The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 5, 1935, Page 5

Profits of Capital Grew While Status Of the Masses Sank Financial Journals Virtually Admit Inability of Capitalism to Solve Fundamental Contra- dictions—‘Upturns’ Followed by Reactions By David Ramsey LTHOUGH it is now more than two years since the lowest point of the economic crisis was reached by American @) capitalism there are no signs of genuine recovery. Fach of & severe recession, and at present business and production the three upturns from 1932-1934 was quickly followed by | cent above the lowest levels of the crisis. In other words there has been a transition from the worst depths of the crisis to a depression which is obviously not the ordinary prelude to a normal upturn and boom period. The present depression, due to the in- fluence of the general crisis of capi- talism, is of a special kind, and is characterized by the instability of economic life. Every upturn, as the New York Times admits, is “fol- lowed as it was in 1933 by abrupt reaction and falling markets.” It is this feature of the economic Picture which is reflected in the annual crop of financial reviews and forecasts now being featured in the press and economic journals. All the forecasts are couched in terms of extreme doubt. Every optimistic statement is carefully balanced by & perplexed and doubtful one. They point to the “limited recovery” of (Business Week), but refuse to com- mit themselves on the question as to whether there will be a revival in 1935. The trend of events is not clear they say, and the only concrete thing they all agree on, is that 1935 will be “an eventful year.” Wall St. Alarmed the bourgeoisie are profoundly dis- turbed by the failure of recovery to emerge as they confidently expected a year ago. As Colonel Leonard Ayres, economist and vice-president of the Cleveland Trust Company, says, “The one essential shortcom- ing of the recovery program is that it has not yet found out how to induce a business recovery.” After priming the business pump with billions of dollars and running up the largest government debt in the history of the country, the ad- ministration finds that industrial production was only slightly larger in 1934 than in 1933. According to Standard Statisties, Inc., the volume of production this year ’was less than 60 per cent of the 1929 figure. Heavy industry, which is usually the pace-setter for recovery, is still stagnating despite all efforts to get it going again. vy industry is over-equipped in relation to the contracting capi- talist market. Even during the years of the crisis, while it was operating at q traction of its capacity, the steel industry was increasing its potential output by over 16 per cent. But the high development of the productive forces is fettered; declin- ing capitalism can no longer ab- sorb any great amount of capital goods. There is no market for large numbers of new machines or new plant equipment although engineers claim that 50 per cent of American machinery and equipment is obso- lescent and semi-obsolescent. This holds true for the crisis-ridden building industry which can find no profitable market for new housing. It is because the administration must protect $21,000,000,000 in mort- gages that it will not clear the slums or provide low-cost housing for workers. Through the H.O.L.C. it has given $2,000,000,000 to prop up the real estate market. Chairman Fahey, of the HO.LC., has said that more than 90 per cent of this money has gone to the commercial banks, savings banks, insurance companies, building and loan asso- ciations and mortgage companies and had the effect of strengthening their resources in a very important way.” By protecting the owners of rat-traps the administration hes made it unprofitable to build new houses. I this field as in all others every measure employed by the (capitalists, even though it may ti Sasiporesiiy improve their position, | only Teads to the intensification of those factors that made for the economic crisis. Underproduction Reflected The state of chronic underproduc- tion is reflected in the investment market which for all practical pur- poses has ceased to exist. New in- vestments for the first eleven months of 1934 were less than in 1933. The Commercial and Finan- cial Chronicle reported only $143,- 396,000 for this period in 1934 as compared with $4,763,532,000 in 1930. Along with the disappearance of the investment market has gone a shrinkage of over $600,000,000 in commercial loans; the banks con- sidering the present situation as not warranting the risks of lending. Overshad five per cent over the 1933 level | are no more than five to ten pere | where they glut the shrinking mar- ket without any appreciable in- crease of workers. During the boomlet of 1933 industrial output quickly rose to “normal” in some industries, but only a fraction of the unemployed were rehired. There have been fluctuations in the num- ber of the jobless, but never any significant net decline. Most of the re-employment has been in the form of “spreading” work. The workers are forced to bear the brunt of the burden through part-time employment. Where the workers hhave obtained increases in hourly rates of pay, they have found that their weekly pay envelopes were smaller because of part-time work. Workers Face Wage Cuts Besides part-time employment the workers are confronted with seasonal unemployment which cuts their annual wages—the basic cri- terion of money wages, down to levels far below a minimum stand- ard of decency and health. Every industry has become seasonal due to the fluctuations of the present period. Thus the automobile indus- try now has only one good season lasting some four or five months, Under such conditions the automa- bile workers receive wages that by | ‘The truth of the matter is that ; Roosevelt's admission only run from $500 to $900 a year, although their hourly rates are higher than the general run. The poor and middle farmers have also been impoverished during the second year of the New Deal. They suffered severely from the ravages of the drought, and they were not able to take advantage of the rise in farm ‘prices. Instead they now have to pay higher prices for feed, and other production costs have also risen. And next year they will not be able to market much livestock. because of this year’s drastic reduction of the number of cattle and other animals due to the drought and government's re- fusal to come to the aid of the poor farmer. Consequently the process of impoverishment among the the farmers has been accelerated. The Journal of Commerce in ana- | lyzing government figures on farm income remarks that its “assump- tion that farm purchasing power will continue to compare favorably with a year ago seems doubtful in the light of critical analysis of available data.” This chronic impoverishment of the masses is reflected in the sales of goods which in 1934 were about 30 per cent below their volume in 1929. The dollar sales of the stores are not very much above the lew- est levels of the crisis despite the large increase in prices. Under- eonsumption also causes the piling up of unsold stocks in the ware- houses. The index of stocks on hand, according to the latest re- port of the Survey of Current Busi- ness, was larger in September of this year than last year’s figure. Qn Surplus Stocks Capitalism can find no way of getting rid of these surplus stocks, As soon as they are slightly re- duced there is an immediate up- ward spurt which crams the ware- houses to an even larger extent than before, since wages do not keep up with prices nor does the number of workers keep pace with increased production, The cost of living has risen over 10 per cent according to conservative sources since the beginning of the New Deal. The real rise has been larger as any worker's wife will tell you. During 1934 retail prices rose 16 per cent (Business Week) with especially steep increases in cost of food, Clothing and food have gone up about 30 per cent since Roose- velt took office, Consequently real wages—the purchasing power of the worker—have fallen as the cost of living outstripped what the work- ers were able to wrest from the employers, This is a crucial question for the masses. Only recently Roosevelt again emphasized his intention to raise prices. The cost of living will continue to go up as the adminis- tration pushes its crop restriction program, encouraged the monopo- listic fixing of higher and pre- pares for new inflationary moves. As one of the results of this pro- gram, food prices are expected to rise an additional 15 per cent this year by Food Industries, the voice of the big manufacturers of food all other aspects | products. of the present stage of the crisis is the permanent army of unemploy- ed. The number of jobless men and women is greater today than it was @ year ago. The bourgeoisie con- ceal the actual figures but admit that the volume of unemployment is greater than last year. The fif- teen to sixteen million unemployed make up almost half of the employ- able members of the class. For them capitalism has no! to offer in the way of jobs. They are indeed the “forgotten men” of the present social order; and the capi- talists do not hold out anything but forced labor on relief jobs and a bitter, hopeless life on subsistence ' farms. Mass unemployment is now pers manent because the capitclists have increased speed-up to the point While the li standards of the toilers declined, the profits of the capitalists increased enormously as the result of speed-up, the reduc- tion of the wages of skilled work- ers to the N.R.A. code minimums and the inflationary rise in prices. Profits were at the highest point since 1930. Business Week esti- mates that dividends alone will total $3,500,000,000 in 1934, an in- crease of 12 per cent over the previ- ous year. This does not give the true increase for the monopolies, Whose profits rose by 70 per cent during the first nine months of the year according to the Federal Re- serve Board. Dividends plus inter- est payments for 1934 will top $7,- 000,000,000, and will be higher than in any prosperity year except 1929, according to an estimate based upon YEAR OF 1934 SA |bankers and DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1935 listings of the Journal of Commerce. With the national income but one-half of what it was in 1929, this shews that an increasingly larger share is being taken by the capitalists. The concentration of wealth has been accelerated by the New Deal. Income tax figures re- veal that incomes below $5,000 fell 1933 while incomes above $25,000 increased. In the very high brackets, the number of incomes over 4 mil- | lion dollars increased from twenty to forty-six in 1933. This huge increase in wealth shows clearly what the pump prim- ing of government has accom- plished. It enabled the capitalists to pass through the worst stages of the crisis. Their position improved at the expense of the general wel- fare of the toiling masses. But since 85 per cent of the govern- ment expenditures, directly or in- | directly, went to the capitalist class, and only a pittance was turned oyer to the workers in the form of re- | lief, the priming of the pump did not restore the purchasing power of the masses. Its main effect was in- flationary in character. This in turn reduced the consuming powers of the workers, and accounts for the absence of any consistent upturn. Roosevelt's pump priming hi run the national debt up to $28,- 500,000,000 at the end of 1934 plus an additional three billions of contingent liabilities. If we add the $20,000,000,000 of municipal and state debts, the total public debt is over fifty-one billions. On the federal debt alone the interest charges are around a hillion a year while probably another billion is re- quired to pay the interest on the | larations of the A, F. of L. leaders loeal debts, Government expenditures are eating up an increasing amount of the national income. In 1934 total government expenditures (federal, state and municipal) exclusive of debt retirements, were $15,500,000,- 000 according to the National In- dustrial Conference Board. This was about 38 per cent of the national income. Tax collections from the rich have fallen. Federal taxes declined from $2,411,000,000 in 1930 to $818,000,000 in 1934. The rich have dodged through various legal maneuvers, ahd bankers like Kahn and Mor- gan paid no taxes during the crisis years of 1930-1932. Profits Rese Steadily If you examine the balance sheets of big corporations like the A & P grocery chain, you will see how their dollar volume fell during the worst years of the crisis and their tax payments diminished, but their profits rose steadily or fell only slightly. The enormous burden of taxation—about $10,000,000,000 a year, is borne by the workers, the farmers and the lower middle class. Through direct taxation and in- directly through sehemes like the processing taxes and the numerous nuisanee taxes, the masses are made to pay for the costs of the Roose- yelt. experiment in behalf of the industrialists, The spread of local sales taxes and the drive of the National Association of Manufacturers for a national sales tax are ominous indications of this trend. A balance sheet of the second year of the New Deal therefore shows that the capitalists have not solved the crisis. They have bet- tered their position, but admit that they see no way out as yet. Block- ing the “normal” solution of the crisis are the following factors: the continuance of the general crisis of capitalism which is interlocked with | the special character of the present depression; the chronic over capa- city of industry especially heavy industry; permanent mass unem- ployment and the underconsump- tion of the masses which has in- ereased the fundamental contradic- tion of capitalism—the gap between production and consumption; the inability of American capitalism to get rid of its surplus stocks; and the decrease in the share of the national income received by the workers; the mounting: debt burden which has to be carried by the masses, These factors are but intensified by every effort of the capitalists to get out of the crisis. They have improved their immediate situation, but they have accentuated the general crisis of capitalism which in turn will adversely affect the present depression. Capitalism is in a blind alley, and as the cap- italists struggle in vain to extri- cate themselves, they harshen their policy towards the masses and ac- celerate the development of fas- cist tendencies. In subsequent, azticles there will be a detailed analysis of the failure of the capitalists to solve the crisis through the New Deal, their im- mediate economic program and the need for the workers to resist the latest offensive against their living standards and working conditions. Italian Peasants Arm to Resist New Taxes Fixed by Government FIUME, Jan, 4.—At Snidarscina, near here, Italian peasants are ris- ing in protest against newly imposed taxes. In the wine districts of Vip- acco and of Sarso the law which prohibited the.sale of wine under 10 lira encountered such violent oppo- sition that the government was com- pelled to withdraw it. Twenty-two peasants from Kavran, having killed their pigs without paying taxes, Prepared to defend themselves arms in hand; the authorities preferred to leave them in peace. The peasants of Cotchinitch in a pitched battle defended a peasant named Knafel against the carebin- jers and the militia men. Knafels had refused to pay the penalty of 400 lire for his son to follow the pre-military course, Start a competition with your comrades to see who can collect more gretings fer the Daily Worker on its Eleventh Anniver- sary! income taxes| Negro Workers Look — Skeptically to Green’s Appearance in Harlem A. F. of L. Leader’s Record of Discrimination Is Basis of Suspicion—Concrete Assurance Against Jim-Crowism in Unions Wanted By Manning Johnson Member of Workers Council, Harlem On January 6 Mr. William Green, president ‘of the American Federation of Labor, and other leaders of the same union, will speak in Harlem, This is very significant. It is a departure from the traditional attitude of the A. F. of L. | | leaders te completely ignore Negro labor. This action on the | seth's remarks? part of the A. F. of L. leaders is the¢— —___-__-—_______ result of the tremendous rank and file pressure now focussed on the top officials of the A. F. of L. for the organization of Negro workers. The advent of Mr. Green will be viewed with considerable seepticism by the Negro workers. They will hesitate to accept any proposal that will be made at the meeting, unless they get guarantees that this is not merely another gesture but a serious effort to work a real policy of strug- gle for Negro rights. All the glowing promises, rosy resolutions and high sounding dec- are to the Negro workers so much sound and fury signifying nothing. The Negro worker knows that their resolutions, apart from not tackling this question basically, are nothing more than humanitarian gestures. The whole attitude of the A. FP. of L. leaders toward the Negro worker may be summed up in the speech of Mr. Furuseth, president of the International Seamen’s Union and representing the Executive Council. Mr. Furuseth stated at the 54th | Convention of the A. F. of L.: ‘king for the seamen, I want to tell you something on this ques- tion that has serious bearime on it, The International Seamen's Union of North America has never for one moment made any distinction but when we accept a colored man and put him on an absolute equality with the white man as to wages and conditions, we create a situation whereby the employer accepts the white man only. We could get no employment for our colored workers if we had to pay the same wages and give the same conditions, The| result was that the colored men as a whole left our organization and accepted employment with wages.” What is the erux of Mr. Furu- He supports the idea of white superiority and black inferiority that is spread by the em~ ployers for the purpose of justifying lower wages, longer hours, ‘worse conditions for Negro and white workers. When {it comes to fighting for equal rights for Negroes and joint struggle together with the white workers for better conditions nothing is done by this people. Union Did Nothing for Negroes Tt is not an aecident that the Negroes quit the 1$,.U. They found that their conditions were not im- preved through the organization. The exodus of the Negro workers is of no concern to the A. F. of L. leaders, because they are not inter- ested in conducting a struggle for equal rights for Negro labor, but quite the contrary, they are sup- porting the division in the ranks of labor, that is used by the employers to tear down the living standards of both black and white labor, Tt is a well known fact that the utterly bankrupt and totally un- scientific theory, that Negroes are inferior, has been spread by the bankers of wealth te play white workers against Negro workers and vice-versa. The development of an anti-Negro psychosis has been ac- complished by teaching white work- ers that Negroes have a “slave psy- chology,” that they are “nearest the anima] kingdom,” that they are “illiterate, dirty, low,” and so forth. This poisonous propaganda has a tremendous effect. It has been and is still being used to foment race riots, lynehings and all kinds of strife between Negro and white workers. However, thanks to the Commu- nists and other honest and militant workers, this poisonous propaganda is being combated. The white work- ers in the A. F. of L. unions ere beginning to see that so long as the Negro is the last hired, the first fired, compelled to do the hardest work at the lowest pay, the condi- tions of the white workers will re- main bad, The fight for a real basic program of struggle for unity of Negro and white by rank and file delegates at the 54th Convention of the A. F, of L., shows the determination of the rank and file of the A. F. of L. | to fight for and attain unity through the ‘heads struggle, over bureaucrats, The responsibility for the absence of any large trade union movement among Negro workers must be laid at the door of the A. F, of L. lead+ ers because of their attitude toward Negro workers. It is important to point out that these leaders have permitted all the National and In- ternational Unions of the Transpor- tation Department, with the excep- tion of the Teamsters’ and Long- shoremen's Unions, to have clauses respective constitutions that. state: “ soher and industrious ad men ate eligible for member- ship.” Have Jim-Crow Clause Among the unions that have this clause in their constitution are: Order of Railroad Telegraphers, Or- der of Sleeping Oar Conductors, Na- tional Organization of Master Mates and Pilots of {North America, Brotherhood of Railway and Steam- of the \ ( less | ship Clerks, Freight Handlers, Ex- press and Station Employees, Brotherhood of Railway Carmen, International Association of Machin- ists, Brotherhoed of Boiler Makers. Iron Shipbuilders and Helpers of America. There are other national and international unions that do not have the color clause, but find ways of keeping Negroes out, such ‘as the plumbers and electricians. During the 54 years of the exist- ence of the A. F. of L., no effort has been made to find a solution of the Negro problem. When Mr. Phillip Randolph, national organ- izer of the Pullman Porters Union, introduced a resolution that to some extent approached the problem, the leaders of the A. F. of L. were “shocked” over the fact that this question was raised, questioning the integrity of their “resolutions” and pious declarations. These gentlemen passed the buek, beat the devil around the stump and finally killed the resolution. _ The reason for rejecting the reso- lution was: “the A. F, of L, cannot say who are eligible for member- ship in the National and Interna- tional unions, that is a right of the National and International union itself, of which it ean not be de- privyed.” The meaning of the above statement is clear. The A. F. of L. leaders do not intend to change the situation and are not going to unless they are forced to do se by the rank and file of these unions. In the meantime, the Negro workers want Mr. Green to explain why this reso- lution was rejected. Whether or not the advent of Mr. Green to Harlem means a change in policy, remains to he seen. How- ever, it appears to me that its sole object is te make an empty gesture by setting up a few jim-crow locals with the help, of Mr, Crosswaithe in accordance with Article TT, Sec- tion 6 of the A. F. of L. Constitution. Article IT reads: “Separate charters may be issued te Central Labor Unions, Local Unions, Federal Labor Unions, composed exclusively of col- ored members, where, in the judg- ment of the Exeoutive Council, it appears advisable and to the best:| interest of the trade union move- ment to do s0.” Negro Workers Seek Organization | The Negro workers are more de- sirous today te organize than ever before. We fully realize that only through trade union organization will we be able to better working conditions and get increased wagés. Our experience has convinced us that if the Negro problem is to be solved the trade unions must con- duet a merciless and uncompromis- ing struggle for Negro rights, the right of Negro labor to the same wages and conditions with white workers, for the right to hold posi- tions of leadership in the trade unions and for a joint struggle of all workers for better conditions. The very things that Negro work- ers expect of the A. F. L. trade unions has been lacking. The A. F, of L. leaders failed to organize the Negro workers on the basis of full equality with white workers and to consider the special problems of Negro workers, In fact the leaders of the A, F, I, have sanctioned N. R. A, codes which diseriminate against Negro workers, The A, F. L, leaders who have served on the N. R, A. Labor Advisory Board con~ doned and sanctioned a number of codes with the disgusting wage dif- ferentials fer Negro workers. Tet us take the Textile Code for example. The textile code leaves Negro labor out entirely, The mini- mum wage and the maximum hour provisions do not apply to the Ne- gio. The code inasmuch as it af- fects Negro workers provides for lower wages and longer hours. Since the “Wall Street” crash and the bursting of the “prosperity bubble” the number of unemployed among Negro workers has relatively increased much more rapidly than among white workers. The Negro is the first to be fired, and when there is a slight pick-up he fs not being rehired. He is hardest hit. The. present set-up of the relief ap- paratus is inadequate to cope with the widespread unemployment sit- uation. An all embracing system of unemployment and social insurance is vitally necessary. In spite of this truly alarming situation, however, Mr, Green sends out a letter addressed to all “presi- dents of National and International Unions, State Federations of Labor and Central Labor Bodies” calling upon them not to support the Wash- ington Congress for Unemployment and Social Insurance. It is clear that as long as such an unhealthy situation prevails in A. F. L. and its affiliated or- tions, Negro workers will not in the A, F. L. no matter how many spell-binding orators or re- formist “‘self-seekers” appeal to them. There is a fertile field for organization among the Negro workers, It is a virgin territory. Fight on Jim-Crow Is Basis To plant the seed of organization will require considerable work on the part ef the membership of the A. F. L. to begin @ serious and de- - | absolute equality with termined fight inside the A. F. L. to force the leaders to take de- eisive action to clean up the situa- tien, Many of the rank and file| members have fought against the | A. F. L. leaders and their jim-crow | and discriminatory policy and will continue te do so. This shows the | tremendous possibility of convinc- | ing the white members te fight for | the rights of Negro workers, | In spite of the situation in the A, F. L. trade unions Negro work- | ers are joining because they feel that with the help of militant rank and file white workers as strong al- lies they will be able to break down systematically every barrier and ereate real basic unity. However, the only real basis for unity and a mass influx of Negro | workers into the A. F. of L. can/ only be the result of a serious and | determined struggle against every | Jim Crow barrier, every discrimina- |tery practice against Negro work- ers; the taking of all Negra work- jers inte the various National and International Unions on the basis of the white | members and the waging of a ex- | tensive and intensive campaign for |the rights of Negro workers, | Coupled with this must be the ereation of real trade union demoe- racy, the lowering of iniation fees, Nes as to guarantee the possibility | for Negro workers to join with full |membership privileges and a joint | struggle against the bosses for het- ter conditions. Through the carry- | ing out of the above simple but very | important steps ean be realized the | growth of mass unions among the | Negro masses. ‘SaveNeumann, Heckert Urges ° Swiss Masses PARIS, Jan. 3.—Under the title, “Heinz Neumann, whose extradition is demanded by Hitler, in danger of his life,” L’Humanite, French Com- munist Party organ, publishes an article by Fritz Heckert, an out- standing leader of the German} working class and member of the Central Committee of the Commu- | nist Party. | “Heinz Neumann has been ar- rested in Switzerland, and at once | the German government demanded | his extradition. The news of his | arrest and of the demand for his extradition were reported by the telegraph agency in the same notice, so that it is impossible to avoid the suspicion that the Swiss police have acted in agreement with the Ger- | man faseist. “Probably the German agents, who Switzerland. discovered Heinz Neumann, whom they haye been | trafling for some time, and caused | him to be arrested by the Swiss | Police, Tt is a well-known fact that | the authorities of this “old democ- | racy” ere always ready to do favors for the reactionary powers of the | world. “This attitude of the Swiss au- | thorities towards the wishes of reac- | tionary governments gives rise to} the fear that Comrade Heinz Neu- mann’s life is in danger. There- fare we appeal to the friends of | liberty all over the world, that they may rise in protest, and save Heinz Neumann from the Hitler execu- | | tioners. “Should he be handed over to the German authorities, our com- rade will certainly be lost. There | are few revolutionists in Germany who are so hated by the fascists as | Heinz Neumann. Even before Hit- ler was in power, the fascists tried to take his life. And since June 30, 1933, the fascist press has never | ceased to threaten him with death. | “An attempt is being made to in- volve Neumann in one of the mur- derous ‘trials’ of perverted fascist justice. We understand the reason. | The instigators of the Reichstag | fire, now finally exposed by the} memorandum of the Storm Troop | group leader of Berlin, Karl Ernst, | need something to divert public at- tention from their ceaseless crimes. from the cowardly deeds of their murderous hen@hmen, who have not only murdered thousands of the pest. revolutionists, tortured hun- | dreds of thousands in the jails, but | murdered their own comrades on June 30. and with them the gen- erals Schleicher and Bradow, and the Catholie leader Klausener. “We understand very well that to- day Hitler needs something to side- | track the deceived and tormented masses of the people, to divert them from an attack on his dictatorship. The great flasco of the trial of Dimi- trov, and the fear of the after-ef- | fects of the Thaelmann trial, have induced the fascists to seize upon Heinz Neumann as the scapegoat, to be murdered to justify Hitler tyranny. The attempt is being made to involve Heinz Neumann in the Bulow Platz affair, the shameful murder case in which the men sen- tenced by Hitler justice nave already lost their lives on the scaffold. “It is known that the Commu- nists are opponents of individual terror. Everyone knows today where the terrorists are. The 30th of June | showed this very plainly, and it was confirmed once more on July 25 in Austria, where the tools for the murderous attack were supplied by the German Nazi Party. “The rulers of Switzerland dis- | graced themselves forever when | they delivered over to the Czar the Russian revolutionist, Vassiliev, who | killed the prefect of police of Penza. | And today this country is disgrac- | ing itself still further by adminis- | tratively extraditing German re- | fugees to Hitler. “We appeal to all Swiss workers. All who have a sense of honor, a feeling for humanity, who will not | have the murder of Heinz Neumann on their conscience, will raise their voices and declare with us: “Heinz Neumann must not be handed over to the Hitler torturers! “We demand freedom and the} right of asylum for qur comrade, police W NO SIGNS OF GENUINE ‘RECOVERY’ pares M.E.S.A. Delegates Plan Fight to Unite All Metal Workers Militants Will Urge One Union in Industry, Trade Union Democracy, at Third National Mechanies Convention in Cleveland By Sandor Voros (By Datly Worker Ohio Burean) CLEVELAND, Ohio, Jan. 4.—In interviewing a num- ber of the delegates present at the Third National Convene. tion of the Mechanics Educational Society now in session in | new orders | Anti-Nazi Front | branch in the Saar) are in a daze. |men stand not for Germany but} | ders, of non-existing liberties. To Heinz Neumann!” this eity, your correspondent Siachinilars ] Fight Terror Ot Hitlerites Not Deceived by Talk and Attempted Bribery for Vote Jan, 13 By PAUL GREEN The seotion of the Rome Pact he- tween French and German finance- | capital, which was to have taken care of the liberties and rights of those opposed to Hitler, is already in the garbage can | Cables and reports are pouring in| to the effect that Hitler has given| to his Saar henchmen to use the most vicious terroristic methods to step the advent of the The members of “Deutsche Front” (the Nazi the Their hopelessness is transformed into audacity that reaches the heights of madness. At one of the} meetings a district Nazi leader said: | “Our success should be complete. . 98 per cent of the Saarlanders are| marching the road to Hitler.” This statement as it stands, and in the the terror they are spreading, would | seem too ridiculous even to the ears by saying: “Why, then, do we still) are swarming in| fight them? We are fighting for | ba the remaining 2 per cent.” For the remaining 2 per cent the Nazis are spending millions of francs, printing hundreds of thou-j sands of newspapers and leaflets, only to be thrown the next moment in the waste baskets by the Saar- landers. The 2 per cent they threaten with concentration camps, | with shooting, They invade the| churches, the homes, the offices with reyolyers in hand—all this to con- vince and to gain the 2 per cent. What confidence! What presence of | mind these blood-hounds display! But somehow even those Saar-/| landers listening to the Nazi dis-| trict leaders are beginning to doubt | them and, as a consequence, the| next. day these same workers and| middle class people attend a People’s | Front meeting. There, according to} the “Deutsche Volks-Zeitung.” they | hear that in the villages and in the | towns 70 per cent of the neople are Ined up for the Status Quo; thet | in Sulzbach, for instance, the maj- | ority is against Hitler, as well as} in Saarbrucken, where the motto is “For Germany and Against Hitler.”) So these honest and hard-working | Searlanders begin to realize that all they have been hearing from the bloodthirsty mouths of these Hit-| lerites is a pack of les; they begin | to realize that in spite of the “patri-| otic German Wessel sort of songs’ the broad masses of the Saar are | firmly decided to vote for the Status| of 1, Quo. | The terror, the murders that the Nazis are inflicting upon the Saar} population are not their only means | ef attack. They use another trick to deceive the Saarlanders. They | say: “We are Germans; therefore back to Germany.” Tt seems a very | simple task, does it not, to ask the Saarlander te vote for Germany. Think of. it. Hitler, Goebbels and | Hess! What a trio! To the Saar| workers and peasants, to the small | business men and intellectuals, these for a Germany of crimes, of mur- | the Saarlanders, the two-year period | of the Hitler regime means a regime | ruled “by a despotic, monopoly- | capitalistic exploiting terror,” and| the Saar population will have noth- ing of the Hitler State. These| statements are the exact sentiments | of the pedple, for thousands upon | thousands of the “former N. S members are breaking away from the brown front.” Hitler in the Saar says: “The question to be decided upon Jan. 13/ is not whether to join with Hitler or not. but whether we are Ger- mans or not.” It is too apparent that such an argument is devoid of any logic. Tt is well known that the population of the Saar is Ger- man, with few exceptions only. That is indisputable and the Saar- landers know that, and they know that for this they don’t need a plebiscite: they can look at their birth certificates. But imagine Hit- ler and Hess calling themselves “The Germans of Germans.” It is well known that Hitler is an Aus- trian and Hess an yptian. The Saarlanders know, therefore, that) the question for them is: are we going to go to Hitler's. Germany— where we shall lose all our liber- ties, where our. lives .will be a con- tinuous nightmare, where only ter- ror, starvation and war are await- ing us—or are we going ta vote for | tions,, ete, | duetion season | mands as: has been able to determine the most important proposals which will be presented te the >commissions and on the floor af the convention 1—That ‘These proposals are: in the metal and allied echanies Educational Society work for the establishment of Coun- is consisting of elected delegates of the Mechanics Educational Society, Stee] and Metal Workers Industrial Union and other independent unions which ean work out recem- mendations for united organization drives, struggles and strikes for bet- t conditions fer the workers, inst company unions, injunce That the Councils strive to inelude the International Asso- ciation of Machinists and other American Federation of Labor unions in the metal trades, in these united activities, thus laying the basis for building ene union in the industry, Prepare Auto Strike 2—That in the auto and aute ag | parts industry, the Mechanics Bdue cational Society and American Fede eration of Labor shall immediately prepare fer a united strike struggle ef production workers and tool and die workers, during the present pro- around such des (1) Minimum wage of $35 for production workers, $48 for skilled workers; for a 30-hour, 3 day week of 6 hours day, Those getting above this minmum to re- ceive proportionate pay increases. (2) Determination of speed of production by agreement between workers committees and manage- | face of their mad propaganda and | ment. (3) Abolition of the March agree- ment, the Auto Labor Board, the | of their own supporters. He there-|¢ompany unions and the industrial | fore thought it necessary to explain |Servieemen and spy agencies. For majority representation in colleetive rgaining. For one industrial union im the industry contrelied by the rank and file and struggling against the em- ployers fer better conditions, (4) Guaranteed work thoughout the year or its equivalent in wages through unemployment insurance as provided for in the Workers Une employment Bill H. R. 7598. One Industrial Union im Auto 3—That the Mechanics Educae tional Society shall immediately ise sue an appeal to the United Autee mobile Workers of America (Amer- ican Federation of Labor) for joint activity in behalf of the workers; proceed to set up united commit- fees in the plants and between the American Federation of Labor and the Mechanics Edueational Society district and local organizations That the Meehantes Edueational Society call upon the United Auto Workers Union to set up a joint committee with the Mechanics Edu- cational Society to draw up mutuale ly agreed upon proposals for the calling of an Amalgamation con- vention of both unions in order ta merge the United Automobile Work- ers of America and Mechanics Edu. cational Society auto locals into one industrial union in the industry, controlled by the rank and file Tt is clear to your corespandent that when such an amalgamation convention does take place thera would be a strong sentiment for ree taining the affiliation with the A. F, by the amalgamated union. 4—That the united activities of the workers on the economic field be extended to the political field by condemning the two chief parties of the emplovers—the Republican and Democratic Parties—and com- ing out in favor of ie united workers tickets in the come ing elections, 5—That democratic procedure he established throughout the Mecha- nies Edueational Society, the sus- pension of John Anderson and John Mack from the Detroit organization be rescinded, that the constitution be changed so that the highest aue thority in the Mechanics Educae tional Society local is the members ship meeting of the local, that ore Banizers shall he elected by the membership and not appointed by the top officials, that for the next period there be only two paid nae tional officials, that all reactionary officials who obstruct the growth of the Mechanics Educational Society shall be cleared out and progrest | sively minded trade unionists elected | into the leadership of the soelety. and thereby remain free and free | all of Germany? That is the question the Saare landers are going te decide for Hitler and do, ter- themselves and not as | his drug addicts wish them to | Their mind is made up and no ror or other subtle netionalistia | Propaganda will be of any avafl, | The Saarlanders have already wit- nessed a taste of Hitler reign; they. know what their brothers in Gere many are going through. Even the “Basler Nazionalzeitung” of Dec. 12- | says: “Should Hitler and his Gere man Front succeed in the Jan. 13 plebiscite, he will introduce a reign of terror even more terrifying than- | that of June 30, 1934.” let Hitler be assured, The Saar= landers will vote with their interests, and that is the i the Status Quo and against Hitler Front for Germany but agains® Hitler—which is the Satus Quo,