | 2—See to it that we get the quota | assiened to your union, immediately. __ Nearly six weeks have passed and | less than $50 has been collected, What About It? Not one union has met its quota, | despite the fact that the highest Sum requested from any one union has been $30. The metal, food, marine, shoe (whose executive board voted us $25) and other smaller unions haven't contributed one |penny, to date, and you will note that it is especially these unions | that have a very high percentage | of youth. Tt is the task of the Party mem- | bers in the unions and in the first | place the members of the leading | fractions to see to it that these tasks are carried out, and we are | sure that if this question is brought jinto the unions, it will receive the fullest support. We would suggest that our leading Party comrades in the trade unions should reread the decisions of the Fighth Convention of the Party which state: “The present underestimation tion, etc? Several days later Hear: peared with screaming head University as a “hotbed of\radicalism A similar experiment w student” quizzed the professor on a vari Was he a Communist? Did he believe ty of subjects. in the Constitu- st’s Syracuse Journal ap- lines “exposing” Syracuse as repeated in New York City with two professors at Teachers’ College, Columbia University Awa e of what had happened in Syracuse, these professors took the precaution of having a stenographer present during the “interview. Challenged, the Hearst reporter frankly confessed that he was working under orders. THEY HEAR! Deported As “U Worker Wins High Place in USSR By Vern Smith MOSCOW, U. 5. 8. R. (By Mail). —John Zilich, born in Yugoslavia, went to America and worked there at useful labor for thirty years. He worked in mines, smelters, and ma- chine shops and steel mills all over the country. He felt himself a mem- ber of the American working class. He joined their unions, went on strike with them, helped them fight for higher wages. He did-his work well, committed no crime—except the crime, under capitalist law, of being a class conscious worker. But, however much he might feel himself a part of the American scene, in the eyes of the bosses, Zil- ich remained an alien. There was) never any suggestion that he might | become a part of the government. He was not invited to sit in any legislatures. Instead, he was forced to lie in jail. Zilich was arrested with other workers in the then famous “Wood- lawn Case,” and charged with trea- Son against the state of Pennsylva- nia and the United States, Some of the Woodlawn defendants got pris- on sentences. Some were deported. Zilich, despite his thirty years of building industry for the capitalists of America, was kicked out of the country. The only thing proved against the Woodlawn defendants | deny a foreign worker his political equality in this election, and it met with instant and severe rebuke. _ Neither does race interfere with the rictht to vote and hold office in the Soviet Union. One of the en- gineers at the First State Ball Bear- present and given the right to vote and be nominated for office. This is the only case so far as I know where even an attempt was made to held again, with the foreign workers was possession of Communist litera- ture. Zilich came to the Soviet Union. He got a job at the new steel town of Magnitogorsk, in the Ural moun- tains, the town, or rather, city, and neglect of daily, systematic work among the young workers is a reformist remnant especially dangerous to the Party, against which the Party declares the sharpest struggle. The Eighth Convention instructs all leading bodies to exercise the sharpest control in the carrying out of the tasks laid down in this resolution. The Eighth Convention declares that underestimation or neglect of this work is incompatible with the capacity to fill leading positions in the Communist Party.” So, comrades, give us a chance. We'll show you what can be done, if we have only the slightest help. H. B., Organizer Youth Section, T, U, U. C. | abilities by choosing him in the “You realize, of course,” he said, “that because of my assignment I will have to select the most sensa- udesivaide- ‘Alien. : William Randolph Hearst Lies About the Communist Party WORKERS WILL ! Vy R. WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST has irder and starvation” OT BELIEVE YARNS ABOUT SOVIET UNION WHEN THEY KNGW HEARST LIES ABOUT AMERICA tional statements from the int good case. munism in the United States. These contemptible, slim istic of Hearst journalism. Hearst lies every day, ev the United States. He lies about the Communist Party of the United States, and about the triumphant rule of the proletariat in the Soviet Union. The workers of the United States will see through s and recognize Mr. Hearst as one of their most these li dangerous enemies! by Burck which was created during the First Five Year Plan on the barren slopes | of a mountain range rich in iron} ore. There, where no settlement ex- | isted before, a teeming city, a giant steel mill with about 4,000 tons pro- duction a day, and a rolling mill, center around the richest <iad most nearly inexhaustible iron mines in the world. Zilich threw himself into the task | of building socialism. He became one of the best udarniks, or shock | workers, fulfilling the tasks assigned | to him, and teaching others his skill, | acquired in all those thirty years of toil in America. | Zilich became even more skilled. | The Soviet system promotes and re- | wards skill. He became a heat ‘treatment specialist in the repair shop at Magnitogorsk, | And then the workers, with whom Zilich labored, showed their appre- ciation and understanding of his election just finished there, as their | representative to the city soviet of | Magnitogorsk, as a member of the government, To the workers, who rule this! country, Zilich was never a for-} eigner. I do not know whether he | ever formally gave up his foreign citizenship and took Soviet citizen- ship, or not. Probably half those who voted for him do not know either. In the Soviet Union, it} doesn’t matter. The Soviet election Jaw clearly states that foreign work- ers in the Land of the Soviets have full political rights, to elect and to) be elected to government office from ; the lowest to the highest, and all} other rights in full equality with Soviet citizens, without regard to whether they have surrendered their foreign citizenship or not. So firmly is this rule enforced that in this election, when some Petty offic’als at the Andre Marty shipyard in Odessa failed to send notices of the election, which no- tices serve as admission cards to the election meeting, to eight for- eign workers employed there. the higher election commission nullified the whole election and ordered it ing Factory in Moscow is the Amer- | ican Negro, Robert Robinson. Robinson would probably have a good deal of difficulty voting in the United States. In most south- ern states he certainly could not vote. Where some form of the “Grandfather Law” does not bar him, he would simply be lynched if he tried to go to the polls. The whole Negro electorate is barred from franchise by this beautifully simple procedure in a considerable section of the U. 8S. A. His chance to be elected to public office would ke still slimmer. But here, because of his good |coming to the Soviet. | was one of those selected to help put the newly built Ball Bearing | Sincere builder of socialism, the white workers of the Ball Bearing Plant elected him unanimously to the Moscow Soviet, as their deputy and representative, without regard to his foreign nationality. Robinson is of West Indian birth, but came to the U. S. A. young in life. He had a bitter struggle there against Jim Crowism (unknown in the Soviet Union), against discrimi- and a terrible fight to get a high- er education (which here is the nat- ural right of any worker who shows himself able to benefit by it). Robinson was invited to come to the Soviet Union by a Soviet Automo- ile delegation to the Ford plant in America. He was working then at Ford's. He worked first at tae Sta- lingrad Automobile Plant after Union, and Plant on its fect, in 1932. He has been taking political science courses here in night school. A considerable number of other foreign workers of all nationalities have been elected to soviets this year in U. S. S. R,, including some other Americans: one is a man named Genat, a Hungerian by birth but in the United States for years. Ancther is an American Finn, Eino Laurilo, who came to Karelia in 1931 and works in the Petroskoi Auto Repair Plant. Laurilo, how- ever, has taken out Soviet citizen- ship. But he could have been just as easily elected without that. Jobless Miners Hold Firm in Relief Sirike GALLUP, N. M,, Jan. 10.—The strike on the Federal Relief Project that began here last week and is being led by the Unemployed Local of the National Miners Union, has successfuily defeated attempts by the relief officials to get the men to go back to work without granting their demands for increased relief. A committee of the strikers head- ed by J. F. Backa, chairman of the Unemployed Local of the National Miners Union and Frank Williams, secretary of the union, met with re- lief officials to present their de- mands for increased relief and sup- port of the Workers’ Bill, H. R. 2827, but refused to call the strike off until their demands were granted, The strike committee has asked that workers’ organizations send resolutions of support to the strike. to Mrs. Justin Langer, State food expert, Santa Fe, N. M., and to M. Daniels, supervisor of welfare, and Royal Smith, project manager of Federal Emergency Relief, Gallup, work, and because they felt him a New Mexico, & That is what Mr, Hearst is expecting.” This is the Hearst method. This is how Hearst obtains his “facts” nation on the job (unknown here), | 25| erview in order to make a about Com- y methods are character- ery moment about life in | World Front By HARRY GANNES - The British Rainbow | Hunger at the End | Brisbane Distortions HE American capitalists are riotously generous in | their newspaper headlines at | least, with the money of the bosses of other lands. This | is especially well illustrated |in the recent cable story from {London on the new trick move of | the British government inthe field |of unemployment doles. | When the story was first carried, |the New York Sun, for instance, |made it appear that the British government had passed a bill guar- ;anteeing all workers earning less | than $25 a week sufficient to make up that sum. And they declared— in the headlines, of course—that | 17,000,000 workers would benefit. | But the more one investigates the | stories, even in the capitalist press, |t he more one can see that every move against the workers is trans< | lated, in the boss press, as a great hoon to the wage slaves. It’s all ; Very much like Roosevelt's scheme |to take workers off the relief lists j and put them—or a smail propor= | tion of them—on work relief, and then throw them off work relief into the garbage can. In England the situation is of a | different complexion because there | the workers have won at least some meagre form of unemployment in- | Surence. The aim of the employers now is to try to lower the amount |the workers get, while the workers | fight for an increase in the small dole | NOW let’s trace the story. Arthur Brisbane, quick to use every | quirk in the news to amaze and be= | fuddle his readers, takes up the ise sue, He writes: | “The British government assumes responsibility for the care and maintenance of every able-bodied worker, insured or not insured, whose wages, when he works are less than $25 a week. “Seventeen million British wage }earners will get enough pay from |the government, in cash, to bring their incomes up to ‘a living stand- ard’ and idle workers will receive | from the government cash on which | to live, as a matter of right and de- |cenoy, with no ‘charity stigma.’” (Emphasis his.) | This is a lie out of the whole cloth. Not a single employed. | worker gets a cent, even if his chil- dren are dying of malnutrition. In fact, the total sum provided with the new measure is $25,000,000, and, since the majority of the .17,000,000 {don't even get half of $25 a week, the $25,000,000 wouldn’t last a week. What actually happened in Eng- ‘land is that the government of the | British slave-holders, with its skilled ex-Sccialist leader, Ramsay Mac- ‘Donald, at its head, has worked out a scheme to save money at the | expense of the unemployed. | A new fund has been created, ‘not by the bosses shelling out any more money, but by transferring | municipal and county poor funds into a central deposit, and by cut- ting down on payments, thereby saving the bosses a pretty penny, Now, here is some proof of the distortion of the editorial and | head-writers of the capitalist press. | The United Press cable from Lone | don relating the event declares: “The board (in charge of the new arrangement of relief payments to | those who are no longer eligible to unemployment insurance) _ starts work with a government deposit in the Bank of England of $25,000,000, The bulk of the money is a book- keeping transfer of funds handled hitherto by local authorities.” But even this bookkeeping scheme is a double-entry system aimed at swindling the workers. We read further on in, the U. P. story that | the tories (and their ex-Labor Party | associaves) are playing politics in ‘order to preserve the fortunes of the rich against the demands of the workers. We quote the cable: . “If it seems strange that gov= ernment dominated by the Cen- servative Pariy should place so heavy a burden upon the stoop- ing shoulders of John Bull, Part 1 of the unemployment assistance act of 1934 makes the reason plain. “The new act definitely puts a stop to further borrowing by the unemployment insurance fund and compels the board to werk steadily toward making that fund solvent and ‘actuariclly sound, Second, it attempts to take the whole question out of politics by giving the board complete power to determine the scale of assiste ance without any detailed inter- ference from Parliament. Third, since the present swing to the Left is resulting in the Labor Party’s election of numerous local authorities, if removes any temptation to appeal to the electors by promising increased unemployment assistance.” U | b

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