The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1935, Page 5

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i‘ — | Change the World! By MICHAEL GOLD IRTY Willie Hearst is busy as a rat in a corncrib. He has begun a campaign to make America a Nazi land. Dirty Willie was once charged with inspiring the as- sassination of President McKinley. Today Dirty Willie is laying the train for bigger and better crimes—for the mass murder of every liberal, Jew, Negro, Japanese, Socialist, Communist, and all the rest of the population earning less than $25,000 a year. I notice that one of Hearst's trained hound-dogs in this work is none other than Richard Washburn Child. The Hearst pavers syndicate a red-baiting rticle by Child every day, and under the by-line tell us who he is. Mr. Child, children, is “a noted author and former U. S. Ambassador to Italy.” It happens that years ago, I heard this Mr. Child speak to a students’ literary group at Harvard College. Mr. Child is a “distinguished’’ alumnus of that most aristocratic of American universities. He surely had on a most distinguished appearance that afternoon, I remember, and impressed us all enormously. One could easily see that Mr. Child came from an old and distinguished American family. His hair was parted in the middle, and he wore a wing collar and bow necktie. He had perfectly creased pants. Let me confess it now, this man made me feel inferior and melancholy. If it took all this fine heredity and skillful tailoring to become a writer, then I was permanently out. Later I discovered that Mr. Child wrote regu- larly in the Saturday Evening Post, and I began to follow his short stories there. What a real joy they brought, what medicine for my humility! For I discovered I didn’t need to envy the wonderful and flawless aristocrat; why this Mr. Child, under the glorious facade, was only another bowl of stale tripe—a manufacturer of hack romances for the pulp-magazine market, Hooray! . , . How to Be An Ambassador HE good and great President Harding, who died of overeating crabs, was also a famous lover of camembert, it seems, for he made Richard Wash- burn Child the American Ambassador to Fascist Ttaly. How the other literary limburgers on the Satui - day Evening Post ground their teeth with envy. I happened to know one who was a terrific souse and foul-mouthed lecher and who also wrote little tender stories of pure young love for the Post. ‘This man, lying in a gutter and raving at the moon, managed to say, one night, before the cop dragged him off, “I am a mental prostitute, gentlemen, but TI am also a patriot, so why the hell did they break my heart and make Richard Washburn Child the Ambassador to Italy? He can’t write, gentlemen, never, never!” No, writing is only an incident in such a care a graceful way of marking time until the bie moment comes. And it come for Dickie, as the boys called Mr. Child. * . * Pimping for Judas S I REMEMBER it, Mr. Child was furnighing advice to Mussolini even before that cunning Judas had betrayed the Italian masses. Mr. Child was close to the Leader, and worshipped him with an almost girlish awe. I can remember many articles that the Am- bassador wrote in the Sat. Eve. Post about that time, gushing over Mussolini, recounting how mar- velously the trains now ran on time in Italy, and the Reds were all butchered off nicely or in jail. Mr. Child liked every bit of it. The time wasn't ripe to preach fascism for America, and after all, he was a diplomat, but it was difficult for him to restrain his joy in the new gospel of fascism. * * A New Job for Dick ND now this ex-Ambassador and fascist has been hired by Dirty Willie to take up the threads of yesteryear. The time, evidently, has come for Amer- ean fascism. Who could Dirty Willie have chosen better qualified to inaugurate such a campaign than Blackshirt Dickie? Does he scorn to write for Hearst in the style Dirty Willie prefers, that shabby, vulgar, mawkish simplicity, that writing-down and yellow friend- of-the-people style perfected by Brisbane? No, Mr. Child doesn’t scorn it. But here are a few patches from one of the editorials of this hero of fascism, using his own syntax, capitals, and punctuation. Read it, and if you must vomit, please don’t do it on the carpet... * * . Capital Letters and All By RICHARD WASHBURN CHILD Noted author and former Ambassador to Italy “A group of professors have written a ‘ROUND ROBIN’.” Professors’ round robins begin an ornithological sequence which in the last twenty years has led to ROUND CUCKOOS and ROUND DODOES. This time the round cuckoo is addressed to the McCormack-Dickstein Committee and complains be- cause the Hearst newspapers are EXPOSING Tz PROGRESS OF COMMUNISM IN CERTAIN COL- LEGES AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS. And the reason for complaint given by the pro- fessors is that the Hearst papers are TELLING THE. TRUTH! The position of the perplexed professors is that telling the truth may result in suppression of Amer- ican free speech! The logic of this is so ridiculous that it refiects upon the ability of these sign-here, professorial petitioners to pass an examination in elementrary logic. Do they expect certain professors to be RED and at the same time ask that freedom of speech about their REDNESS be suppressed? Do they want a free press to SUPPRESS FACTS? The Hearst papers have not preached suppres- sion of freedom of speech. They have not preached suppression of TRUTH. They are for several kinds of FREEDOM. One essential FREEDOM which even a Red pro- fessor cannot deny is the— Freedom of parents NOT to send boys and girls to places where all the parental training of years, in respect for our Government, our family life and our religious beliefs, will bp—-ROTTENIZED.” * * * There it is—Rottenized §° THERE it is for the record, rottenized Mr. Child doing his act for Dirty Willie. It does smell, doesn’t it? Mark the logic by which the pro- fessors’ protest against Nazi assaults on their free- dom is turned into an argument for Mr. Hearst. Clever, Mr. Child! But very rotten. I have met more honorable men than you on the breadlines, and finer aristocrats of the spirit than ever you were or could be in sweatshops, focs'le, and coal mines, Little Lefty MOM, PoP, AND NEW YORK ARE FAR BEHIND AS “he Speciat “TRAIN BEARING 800 DELEGaTES RUSHES 4O “HE UNEM- PLOYMENT CONGRESS IN WASHINGTON, 0.¢. -~ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 11, 1935 LISTEN AY HOSE ENETALIAN | WORKERS SING J BANDIERRA } | Good As Gold! WELL |'LL BE SIGGERED! 17'S MIKE PTR ANS iN EXONONS wa PA WLAN, SN a“ IRAN: Notable Articles | In Soviet Issue | Of New Theatre | NEW THEATER, January, Special Soviet Issue: Organ of the League of Workers’ Theatres, Film and League, 10 cents. Reviewed by | EDWARD DAHLBERG | EW THEATER MAGAZINE, edited by Herbert Kline and Leo | T. Hurwitz and others, has today | 12,000 readers; a year ago it had an audience of 2,500. The editors are celebrating the first anniversary with a special Soviet issue compiled .| in Moscow by Jay Leyda and Pearl Attasheva, | The first article, Yesterday, by | Anatoli Glebov, Soviet poet and dramatist, is a slender but poignant | picture of te workers’ theater of Old Russia. The workers, living in scrawny consumptive districts very much like the pellagra-ridden com- pany towns in West Virginia, longed for a club house, a home-made the- ater, © tree, something green, a park. But in this down-at-the-heel industrial alley, which Glebov de- scribes, there was nothing. The j clubhouses of that time, which were |; also the theaters, were under | the patronage of the People’s Tem- | perance Society, and were breeding grounds for hooliganism and drunk- | enness, | Glebov presents a documented | letter written by seventy-five work- ers employed by the Silk Manufac- | turing Company of that semi-feudal period. This worker’s statement has | the same uneasy and disturbing ef- | fect upon the reader as some of the passages out of Dostoievsky’s Poor | People or Gorki’s early short stories, “We in our district,” they wrote, “lack everything. There isn’t even |a place to spend the few days and} jevenings that we don’t work. To | sit a whole day in the bed-room is | both tiresome and boring, and to | Stay outside, in front of the house is strictly forbidden. As a result, unwillingly, people go to the saloons ,and wine cellars. There you have | everything: wine, beer, harmonica | players, acrobats, prostitutes and ‘even places for sexual relations. In | our district there isn't even a single belie Sarre In Soviet Theater Today, Hein- | rich Diament, editor of Internation- | | al Theatre, writes: “... the U. S. |S. R. has 560 professional theaters | and 4,687 workers’ theaters!” ew ie 'HE two most exciting articles in |4 the entire magazine are, The |State Jewish Theater, by Leon | Moussinac and Meyerhold’s New | Theater, by H. W. L. Dana. The Jewish theater, modeled upon the | geometric canvases of Marc Cha- | gall, the painter, reveal a profound- Photo League and Workers’ Dance | Framing lHonielew Single Men Organized by Denny Against Forced Labor By James Gilbert | ({N January 14, Edward Denny, the fourth of the eleven Oregon | | workers charged with criminal syn- dicalism as a result of raids organ- | ized by police in an effo:t to bre | the West Coast strike, goes on trial in Portland. Three workers have already been convicted. Don Cluster, Y. C. L. or- | ganizer, was sentenced to a year. Dirk DeJonge. whose militant | speech in court has stirred enthus- jasm all over the country, was se! | tenced to seven years. In Medford, | Ore, Kyle Pugh was sentenced io five years. All these cases are being appeaied by the International Labor Defense, | The stories of two of these de-| | fendants, Pugh and Denny, are pre- | | sented here. Kyle Pugh—Miner YLE PUGH is 48 years old. He} | was born in Virginia, where he | worked for many years as a miner. Later he worked in the mines at | Butte, Montana, and as a lumber worker in the Northwest. He is a world-war veteran, with a record of | fifteen months service. Three years | ago, Pugh went to Southern Oregon | to prospect for gold. He didn’t find | any. | Early in 1934, he began to sell) working-class literature over the | whole tremendous territory of | Southern Oregon. His regular route | was between Medford and Grants | | Pass. His mode of conveyance was | | a wooden cart, which he built him- | self, pulled by a donkey. | | The workers and the impover- ished farmers of this region looked | forward eagerly to his visits. They | were anxious for news of the work- | ing-class struggle in this country, and bought the Daily Worker and the Western Worker as fast as he could bring new issues around. “Criminal Syndicalism” | Suddenly, in the series of arrests | and raids which swept up and down the West Coast following the great strike, Kyle Pugh, the literature | agent of Southern Oregon, was ar- rested, on September 9. | The police seized his stock of pamphlets and papers. In the in- | dictment they listed the literature which they charged “contained matters advocating criminal syndi- calism, sabotage, crime, physical | violence and unlawful acts as a| | means of accomplishing and effect- | ing industrial and political change and revolution, contrary to the ly imagined stage of scenic pig-| ments and highly stylized symbol- | isms which make the mechanical contrivances of the Broadway the- | ater, with its simplified Photo- | graphic gesture, seem puerile. Only | ‘ Artef, in its remarkably beautiful | | Production, Recruits, has shown | i such audacity. | | In the Soviet Union realism has | Life and not been copyrighted; there is no single grooved approach to objects; |a table or a wall may be imagined | ways. Meyerhold, for instance does not believe in photographic repre- sentation, but bases his theater aesthetic upon Pavlov'’s “condition- | alism.” Dana, explaining Meyerhold’s | way of seeing, writes: “... It is not | necessary to have the stimulus of | the actual objects. It is sufficient \to have the stimulus of conditions associated with them which pro- duce the emotions through the power of suggestion.” What is particularly heartening is that these Soviet articles are shot through with the problems of the individual, the concrete living man as opposed to the truncated, jour- nalese protagonist. “Eisenstein even declares,” writes Marie Seton in A New Generation, “today that typeage is passed,” and adds, quoting Marx: “All emanci- pation leads back to the human world, to relationships, to men themselves.” Articles by Eisenstein on the cinema, and Chen I-wan on the dance, emphasize this approach. LEXANDER’S appraisal of Mel- vin Levy's Gold Eagle Guy, al- though correct, is not specific enough, and is too much of a for- mulation. He devotes almost as much time and paper to the “his- toric functions” of the playwright and his interpretations become asides instead of arising out of the context of the author’s materials and intentions. However, as op- posed to stencilled reviewing, one should not fail to mention Ben Blake's From Agitprop to Realism, which gives a precise and thought- ful approach to the repertory of the OW ay ee New Theater is an incontestable proof that a mass audience can be had for a cultural magazine; the stage, the novel, the poem has been too little considered as a political weapon; ‘his vital revolutionary magazine of the theater has ploughed the way; we should fol- low it and celebrate with it by reading it, € v. | or perceived in a thousand different | CHAPTER Ii. The Life of Lenin vo. 'HESE were adopted by the Bol- | 4 sheviks abroad and in Russia, and were developed into the Mani- \festo of the Central of Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, written by Lenin in October, and published on Novem- ber 1, 1914. The September theses were dis-_ cussed and partly adopted by the Italo-Swiss Socialist Conference at Lugano in September, 1914, which was the forerunner of the Zimmer- wald International Socialist Confer- ence in September, 1915. At Zim- merwald the revolutionary left-wing was led by Lenin, and gained in- creasingly in influence at the Kien- thal Conference in April, 1916. From the Zimmerwald Left, which was maintained as a permanent inter- national grouping, the path runs straight to the new Third or Com- munist International, finally con- stituted in 1919, into which the revolutionary left-wing of Zimmer- wald was merged. Thus, from 1914 onwards Lenin was the direct leader of interna- tional socialism, at first with only a nucleus of supporters, but after a few years with millions following his leadership throughout the world. oe ENIN’S line on the war followed and applied the line of revolu- tionary Marxism to the concrete situation of the war of 1914-1918. through a host of articles, speeches, resolutions and brochures, (especial- ly, “Socialism and War” in 1915; “The Collapse of the Second Inter- national” in 1915; the special study of the general character of the epoch, “Imperialism,” in 1916; and the series of articles, collected under the title “Against the Stream,” of 1914-1916), as well as through direct contact with the representatives of the movements of the leading coun- tries, Lenin fought continuously for three main propositions: First, that the war was not a war for “national defense,” as the jingo ex-Socialist leaders falsely claimed, and on the strength of which claim Why Ae the Portland Bosses Up Pugh and Denny? vided, and against the peace and dignity of the State of Oregon,”— in order words, criminal syndical- ism. The case was railroaded through, with a jury composed primarily of owners of large farms, and wives of merchants. The prosecutor spent an hour and a half in presenting his case. He simply presented two Police officers to testify to the se’: ure of the literature, and hurriediy read through a few passages from it The court was packed with workers and farmers who had :ead these pamphlets themselves, and saw the clear frame-up character of the case. Bui the mass movement was not sufficient to force the jury of picked reactionaries to set Pugh free. He was sentenced to five years impris- onment in Oregon Penitentiary- Story of Edward Denny IDWARD DENNY, one of the Port- land criminal syndicalism de- fendants, although a recent recruit to the revolutionary movement, is | by no-means unfamiliar with past applications of militant strategy on the part of American labor. rested with three other defendants at the now historic protest meeting July 27, 1934, against the terror launched against the West Coast Strikers, while acting as chairman of the assemblage had taken part | in at least three significant labor struggles prior to his affiliation with the leftward movement in 1933. A refugee of the San Francisco bitterness of the struggle American workmen are compelled to wage in order to maintain a livelihood in a rapidly decreasing labor market. Organized Strike While employed by the Durham | had been called to protest the shoot- | statutes in such cases made and! Duplex Razor Company, he helped | ing down of four Portland strikers. Teachings By R. PALME DUTT The Daily Worker is printing serially the extremely valuable and popular booklet. by R. Palme Dutt, “Life and Teachings of V. J. Lenin,” published by Interna- tional Publishers, January 21 will be the eleventh anniversary of the death of Lenin. During these ten years the teach- ings of Lenin have spread to ever wider sections of the globe, inspir- ing the workers and oppressed to greater assaults on capitalism. The Daily Worker considers it a great service to its readers to be able to present this clear and ex- cellent portrayal of the life and teachings of the great leader of the working class, V. I. Lenin. the masses were drawn into the war, but an imperialist war: that is to say, a war of the great imperialist powers of finance-capitalist groups for world profits and world plunder, for territorial annexations, tribute and colonies (the subsequently re- vealed secret treaties of the Entente Powers, the Brest-Litovsk Treaty imposed by Germany, and the Ver- sailles Treaty imposed by the vic- torious Entente fully confirmed the correctness of this analysis). Marxism, Lenin insisted, was not | necessarily opposed to any and every war, so’ long as social and national oppression remained: it recognized the necessity and justification of a revolutionary (in defense of a so- cialist fatherland against capitalist attack), or of a war of national lib- eration (as of the Indian or Chinese peoples against imperialism). But in the present imperialist war the working masses had no interest to kill one another for the. profit of their masters: their interest was to unite against the imperialists. Second, that the consequent line of the working class in every coun- try must be to fight their own im- Perialists, to transform the impe- rialist war into civil war, into war for the overthrow of the capitalist class and for the victory of social- ism. There was no other way out from the cycle of world wars and universal destruction into which ( 4ULLO Lerry HOW ARE You A sur- | veyor by trade, Denny, who was ar- | Box / wuar | COVERAGE | “THE ORILY 16 GIVIN' THIS CONGRESS !/ Charged With Criminal Syndicalism in Round Up After Coast Strike organize the strike of a few years | ago in Jersey City, N. J., which won for the company’s employees a $2 a week wage increase. Similar gains were won in two | other strikes in which Denny was a participant—the Curtiss-Wright | Airplane strike at Long Island and |the walkout of Clinton Asphalt | Company employees | Employment became scarcer and | Searcer, however, until finally—with | no prospect of work in sight—Denny | drifted westward. Thus, by 1933. unemployed and homeless he was | registered in the Single Men's Re- lief Department of the “Commons” |at Portland, Oregon. Here, depression, a system of “forced | labor” had been initiated for “benefit” of the single men. Shortly after Denny's arrival, however, a local of the Unemploy- | ment Council was formed among | the single men and he was promptly | elected organizer of the local. With | his help a campaign was launched | against the “forced labor” policy of | the Multnomah County Relief Board and this campaign culminated in the Woodyard Strike of March, 1933. | Several demands were won in this strike, although Denny and 37 of |his comrades were arrested as a | result of their activities. So great, ‘however, was public protest over the | arrests that all defendants were re- | leasec, “Don't Scab” When the longshore called last summer, Denny became | active in organizing the single men | against the possibility of any of the |unemployed scabbing on the long- shoremen. The Single Men's local of the Unemployment Council be- came a significant factor in the | Portland strike—so significant that its policy called forth a denuncia- tion from the capitalist. press. Down on the picket line, in front of em- ployment agencies, before unem- loyed locals throughout the city, | “Don't scab on your fellow workers” | became the watchword of the Single Workers’ local. | Thus a long series of events had {by July 27, 1934, made Edward Denny, now 34 years of age, a de- sirable target for the wrath of Port- land's red squad. Arrested and charged with criminal syndicalism, his release from the Multnomah | And now, as the third G. S, defend- {ant to stand trial in the Oregon | courts, he faces ten years in the | Oregon State Penitentiary for act- ing as chairman of a meeting that of Lenin capitalism had now entered. The | necessary consequence of this, that | | revolutionary agitation in war was| | equivalent to working for the defeat | |of “one’s own” government, was | clearly faced. | To denounce only enemy impe-| rialism and support “one’s own” im- | | Perlalism was nothing but support | of imperialism. The workers, as| | Marx had said, and as all the ex-| | Socialist renegades now sought to | deny, had no fatherland. The ques- tion of revolutionary national de- fense could only arise, when the workers had conquered possession of their own country. Third, that the collapse of the| Second International was no mere formal severance of relations be- tween the Socialist parties owing to the War, to be healed by reunion after the war, but the exposure and | inevitable outcome of the oppor- tunist degeneration of the old So- cialist parties and their leadership. A new revolutionary working-class International would have to be built | up, purged of opportunism. “The Second International is dead, long | live the Third International!” (To Be Continued) 7:00-WEAF—Phil Cook Show Shop WOR—Sports Resume—Stan Lomax WJZ—Amos 'n’ Andy—Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge—Sketch 7:15-WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketeh WJZ—Plantation Echoes WABC—Just Plain Bill—Sketeh 1:30-WEAF—Hirsch Orch. WOR—Mystery Sketch WJZ—Red Davis—Sketch WABO—The O'Noills—Sketch 7:45-WEAF—Uncle Ezra—Sketch WOR—Front-Page Drama WJZ—Dangerous Paradise—Sketch WABC—Boake Carter, Commentator 00-WEAF—Bourdon Orch.; Jessica Dragonette, Soprano; Male Quartet WOR—Lone Ranger—Sketch ‘WsZ—Jewels of Enchantment—Sketch WABC—Variety Musicale 8:15-WJZ—Dick Leibert, Organ; Arm- bruster and Kraus, Piano; Mary Coutrlandt, Songs: Male Quartet WABC—Edwin C. Hill, Commentator 8:30-WOR—Katzman Orch; Lucille Pe- terson, Songs;, Choristers Quartet | ‘WJZ—Goodman Orch., Jane Pro- % imme- | |diately, after the inauguration of the | strike was | County jail was finally effected by | |the International Labor Defense. | TUNING by del “THE SINGING AND SHOUTING GRADUALLY DIES DOWN FIND UNCLE JOHN AND LEFTY GINE IN ~To THE SANOMAN — Bloody Autocracy Of Tsar Nicholas Exposed in Book THE LAST DAYS OF TSAR NICHOLAS, by P. M. Bykov. With an historical preface by Andrew Rothstein. International Publish- ers, $1.00 Reviewed by ISIDOR SCHNEIDER wus the publication recently of the letters of the Tsar and Tsarina, a new quiver of sympathy for the “martyrs” ran up and down bourgeois spines. Andrew Roth- stein, in his brilliant preface to this book, reproduces some of these quiverings, done in public the review columns of leading capitalist journals, with the rhetorical throbs that, accompanied them. But, of course, more than sympathy was expressed. The intent was double, to whitewash the last Romanoffs as innocents, and to blacken the Soviets. The fact that these Royal corre- spondents are absorbed in their letters, chiefly in trivialities, exon- erates them in the opinion of their apologists, from the crimes of the dynasty in its last years. And their execution, one of the clearest acts of justice upon crowned criminals that history can show, is strenu- | ously attacked. Rothstein directs against these ranks of deliberate and maudlin falsifiers a machine gun fire of | facts. He points out the consistent, undeviating, autocratic policy of the Tsar as revealed with the revolting repetition in the Tsar’s instructions |and notes on official papers, his insistence upon bloody repression, his scorn of generals who neglected to massacre when Massacre was unnecessary; for in the perverted |mind of the autocrat, even when ores overwhelmed masses submit without resistance, a little massacre upon them is useful as a lesson, | The legend of the execution of |the Tsar and his family circle as |a slaughter of the innocents, and |as an act unjustified by political necessity, that misty myth of bour- geois historians, must evaporate in |the strong light cast upon it by | Bykov. in ‘oo 'HE account is, in its main out- lines, well known. It is in the details that the book is revealing j and important, for it is on the de- | tails that, to a considerable extent, | |the legend builders have founded their structures. Bykov was Chairman of the So- viet of Ekaterinburg, where the | | Tsar and his family and their im- mediate servants spent their last | days. He writes, therefore, with the | authority of first hand knowledge. So long as the Tsar and his fam- |ily were under the care of the So- cial Revolutionists they were al- |lowed a court life, practically as |luxurious as in their days of power. They lived happily in the assurance that Kerensky would arrange their escape, if necessary, to their royal relatives in Windsor, and it required \the constant watchfulness of the workers to see that the escape was | not carried through. Unreliable elements, sympathetic to the Romanoffs, especially among the guard officers, worked their | way into association with the Tsar. Tobolsk at once became the center of intrigue, and the Soviet of the, Urals, alarmed, began to work toward removing the Tsar and his family to Ekaterinburg. IN EKATERINBURG, it soon be- came clear that wherever the Tsar | was, there counter-revolution im- mediately sank a root, and there) the forces of the counter-revolu- tion would converge. The Whites began to stream toward Ekaterinburg. A few 4 before its capture by the counter revolution the Royal family was ex- ecuted by shooting, in the cellar of | the house in which they had been imprisoned. The bodies were re- | moved to a pit, outside the town where they were destroyed, to pre- | vent a ghoulish use being made of | them as relics and as incitements | to the superstitious. Bykov's account is grave and vig- | orous, a recital as steel-like in its) historical logic, as the execution itself. IN man, Songs; Bob Hope, Comedian; James Melton, Tenor WABC—Court of Human Relations 9:00-WEAF—Lyman Orch.; Frank Munn, Tenor; Vivienne Segal, Songs WOR—Hillbilly Music ‘WJZ—Beatrice Lillie, Comedienne; Perrin Orch.; Cavaliers Quartet WABC—March of Time—Drama 9:30-WEAF—Bonime Orchestra; Pic and Comedians WOR—Dance Orchestra WJZ—Phil Baker, Comédian; Gabri- elle de Lys, Songs: Belasco Orch. | _ WABO—Hollywood Hotel—Sketch, with Dick Powell, Jane Williams, Ted Flo-Rita Orchestra, Others; Bebe Daniels & Ben Lyons, Guests 9:45-WOR—Singin’ Sam | 10:00-WEAF—Dramatic Sketch WOR—Elaine Jordan, Songs WsZ—Relation of Unified Industry to Recovery —Charles R. Hook, President, American Rolling Mills Company { | 10:15-WOR-—Current Events—H. "E, Read WJZ—To Be Announced i Page 5 Questions and Answer This department appears daily on the feature page. All questions should be addressed to “Ques- tions and Answers,” ¢ 0 Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. Question: gram of the Why do Communists attack the pro- the Utopians are for a cooperative state which would do away with depressions?—M. B. S Answer: The Utopians are among the many movements that have sorung up as the result of the growing dissatisfaction of the macses w tolerable conditions. ‘They are utilized by the capi- talist class to divert the discontented toilers into safe channels, and to keep them from moving to- wards the revolutionary solution of the crisis. Movements like the Utopians hide their defense of the existing scheme of things with phrases about ith ‘cooperative states,” and foster the illusion that capitalism can be reformed “by peaceful means under the Constitutio: Like the Nazis they blame the evils of can’ ism upon seculation,” and distinguish between good and bad canita s. They also consider “strikes wasteful;” and speak of “un- employment insurance and old-age pensions, as patchwork paneceas It can thus be seen that on every point they adopt a position that is not in the interests of the working clas They attack the fight for unem- ployment and social insurance which is the cen- tral demand and need of the workers. They adopt the Nazi practice of blaming the evils of capital~ ism upon the “sveculator.” They block the fight for immediate demands which is the matrix out of which develovs the struggle for the revolution- ary overthrow of capitalism. In conclusion, we must emphasize that capitalism cannot be reformed through the constitution. The latter is the legal expression of the property rights of the ca li and as such has always been used as an instru- ment against the interests of the workers. Question: In the event of war between the So- viet Union and Japan what would be the position of the Communist Party, if for reasons of their own the American imperialists were to declare war upon their Japanese rivals?—Study Group. Answer: The question relates to a hypothetical situation. It is highly tmprobable that events will lead the American imperialists to attack their Ja- panese rivals at a time when the latter were wag- ing an imperialist war of aggression against the Soviet. Union. The most likely course would be that the American bourgeoisie would sell munitions and supplies to the Javanese militarists, and hope that the situation would result in a stalemate from which they could realize their own imperialist am- bitions. But if the situation did crystallize out in the form of your hypothesis, the position of the Amer- ican Communist Party would still be to wage a relentless and unceasing war against capitalism and our own imperialists. It would raise Lenin's slogan of turning the imperialist war into a revo- lutionary civil war against the capitalists. And all Communists would be in the forefront of this fight against American imperialism, realizing that the only genuine ally of the workers’ fatherland would be a Soviet America. It is pertinent to conclude that while your ques- tion is justifiable as a bit of speculation, it is far more important to keep your eyes fixed on the present situation. Every enemy of capitalism and every friend of the Soviet Union will be infinitely more useful if he interests himself in the movement to establish the broadest united front in the fight against hunger, fascism and wer. The success of this struggle would obviate the necessity of posing your question even as a hypothesis Chicago Critics Object Violently to Stevedore The Chicago showing of “Stevedore.” acknow- ledged as an important event in the American Thea- tre by every New York critic, has been damned by Chicago critics in violently abusive language. The Theatre Union is struggling to keep it on so that Chicago workers may have an opportunity to see a play that thrilled a total audience of 200,000 people in New York, and many organizations there are rallying to its support, according to Liston M. Oak, of the Theatre Union Executive Board, who heads the campaign there. The Chicago Tribune, reactionary and labor- hating paper, describes “Stevedore” as an attempt to “iritate and exacerbate an American racial prob- lem—to shout rhetorically about the grievances of the colored and to start an argument about ‘equal- ity’.” The stirring climax of the play that has brought a hundred audiences to their feet cheering the militant action of the stevedores, he calls a “warped emotional frenzy.” The Chicago American's critic, who takes care to let his readers know that he comes of Southern aristocracy, ends a grudging review with this bit of poison. “‘ ‘Stevedore’ may be ‘good theatre’ but Till leave it to Upton Sinclair if it isn’t lousy Com- munism.” In sharp contrast is the unanimous opinion of the working class press as to the dramatic power | as well as to the political significance of the play. It was summed up by Clarence Hathaway, the editor of the Dailv Worker, in the following words: “. .. Stevedore, as the first American play to tell the truth about Negro workers, and the use of lynchs ing to prevent unity of black and white in strug- gle, has great political significance. It is a triumph on the cultural front. Every New York worker should see it before it goes on tour, and every worker in Philadelphia, Chicago, Detroit, and other cities should see it when they are given the op- portunity.” HURRY! SEE IT NOW!! THEATRE UNION’S. SENSATIONAL DRAMATIC BIT stevedore THEATRE PARTIES AT STEVEDORE FOR The Benefit of Chicago United Workers’ Organizations. EVENINGS of JANUARY 15th and 17th ELWYN Theatre, Dearborn & Lake Sts. “Every worker in Chicago should see it, a triumph on the cultural front.” —CLARENCE HATHAWAY. It is TICKETS 40c to $2. MATS. WED. & SAT. TICKETS ON SALE IN CHICAGO AT: Chicago Workers School, 505 South State St.; Communist Party, 101 South Wells St.; International Labor Defense, 1703 W. Madison St; Trade Union Unity League, 1708 W. Madison St: Freiheit, 5228 W. Roosevelt Intetnations! Workers Or- r. 2457 W. Chieago Avé.; Workers Book Store, 2019 W. Division St.; Vilmis, 3116 8. Halsted St.; Rownost Ludn, 1510 W. 18th St, a ——

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