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i DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9, 1935 Page 3 2,900 DELEGATES CHEER AMTER’S CALL FOR HUNGER MARCH COUNCIL SECRETARY LEADS DELEGATION TO F.E.R.A. OFFICES |... om. Protest Made Against Hunger Doles Meted Out to, Jobless Under Roosevelt Scheme—Whole Administration Plan Assailed By Howard Boldt WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 8.—Twenty-five hundred delegates rose as one and cheered at the last session of the mighty National Congress for Unemployment Insurance yes-; terday when Israel Amter, secretary of the National Unem- ployment Councils and member of the National Action Com- mittee of this Congress, called for a®~ mighty mass hunger march of work- | ers and farmers on Washington to demand the enactment of the Work- | ers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, | H. R. 2827. | Amter reported on the results of | the visit of a delegation to the Fed- | eral Emergency Relief Administra- | tion, where the workers were greeted | with the administration’s cheery smile that fronts the misery of the | masses. For more than two hours yester- day, a mass delegation of 150 work- ers from the National Congress for Unemployment Insurance, headed | by Israel Amter presented demands | upon the Federal Emergency Relief Administration. In the absence of Federal Relief Administrator Harry Hovkins, who, the delegation was told, has been ill, | First-Assistant Federal Administra- | tor Aubrey Williams met with the delegation. Delegation Cheered The building housing the FERA is only a stone’s throw from the large Washington Auditorium where the delegates are convened. After the selection of the mass delegation, which represented a score of states, and social workers in the employ of the FERA, relief case workers, re- lief laborers and white collar work- ers and the unemployed and the so-called “unemployables,” to use the term of Roosevelt, the entire delegation marched out of the hall. The assembled delegates at the Con- gress rose to their feet and cheered. In double file, the delegates marched te the FERA building. Brushing aside the lone policeman, who was caught entirely unawares, the work- ers filed into the reception room and demanded an audience. A purple-jowled police lieutenant sought out Amter, who reaffirmed the determination of the delegates to meet with the FERA officials. “You Must Be Reasonable” Williams received the delegation, punctuated their demands with oily smiles; agreed with all their de- mands with greasy flair of liberal- ity:.and then backed down and called upon them to be patient. “TI wish I could. grant all of your de- mands,” he said, “but we are going a& far as.we can go. You must. be | reasonable despite the stress you are under.” He was asked to endorse the Workers Unemployment, Old Age and Social Insurance Bill, H. R. 2827. “Its general pronouncements are laudable and fine,” he answered, “but it seems very vague.” He de- clared that unemployment and so- cial insurance cover the present un- employables. Amter countered demanding to know in definite language if the congress could understand him’ as saying that he supported the gen- eral content of the bill, if he did not believe in its workability. Mr. Williams seemed thoroughly fam- iliar with the measure. He knew when it was introduced into the United States Congress and by whom; the support given the meas- ure by the historic workers’ con- gress nearby. And he answered that he believed fully in the schemes now being cooked up by Roosevelt's Economie Security Committee of Cabinet, Members. Scores Roosevelt Hunger Plans In an analysis of the Roosevelt schemes as they directly affect, the lives and welfare of the millions of unemployed and employed workers, Amter, in opening the session with Williams, posed the Roosevelt pro- gram as against the program adopted by the National Congress for Unemployment Insurance. In the name of the 2,500 delegates from 44 States who were at the National Congress, Amter protested against the refusal of relief to the vast majority of the unemployed and the hunger doles meted out to the jobless, especially in the South. “We maintain that the 19,000,000 unemployed workers on the relief lists do not in any sense represent the vast numbers of the unem- ployed, which with their dependents, to use the figure of William Green, total fully 40,000,000. Yet to these millions to whom your administra- tion does give relief, it gives only $3.96 a month in Mississippi to a higher amount in New York. Yet the average amount does not go above $20 a month, evidently a fig- ure which sati fies the government,” Amter sai* “But we are not,” he eontinuée., and launched into an WHAT'S ON Philadelphia, Pa. ORGANIZATIONS — Attention! All organizations are asked not to ar- range any affairs on April 26, 1935. ‘The Freiheit “Ernst Thaelmann.” sound picture, first time .in Philadelphia. Nature speakers Al jorial Mest- 9, & p.m. at Gewerbe Rail, and St. Adm. 30¢, ‘Auspices, Northeast Sec. C.P. Only Showing tn South Phila. sound Betaré showing the life and antifascist struggles in US, Prance England, Friday, Jan. 11, 8 pam. At 1208 Tasker 8.’ Adm. 25 : attack upon the whole new program announced by Roosevelt last Friday in his message to Congress. Social Workers Report A delegate to the National Con- gress for Unemployment Insurance from the Association of Public Re- lief Investigators of Minneapolis next took the floor and announced the unanimous support which ier | organization had given the Workers’ | Bill H. R. 2827. A fifteen point program, embodied in a resolution submitted by a sub- session of the Congress on workers within the relief agencies, was next. presented to Williams by a delegate from the Association of County Re- lief Employes of Philadelphia. The | demands included adequate wage schedules for all on the relief jobs, | abolition of the paupers’ oaths as a | | qualification for relief, | cash relief to meet all the needs of adequate the unemployed pending the set- ting up of a genuine system of un- | employment and social insurance. Full right of organization and full recognition were also demanded in the fifteen-point program and an end to all discrimination and police violence, A Negro social worker from New York, a member of the Unemploy- ment Councils of Detroit, who spoke in the name of the jobless single | men at Fisher Lodge — delegates | from Florida. the State of Wash- ington and Wisconsin, an agricul- tural worker from Iowa—took the | floor and demanded relief com-| was a victim of the usual “rape” | Gives Lyncher ‘His Freedom ial Act of Wo- | man Governor Is Blow to Negro Rights By HAROLD PREECE AUSTIN, Tex., Jan. 8.—J..D. Mc- ; Casland, convicted lyncher, has been pardoned by Miriam A. Fer- guson, retiring Governor of Texas, as a final insult to the Negro people and the white and Negro workers of Texas. McCasland was a member of a | lynch mob which burned the Gray- son County Court House in an ef- fort to lynch George Hughes, Negro ‘worker framed up on the tradi- | tional “rape” charge. The cow- ardly county officials deserted the building, leaving Hughes to perish, | while state ranger: and. national guardsmen exchanged jokes with leaders of the lynch mob. Hughes’ shackled body was found burned to death. No charge of murder was ever filed against McCasland or any of his cohorts. But for his attack on property, he was tried for arson and | riot, and given two years on each | count. He had been previously sen- tenced to nine years for burglary |and chicken stealing. The ruling class of Texas evidently consider a chicken more worthy of pro- tection than a Negro worker. After serving only two years of | his maximum sentence, McCasland has been released by that noted “friend” of the workers, “Ma” Fer- guson, Nor may the Negro workers of Texas expect any better treatment from the incoming governor, “Jim- | my” Allred. As Attorney General, Allred utilized the loopholes delib- erately left by the United States, Supreme Court in a decision on the | rights of Negroes to participate in the democratic primaries, to rule that Negroes were ineligible to vote in those primaries. At one politi- cal meting, Allred yelled insultingly to som. Negro listeners, “Stand back, you ‘niggers,’ in order that white democrats may hear what I have to say.” The facts of the Hughes frame-up case clearly indicate that Hughes In Fight Agai ‘Ma’ Ferguson Election Conference Chicago Will Plan nst Evictions Workers United Front Parley Sunday Will Rally Negro Masses for M unicipal Program of Social Equality CHICAGO, Ill, Jan. 8—R ent evictions on the South side, where there is a large Negro population, increased more than sixty per cent in the six-month period from June to Nov. over the corresponding period in 1933 according to bailiffs’ records, forefront in the City wide election rally of the Communist Party which will follow the workers’ united front conference on Sunday, at 10:30 a. m,, at Mirror Hall, 1136 North Western Avenue, “Of the five political parties which are participating in the elec- tions, only the Communist Party raises the demands of the Negroes,” said A. Guss, campaign manager of the Communist Party, in discussing the eviction records. “Not only does it stand alone in appraising the plight of the Negroes, but it is the only Party that follows its disci sures with a fight for Negro right “And in line with this policy, the problem of the Negro masses will be one of the outstanding points on the agenda of Sunday's meeting to which all Negro organizations are asked to send delegates,” said Gu | “As a further indication of the at- titude of the Communist Party to- | ward the Negroes, our nominee for City Clerk is Herbert Newton, weli- known Negro leader who is now serving a jail sentence for his fight against discrimination. The full support of the Party is behind New- ton, and we ask corresponding sup- port from the Negro population in Chicago. Robert Minor, who is well kniown for his years of activity in behalf | Three Times Raided, | Birmingham Negro Worker Fights Back | (Special to the Daily Worker) BIRMINGHAM, Ala, Jan. 8.— mensurate with a standard of health | set-up used by white landlords and The home of Steve Simmons, Negro and decency. “Four dollars and eighty cents | for a family of five is the top wage paid on work relief,” the Iowa farm | him his stipulated wages. A quar-|in North Birmingham. The ma- | Wil-| rel occurred between Hughes and | rauders worker said of his locality. Negroes. The landlord for whom Hughes worked had refused to pay ‘other employers against militant | worker, was invaded for the third | time last night as the reign of police | and Ku Klux Klan terror continued this time were police liams, who. is in charge of the| the landlord, and the latter’s wife| searching for “Communist litera- Works Division of the FERA, bright- | then came forward with a tale that | ture.” ened, He said, “But the wage is still forty cents an hour.” | “Yes,” the delegate answered, | “forty cents an hour for a twelve- | hour week—$4.80 a week for a fam- ily of five.” Drive on Councils by FERA | The delegate from Florida charged in the very chambers of the FERA, which pretends to permit organiza-_ tion of the unemployed, that the | State FERA of Florida, in ozder to | smash the powerful Unemployment. Councils, had paid organizers and disrupters out of federal relief money to organize a spurious “State Unemployment Council,” and lead the unemployed into defeat. FERA Administrator Williams sat stolidiy, sweated, and did not dare deny the charge, Later he asked the woman what relief was paid her—she pro- duced her last relief check of $1.75, and slowly read it off. Ben Lapidus, Buffalo organizer | for the United Action Committee on Work, Relief and Unemployment, | set forth the demands of the Lake seamen for a relief project admin- | istered by the seamen themselves. | He demanded the rescinding of the recent 10 per cent relief cut: insti- | tuted in Buffalo and a general 20 per cent relief increase for Buffalo as was won by two Council locals | in Buffalo, when the members packed the local relief station and refused to leave until their demands were granted. Amter Reports to Congress In his report, Amter read a mes- | sage from Representative Huddleston of Alabama, who declared that he) had read the Workers Unemploy- | ment, Old Age and Social Insurance | Act, H. R. 2827, and said “it is fit only for the trash basket.” “This is the answer of Represen- tative Huddleston,” Amter declared. “He comes from a State where the Negro people are more discrimi-| nated against than in any State of the union, from the State where the nine Scottsboro boys face death. And our answer will be that we will mobilize for this bill in the millions as Wwe are mobilizing for the defense of those nine innocent. boys.” That semi-fascist, Huey Long, Senator from Louisiana, however, Amier announced, had just en- dorsed the entire three-point pro- gram of the rank and file veterans convention. “This three-point pro- gram,” Amter said, “includes the Workers’ Bill, the immediate pay- ment of the cash bonus, and the repeal of the Roosevelt National Economy Act which has robbed-the wounded veterans of their liveli- hood.” In the conclusion of his short dramatic speech which was con- tinually interrupted by thunderous applause, Amter stated how the en- tire assembled congress was called together by the National Unemploy- ment Councils which issued the call that set up the sponsoring com- mittees. “We know that there is only one power in the country that. has achieved anything for the im- poverished workers and farmers — the mass power of the workers,” Amter concluded. ; “The National Unemployment Councils therefore propose that this | Congress call for a mass hunger march of workers and farmz-s to} Washington, at a date to b> by the National Action Commi’ 's> which this Congress has set up.” Hughes had “raped” her. McCas- land, a notorious petty thief, stopped his chicken depredations long enough to gather a lynch mob in order that “southern white womanhood might be vindicated.” Cc. P. Units—Greet the Daily Worker on its 11th Anniversary! (Note: The speech of Comrade Browder at the National Con- gress for Unemployment and So- cial Insurance contained the first public statement of the Party on the question of the building of a Labor Party as discussed in the Political Bureau. Here the Daily Worker presents the first of a series of articles on the question. We invite all Party comrades and Interested readers to participate | in this discussion.) ra é I In his address before the Na~ tional Congress for Social and Un- employment Insurance Comrade | Browder stated that: “We Communists are prepared to join hands, with all our force, with all our energy, all our fight- | ing capacity with all who are ready to fight against Wall St., against monopoly capital, in the formation of a broad mass party to carry on this fight, into a fighting Labor Party, based upon the trade unions, the unemployed counciis, the tarmers’ organiza- uon, all the mass organizations of toilers, with a program of de- mands and ot mass actions to improve the conditions of the masses at the expense of the rich, for measures such as the Farmers Emergency Relief Bill, the Negro Rights Bill and the Workers Un- employment and Social Insurance Bill.” To thos acquainted with the struggles of the workers in the last decade and the activities of the Communist Party in that period, it is well known that this is not an entirely new position of the Com- munist Party towards the formation of an inclusive party of labor sup- ported by the poor farmers—a Labor Party. For many years the Communist Party, as part of its” activity in separating the masses from the two old capitalist parties, advocated and worked for the for- mation of such a Labor Party. The slogan for the building of a Labor Party was for many years one of the central slogans of the Commu- nist Party. If this slogan was not in the foreground dyring the last period of years it was not because of any fundamental change on the part, of the Communist Party on this question. It was rather be- cause it was not a practical slogan of action until now. If now once again it becomes a practical slogan then the causes for this like the cause for our previous position is to be found only in the changing situation in the country and espe- cially in the labor movement. The slogan for a Labor Party be- came an important and practical slogan during and following the big struggles of the workers in the post - Period. These struggles cul- In previous raids, Simmons had been beaten up, and this time’a shot was fired from the house as the ma- rauders attempted to force en- trance, resulting in minor injuries to the right arm of Police Officer T. E. Lindsey. Swearing vengeance on Simmons, police have instituted a wide search for the Negro worker, year 1922 most of which were crushed as a result of the brutal attacks of the employers and the | government aided by the class col- laborationist policy of the Gom- |perses and the Greens, the reac- | tionary heads of the American Fed- eration of Labor. At that time the large numbers of workers who had | just entered into the trade unions, |comprising important sections in basic industries involving some of _the most exploited and oppressed sections of the working class began |to draw political conciusions from the role of the government in sup- pressing their struggles. They be- gan to see in the government and | in the two old parties that con- | stituted the federal, state and local governments, the ruling par- | ties, the instruments of the capital- ists, the bankers, the rich. As a |result, the workers in the trade unions rebelled not only against the strike policies of the A. F. of L. leaders, they demanded not only | amalgamation and industrial ‘unions, but insisted on an end to the so-called “non-partisan” policy of the A. F. of L. and the formation of a Labor Party, expressing the wishes and championing the imme- diate interests of the masses. The Communist Party then threw its full force in favor of this ex- | pression of the workers to break from the two old parties and for the formation of a Labor Party, |The activity of the Communist Party resulted in the fact that the movement for a Labor Party was endorsed by millions of trade unionists and received the support | of large sections of the unorganized workers. _ Naturally, the ruling class and its agents in the ranks of the labor nize this challenge. They could not stop the growth of the movement. | party tickets. They resorted to a moted the formation of a third capitalist party under the leader- ship of Senator LaFollette, in order | to off-set the real danger of the \formation of a genuine Labor | Party. | support of the leadership of the A. | F. of L., and of the Socialist Party then headed by Morris Hillquit. The LaFollette Trick | _In 1924 the LaFollette Progressive |Party nominated a national ticket headed by the Republican progres- sive LaFollette, and the Democrat |Bert Wheeler, Despite all the hesi- tation in the formation of even manner in which the bourgeois and | reformist leaders tried to dampen more serious manuever. They pro- In this swindle they received the | This evidence of the double exploitation of the Negro masses will be brought to the¢ |of the Negroes, will speak at the rally. Karl Lockner, the Communist candidate for Mayor, and Sam Hammersmark, candidate for City Treasurer, are also scheduled to speak. In addition to the city slate, the Communist Party is support- ing thirty-five candidates for Alder- men who have been nominated by workers’ conferences in the wards. | Six of the Aldermanic candidates are Negroes. The Workers’ United Front Rally | has already been endorsed by the City Committee of the International Workers Order, the Unemployment Councils of Cook County, the Needle Trades Workers Industzial Union, the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, the Polish Chamber of Labor Defense. The building of a subway in Chi- | cago is one of the major planks in the platform put forward by the Communist Party in its program for the coming city elections in which | it will have a full slate of candi- | dates. | The subway project is just one! | part of a vast public works program | | for Chicago outlined by the Party, | | all construction on it to be done | by union labor at union wages. In | addition to the subway, the Com- munists call for the building of workers’ homes, hospitals, schools, parks and playgrounds. |More Are Unemployed SMITHFIELD, R. LL, Jan. 8.— | Closing of the Esmond Mill here is being seriously felt in this city as | an increased number of its former | 1,000 employes are applying for re- lief. Beginning with application for | relief by twenty-four families Fri- | day, there has been a steadily in-| creasing stream. The Esmond Mill, owned by Clar- | | ence M. Whitman and Sons of New | York, is being dismantled and some of the machines are being sent to the company’s plant in Granby, | Quebec, Canada. Company repre-| | sentatives try to cover up their plan to move to non-union cheap labor | centers, saying that they were “not lable to recover from the effects of the general strike.” By JACK STACHEL movement of the workers, LaFol-| lette received the votes of close = five million workers and poor farm- ers who believed that by voting for this party they were voting against capitalism and for their own in- terests. | By this maneuver the “progres- sive” and reformist leaders suc- ceeded in diverting the movement | for a genuine movement for a} | Labor Party into the channels of a/ ‘third capitalist progressive party. Those who consciously continued the fight for a genuine Labor Party, in addition to the Communist | Party were not large enough to Jaunch a@ labor party on a national scale. In localities and states for the most part a similar situation | developed. | Between 1924 and 1929 our Party continued to put forward, as an | agitational slogan, the Labor Party. | But developments in the country and in the labor movement rodbed | this slogan more and more of its | immediate practical value. In the | | first place, this was the period of | so-called Coolidge “prosperity” and | the beginning of the Hooverian | period of “permanent prosperity.” | To be sure, for the large masses of | workers conditions continued to be intolerable and grew worse. But | |the prosperity ballyhoo had _ its | | effect nevertheless. But more im- | | portant than this was the situation within the trade union movement. | | The A. F. of L. bureaucracy further | developed its policy of class collab- | ‘oration, adding its so-called trade union capitalism in the form of | |labor banks, insurance, etc., but | above all it became the organizer | of efficiency schemes carried thru | in the interests of the capitalists. | | The capitalists, on the other hand, | 'Movement were not slow to recog- increased their attacks on the liv-| Party, while it would break |ing standards of the workers, their ‘attack on the trade unions. The | unions reduced more and more to} narrow craft unions. The more highly skilled workers retained some of their privileges, not only at the | | expense of the mass of the workers, | but also by increased speed-up of the skilled workers. As a result. while profits of the capitalists in- | creased manifold through increased | Productivity, the real wages of these workers remained stationary | or increased but slightly. With this situation in the labor movement, with the more basic sec- tions of the workers driven out of | 'the unions by the bosses’ attacks, | and the ruthless expulsion policies | \of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, the \leftward movement within the A. | Hs L, bureaucracy, meanwhile, pur- sued the course of converting the! Company Union Voted Down At Chevrolet AFL and MESA Leaders Boycott NRA-Run Election By A. B. Magil DETROIT, Jan. 8—Only 328 of the 2,781 votes cast in the primary elections for collective bargaining representatives, held Friday at the forge plant of the Chevrolet Motor Company were for the company union, the Chevrolet Employes Asso- ciation. A total of 209 votes were cast for the American Federation of Labor and thirty-nine for the Mechanics Educational Society of America, in- dependent union of tool and die makers. The trade union vote is unusually high in view of the fact that neither the American Federa- tion of Labor nor the Mechanics Educational Society of America has a local at the Chevrolet plant, Twenty-eight candidates were nominated, of which fourteen are to be chosen in the final elections next Friday. How the elections are being used to place control in the hands of the company unions, despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the workers did not vote for the company unions, is illustrated by the recent vote at the Cadillac plant. The Dec. 29 issue of Auto- motive Industries, employers’ trade peper, boasts of the fact that of the sixteen highest candidates in the Cadillac primaries, eleven are rep- resentatives on the Works Council (company union) and two are former representatives. Most of these people were put forward as/| unaffiliated candidates in order to fool the workers. The first meeting of the newly elected collective bergaining group at the Cadillac plant, held Thursday in the headquarters of the Auto- mobile Labor Board, resulted in the election of E. H. Gustafson, sec- retary of the company union, as chairman, The Communist Party has de- manded that these elections be con- ducted on the principle of major- ity representation and has called op all production workers to vote for the American Federation of Labor and tool and die makers to vote | for the Mechanics Educational So- | ciety of America, The Party points | out that as the elections are now being conducted, the workers can expect nothing but betrayal from | the so-called collective bargaining | agencies, which are firmly under the thumb of the companies. The united front of all legitimate trade unions is necessary and ‘the setting up of committees of action in the depart- ments and shops to prepare for strike struggles in order to win bet- ter conditions for the workers THE PROBLEM OF A LABOR PARTY instruments of assisting the cap- | italists instead of what the work-| ers wished them to be, instruments | of struggle against the capitalists. New Tasks This situation placed new tasks upon the advanced section of the working class, upon the Communist Party. The central task, the or- ganization of the unorganized. now | took on new forms. It could no) longer be carried through merely within the confines of the A. F. of L. organizations whose leaders did everything possible to prevent the | organization of the unorganized. It was on the basis of this situation that already in the middle of 1928 the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International on the basis of the discussion with the comrades of the C. P. U. S. A. came to the conclusion that: | “On the question of organizing a Labor Party, the Congress resolved: That the Party concen- trate its attention on the work in the trade unions, on the or- ganization of the unorganized, ete, and in this way lay the basis for the practical realization of the slogan of a broad Labor Party organized from below. On the basis of this analysis our Party correctly opposed all pro- posals for a Labor Party in the years since 1929 because if, was clear that any party then formed would be either an appendage of the existing old parties, similar to the LaFollette movement of 1924, or embrace only the Communists and their sympathizers. To work for a Labor Party, no ma‘ter what its name, which in reality would be a new third cap- | italist party, would be against the | interests of the masses. Such a the masses away from the traditional two old capitalist parties would but | The role of the Minnesota Farm- er-Labor Party headed by Olson which differs little in its state politics from the two old parties | and which nationally supports the Democratic Parity of Roosevelt gives full proof of this. To form a Labor Party out of | the Communist Party and its sym- pathizing organizations would not only not really advance the sep- aration of the broad masses from | the capitalist parties but would | further cause great harm to the! workers’ movement by confusing | the role of the Communist Party | with that of the Labor Party. | Is No Substitute | The Labor Party, even a genuine this third capitalist party, the whole | F. of L. was weakened. The A. F. Labor Party, is not and can not be. = substitute for the Communist Party. The Communist Party is war minated in the giant strikes of the | and dissipate the cpirit of the mass|trade unions more and more into the only revolutionary party of the! | minded” WHIRLWIND DRIVE LAUNCHED IN WEST FOR DAILY WORKER Denver Communists Take Action to Launch Widespread Circulation Campaign—Set Quot s for Various Areas Issuing the subscription quotas assigned to the sections, the Denver District of the Communist Party yesterday called upon all the readers and supporters of the paper in its terri- tory to begin whirlwind action in the Daily Worker circulae tion drive. Within the next two weeks, members of the District Bureau will - visit the sections to help speed the work. The present drive gives Denver the chance of making up for its rec- ord in the circulation and financial drives of last year. In both cam- paigns, Denver, high up in the lead in the beginning, gradually lost place after place. Denver was the second district to finish its quota in the circulation drive, reaching at one time 122 per cent. But at the end it was in sev- enth place, in the number of readers gained. In the financial campaign ft jumped ahead of all the other districts in the beginning, but at the close of the race it was in fifth place. TASK OF SALT LAKE CITY Iis failure to finish early in the due to the Salt in, which did not begin any serious work until late. United Front Defense Drive InEvanston EVANSTON, Ill., Jan. 8.—A broad united front conference for the de- fense of the militant unemployed workers who are now awaiting trial for demanding relief has been called here by the Unemployment Coun- cils for January 27. Six workers were arrested Dec. 12, for demanding relief, but were re- leased when Negro and white work- ers packed the court room. One of the defendants, Azelia Bradford, was rearrested the same evening with a student who was visiting the Bradford home at the time the po- lice arrived, and charged with “dis- orderly conduct.” At a mass meeting on Dec. 26, held to protest this action more than 100 Negro and white workers turned out. Speakers from the North Shore local of the Socialist workers which can organize and lead the masses to emancipation from capitalist exploitation. If the Communist Party promotes the formation of a Labor Party it is only because large masses who are ready to break away from the cap- italist parties are not ready as yet fully to accept the revolutionary program of the Communist Party. The Communist Party sees in the Labor Party not a competing or- ganization, not a substitute organi- zation but rather a means through which the Communist Party can aid in setting the masses on the road of independent class political action on the basis of their immediate in- terests and understanding, but which the hope and the knowledge that in the course of the struggles and as result of the experience of the struggles, the masses will learn that only the program of the Com- munist Party provides the means for the lasting solutions of the problems of the workers, If at present we see in the slogan for a Labor Party a means of be- ginning the mass separation of the workers from the capitalist parties it is because the changes that have again taken place in the labor movement (the growth of the trade unions, the entrance of new mil- lions of exploited masses into the struggle, their partial experience in the struggle) already lead these masses to take the first steps in the direction of independent polit-" icai action. The basis for a genuine labor party is being created out of the present struggles of the work- |ers, the sharp character of these struggles, and the movements of the rank and file of the trade unions against the “bourgeois- and reactionary leader- ship. We wish first to help and ac- | celerate these initial steps, and | secondly, to prevent the capitalists for ® genuine Labor Party merely | policies of the A. F. of L. bureau-|create a new instrument for the | 224 their agents from once more with the two old parties, even by |cracy in meeting this situation led | capitalists. To achieve their object putting forward ‘so-called “progres- | to the workers retreating from posi- of keeping the masses chained to sive” candidates on the two old | tion after position, with the trade capitalism and capitalist parties. diverting these movements of the masses into “safe” channels. It is for this reason that we emphasize not merely that the workers must organize a Labor Party, but stress especially the character of such a | Labor Party, if it is to be in the interests of the masses. in the next article we shail deal with the various movements for progressive and “labor” par- ties as expressed by such move- ments as Olsen, LaFollette, Sin- clair, etc., the role of the differ- ent groups of the A. F. of L, bu- reaucracy and the various ete+ ments within the leadersnip of the Socialist Party. We shall dis- cuss what kind of parties we must fight against and what must be the character of the genuine La- bor Party. In a third article we shall deal with the immediate practical steps towards the reali- zation of this movement. (To Be Centonued) | With the highest subscription quota in the district (equalled only by Denver proper)—70 daily subs. and 95 Saturday subs.—it is now up to Salt Lake City to re- turn the lusire to its record by reaching and exceeding its quota in double quick time. It must set the example for its brother sec- tions The dist as a whole, too, must set the example of not losing one old reader, while making tremen- dous advances in gaining new ones, Denver The low section quotas fole Daily Subs Sat, Subs Colo 70 95 70 45 95, cs Gallup, New Mexico Helper, Utah 5 66 vy 5 ry 6 is 10 15 19 is 19 ts 8 19 19 cry 10 18 3 10 Party, the Unemployment Council, the International Labor Defense and the Communist Party were present and the plans were laid to call the conference for January 27, to which all workers’ organizations have been asked to send delegates. Workers! Enter the Special Subscription CONTEST Ist Prize—A Free Trip to the Soviet Union. 2nd Prize—A Month in Any Workers’ Camp, or $50 in Cash. 3rd Prize—Two Weeks In Any Workers’ Camp or $25 in Cash. 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th Prizes— One Week in Any Workers’ Camp, or $12 in Cash. > % —Rules of the Contec? aed ]—Open to sil readers and suppt ers of the Daily Worker. (Stc members and those employed in ¢ Daily Worker District Offices ¢ cluded.) January 3, 1 to close April 9—Contest to start < (midnight), and 1935 (midnight) 3—All contestants must regist the national office of t Worker Contestants must enter all sub- scription upon Special Contest Subscription Blanks (obtainable at time of ation) @—All con subscriptions must be forwarded to the national office of the Daily Worker immediately for ation to the credit of the con- GT Those competing for the first prize (a free trip to the Soviet Union) must secure a minimum of 25 yearly subscriptions, or their equivalent. 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(Every registered contestant receive an attrac- tive Shock Brigader Button upon re- ceipt of his first subscription to the contest.) will [Q7Evers worker competing for the first prize (a free trip to the Soviet Union), must sign a special contest pledge card, acknowledging the contestant’s intention to secure a minimum of 25 yearly subscriptions. Those competing for the other nine prizes must sign the pledge card ac- knowledging their intention to secure a minimum of 10 yearly subscrin- tions. (Pledge cards will be avani- able at all points of registration for the contest.) Daily Worker 50 East 13th Street New York, N. ¥,