The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 5, 1935, Page 4

Page 4 NAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1935 Father Coughlin’s Latest Propa SEES ACTION SOON; AIDS WALL STREET AGAINST Priest Hints to Masses MILITANTS Move to Prevent Clash Is Uselesss—Sounds Bankers’ Slogan of Fight on Militants—Defends Profit By Milton Howard One does not hav ticularly that the na Father hree v has appeared f one of the co eks, on n lar of pop the cover public ori vate property social relation by which the owners of wealth are en- able to exploit and plunder wage labor. Capital is the exploitation of the working class. Without a prop- ertyless working class there can be no capital. The existence of cap- ital depends on the existence, as Karl Marx proved in his historic pamphlet ‘Wage-Labor and Capital’, on a property! working class r has nothing to sell but its bor for exploitation by those privately own and control the ries, mines, ete. lation of capital to labor of terrorist reaction against the whole labor movement and the working class. It means another step along the road to American fascism, Hitler, and all fascists, raise as their main slogan the “war against Communism.” | The question of which class shall rule, the proletariat or the capital- | ists, becomes every day a closer life and death question for the majority of the people of the country. The capitalists cannot solve the crisis. They are making the lives of the majority of the population, the toilers, increasingly unbearable. The working class thinks more and more about taking power into its | own hands, and setting up its own class government, a Soviet Govern- ment Coughlin’s job is to act as a de- coy to trap the masses away from revolution, back to capitalist wage | slavery under the fancy name of social justice.” W.L. Patterson Sends Appeal On Scottsboro Southern United Front Plans Broad Campaign For Rights of Toilers Mass Conference in the Spring Will Fight for of Negro and By Nat Ross |{\N DEC. 29, a conference of a | number of leading southern So- cialists and a representative of the | Communist Party in the South was |held at Highlander Folk School, in Tennessee, The main question be- \fore this conference was the de- {velopment of the United Front in |the South. | The conference enthusiastically jendorsed the statement adopted in | Chattanooga, on Dec. 6, as 4 result |of a meeting between representa- | tives of the C. P, and Socialist Party, jin which leading Socialists of five rockbottom of present cap- | st scciety; this relation gives rise to enormous concentration of ealth in the hands of a handful apitalist parasites, and to inde- bable poverty among the masses. tion of capital and labor gives = to the monstrous stran- ly s becoming und cal mass fig’ southern states, as well as leaders | of the Revolutionary Policy Com- |mittee of the S. P., including its By PAUL PUSHKIN MOSCOW, U.S. S. R. (By Mail). —William L. Patterson, national | Socialist organizations in the South secretary of the International Labor | to start negotiations with the C. P. Defense, whose health was shat-/on a six-point program of joint tered in his leadership of the fight | struggle for the immediate needs of National Secretary, called on the | War Szgainst Communism The most imp in Coughlin’s recent activity is open declaration of war agai Communism as his main en This is not mere chance. Cough- lin’s declaration of war against the Communist Party takes place when the capitalist class is deliberately organizing new attacks against this revolutionary vanguard of the whole working class, with the Congr sional Committee D Committee) for the of un-American the basis for a dri Communist Party can. Coughlin’s most important utter- ‘ance in the past weeks been his ‘article featured in Mol magazine Today. Here we see Coughlin, in his own characteristic way, dispensing the kind of propaganda which is now necessary for the fulfillment of Wall Street's immediate war-preparations program and the organization of fascist reaction against the Com- munist Party. Coughlin writes in Liberty ec. 29: (the ivities e to outlaw a5 soon as the hey of .. there are many signs to indicate that the next war will be tought to make the world safe etther for Fascism, Soctaltsm, Communism, or social justice.” When will this war take place? Coughlin makes no bones about the answer: “, ,, there will be another war before the present generation Passes out of existence.” And the line-up of forces in this ‘war? Coughlin again gives us ad- vance information on the war-slo- yan to be used: “... perhaps only England and the United States will even whis- per the slogan ‘Save Democracy.’” One more quotation, and we have the key to Coughlin’s entire activity now, the key to what he is trying to accomplish. He writes in Lib- erty: “By no means do I subscribe to the opinion that if capitalism is Worn out beyond repair, we then must adopt Communism or So- cialism or even Fascis . capi- talism ... which is p. con- treed and pri y rele fannot solve the problem of dis- tribution, because its nature has become identified with its abuses.” To Save Capitalism Coughlin knows that capitalism @s a system is doomed. He also knows that the Communist Party ds the only party which has a pro- gling of production, to the piling up tion. This capitalist relation of cap- ital to labor is the basic cause of the crisis and wars. Capitalist Exploitation Does Coughlin aim to abolish this capitalist relation? No — only the Communists fight to abolish it. for the Scottsboro boys, arrived in | Moscow recently from the Black lopment of “surpluses” amid mass starva-| Sea, still weak, still worn out with his years of effort and untiring | struggle, Patterson is slowly re- | building his strength, so that he |may return to the United States | and to the fight, p | But never for one moment has the Scottsboro case and the case of the southern masses. | ference, as seen in the following | quotation from the letter which is | to be sent to each state committee | of the S. P. in the South, and which | is signed by Myles Horton, member | of the Executive Committee, 8. P., | Tennessee, and director of the High- Coughlin’s whole position shows that| Angela Herndon been out of Pat-| lander Folk School; Zilla Hawes, he does not, that he wants to pre- | terson’s mind. He talked with me Southern Labor Secretary, S, P., crve and strengthen it. How does! aout it, earnest and intent as ever. | Tennessee, and leading A. F. of L. he do it? By pretending that there ‘union of capital and la- bor.” Under the slogan of a “union” of these two antagonistic forces, he ips over the idea of the necessary xistence of capital! In Coughlin’s new system, then, the power of capital will exist great- er than ever before! It will be the capitalist system in its most brutal form! Notice how carefully Coughlin in- sists that the “productive industry’ must remain in the hands of the present capitalist owners! Well, if the Wall Street capitalists who now own the country’s industrial ma- chinery continue to own it under | Coughlin’s “social justice” system, how will the working class get “so- cial justice,” how will the working | class break the chains of their wage ea | “These cases—Scottsboro and An- gelo Herndon—are the very center }of our struggle today,” he said. | “By the Scottsboro frame-up, the |ruling class said to the Negro peo- | ple what the rulers of pre-civil war |days said in the Dred Scott case: ‘You have no rights that we are bound to respect. You are rapists, beasts, sub-human things. We need |give you no rights. |you no hearing, You dare not meet | with your white brothers, nor or- | ganize against your conditions.’ “Thus these cases were a chal- |ienge to the working class, and to |the Negro people, a challenge which jit had to meet, or be set back one long step in its struggle with the rulers, And we have met this chal- lenge. Neither the fury of the | white rulers, nor the maneuvers of We need give | slavery, how will they have any| their assistant hangmen, the Pick- power over the ordering of the life! enses and Walter Whites, the Hous- of the country? It is a fact that the class which owns the economic machinery dom- inates the political life of the coun- try, has political power. Workers Must Take Power Under Coughlin’s scheme, the private capitalists owning “produc- tive industry” will have more polit- ical power than ever before! And consequently, the slavery and op- tons, the Leibowitzes, has been able |to hold back the tremendous wave |of mass struggle that has been the |answer of the workers and the Ne- |gro masses to the Scottsboro and | Herndon frame-ups. “My message to the American |masses is this: ‘Raise the Scotts- {boro and Herndon cases to their |highest pitch. Protest! Demon- | strate! Send resolutions and tele- pression of the working class will | grams to the Supreme Court. And be greater than ever before! For | remember that the burden of carry- the workers to solve the crisis, they | ing on the defense is a terrific one. must take political power away |Help the International Labor De- from the capitalist class. Coughlin wants a “just” distribu- | tion “by the intervention of the overnment.” This sounds good and “radical.” But it is exactly what Hitler also promised and demanded! | o¢ the International Labor Defense, | printed the declaration of policy of | It is a fraudulent promise, intended t> which funds should be rushed by the Southern States to hide the fact that there can ‘fense to carry that burden, send {funds for the defense, so that the fight may be carried on to the vic- torious end.’” | The address of the national office jairmail and telegraph for the organizer, James Dombrowski, 8, P.. Tennessee, and Secretary of High- [lander Foik School: ; “We, the undersigned members of the S. P., call gpon the state executive committees of all south- ern states to call a special session | for the purpose of effecting a United Front between the Social- ists and Communists and other working class groups within each state. We suggest as a basis for United Front action the issues which were agreed upon at the Chattanooga conference... . Point number one (struggle against war and fascism) is being made con- crete in the preparation of a broad United Front conference in the | South aaginst lynching and tor | Zrade Union and Constitutional rights. ... We would call the at- tention of State Executive Com- mittees to several significant steps taken recently to effect such a United Front in the South... “Im supmutting Unis letter we feel that we are voicing the sen- timents of the majority of Soclal- ists and Communists in the South, as well as all honest trade union- ists.” | The Basis for the United Front | |HAT is at the bottom of the im- | portant actions taken at these | two conferences? 1, The capitalist attack on the | living conditions of the masses is | more severe in the South than else~ where, and only @ united, militant struggle can prevent the carrying lout of this fascist attack, On the | very day of the conference at High- | lander Folk School, the press | Council. The first two points in never be any “just” distribution for | urgent immediate needs of the its six-point program of southern the working class as long as the | Scottsboro-Herndon defense, _is | capitalists are: One, a fight to capitalist class has economic and Room 610, 80 Fast 1th Street, New | widen the wage differential, and | political power. Coughlin is trying to hide the fact that capitalist, distribution is based on capitalist production, The criminal maledjustments of capi- York City. | two, war against the labor unions. The December 29 conference went | a step beyond the December 6 con- | Industrial | Constitutional and Trade Union Liberties White Masses Under point one, J. F. Ames, of the Selma Manufacturing Company, de- jclared that a subnormal code for southern labor, both white and Ne- gro, but primarily the latter, should | be established, with a $9.50 a week | wage for men, $8 for women, and |$6 for boys and girls. 2, In the recent struggles in the | South, especially the big strikes, there develaped a4 fighting unity be- tween white and Negro workers never before seen in the South. | 3, The splendid united front ac- |tions undertaken jointly by the S. P. and C. P. in New Orleans, and the growing friendly relations es- tablished between the Share Crop- pers Union in Alabama, under Com- | munist leadership, and the Southern Tenant Farmers Union of Arkansas, under Socialist leadership. 4. In the past few years the} prestige and influence of the C. P. has grown enormously in the South | as a result of our correct position and active role in a number of big | strikes, in the share croppers’ strug- | gles, and in the fight for the free- dom of the Scottsboro boys. It| | should be noted that it was pre- | cisely our correct, understanding of the Negro question, of the struggle for equal rights for Negroes—as a precondition and at the same time | an essential part of the struggle for unity of the southern labor move- ment—that stimulated the whole | class struggle in the South, and brought the proletarian masses | closer to the C. P. Horton Hails C. P. Work A few examples will indicate the prestige the C. P. in the South. In @ recent letter, Myles Horton men- tions his recent speeches at Smith | | College and Union Theological Sem- | inary on the labor movement in the | South, in which he declared that | | “the best radical work in the South | was exceptional work being done by | | the C. P. in the Birmingham area.” | H. L, Mitchell, Secretary of the |Southern Tenant Farmers Union, jand also of the S. P. in Arkansas, in his letter to the Secretary of the Share Croppers Union, acknowledges the superiority of the fighting de- jmands of that union, and in his | recent letters says the following: “The S. T. F. U. . . . accepts your proposals for united action on your program... . Our mem- bers are not as far advanced ab yours are, but given time they will learn, . . . I certainly appreciate the material sent me on the 8. C, U. organization and methods of ing. ‘hey will be a. great help in other places where we do not have a strong enough posi- tion to remain above ground. ... Some men from —— section came to see me a few days ago (about | Starting the organization). ... I | gave them a line-up similar to your own.” 5, And finally, one of the main reasons for the possibilities for im- mediate development of a real united front movement in the South jis the fact that the Lovestone di |lupters are not in the South at all. and the relative weak hold that the old guard Socialist leadership has |over the many southern Socialist leaders. No doubt this explains why Lovestone declares editorially, with the criminal levity of an adventurer: “The so-called ‘United Front’ en- tered into by Nat Ross, Communist Party organizer in the South, on the one hand, and certain out- standing revolutionary Socialists on | the other, must bring grave concern | to all sincere advocates of the unity | of labor.” e- sec Its Immediate Effect wt already has been the ef- fect of the Chattanooga Con- ference? The united front develop- | ment has generated tremendous en- | thusiasm among large sections of workers, who seem to grasp in- | stinctively the importance of these actions. At the same time this united front progress has stimulated | real political and theoretical discus- | sion among the southern workers. Such questions as the difference be- | tween the 8. P. and C. P., questions concerning the state, the dictator- ship of the proletariat, bourgeois democracy, and so on, are more and more being discussed as a result of !the united front progress. The biggest step forward in re- gard to the united front has been the enthusiasm with which trade Unionists have embraced these first steps toward the united front. Per- haps the most significant step in this direction, growing out of the united front developments between the C, P. and the 8. P., in connec- tion with the Congress for Unem- ployment and Social Insurance, is the fact that a whole bloc of ment- bers of the Birmingham (Ala.), Trades Council, who represent the mest militant and honest unionists in important unions in the indus- trial heart of the South, came out openly in support .of the Congress and in the struggle for unity in the trade union and unemployed move- ment, which is now under way in the Birmingham region. Expect Mass Conference The results of the Chattanooga conference is seen by the endorse- ment given it at the Highlander conference, the acceptance of the Program of six demands, the laying of a basis for further conferences to carry out the proposals adopted, and to develop broader mass action in the South, and especially in par- ticipation in the preparations for the South-wide conference against constitutional rights, to be held in Chattanooga in the Spring. Here it is hoped to involve the International Labor Defense, Na- tional Association for the Advance- ment of Colored People, League Against War and Fascism, C. L. U., a vast number of other cultural, so- cial, religious, fraternal and unem- ployed organizations, and above all, the trade unions. Referring to this conference, Ray Koch, writing for Commonwealth College, says: “Such a conference is really @ good move to consolidate the very scattered forces in the South that are opposed to terror and the open shop. You haye my full cooperation (and that of Commonwealth College).” Already in its first stages the united front struggle in the South is completely rejecting the advice |of the Lovestone disrupters of the | united front, as well as the unfor- tunate statement appearing in a recent bulletin of the R. P. C., which |states that: “The fundamental |basis of the southern undertaking | (Chattanooga conference) is incor- rect"—a statement which will please the heart of the Socialist old guard. More and more the southern masses demand unity. The southern rank and, file Socialists are de- manding the united front. Many Socialists in the South are work- ing together honestly and sincerely with the Communists. The C. P., with all the forces at its disposal, and with every ounce of its energy, will carry on a tireless fight to unite the southern workers by building the main instrument that can unite |them—a powerful united front of ‘militant struggle, talist distribution are the necessary | Socialist Student Leaders Reject Proposal lynching and for trade union and | | cooperating to obtain it. eh ganda Sounds War Not NEW YORK LABOR: PLANS MA IN FIGHT Only the Workers’ Injunctions Aime By GEORGE MORRIS Justice Burt Humphrey to the that united action between longshoremen and truckmen jis illegal, and that longshore- |men cannot refuse to handle | freight trucked by non-union team- | | Sters, is a very striking example to | show how serious the injunction menace has become to the labor movement. The increased use of injunctions against labor has become so serious in New York that a move- ment is now developing in the trade ference. that present day injunctions are not only to restrain strike activities, but they likewise aim to dictate to the workers the kind of a union they should choose, to protect company unions and to prevent workers from even fighting for concessions which the N.R.A. could not avoid granting. In addition to the waterfront in- junction which definitely tells the workers that they are not permitted to form a united front against the employers, and would certainly ap- ply if the workers would have an} industrial union, the following in-| junctions are in effect in New York | at the present time: | Other Injunctions | ‘To the Fordham Laundry, against the Laundry Workers Industrial} Union, affiliated with the T.U.U.L. In this case the employer pleads that he wants an injunction so he can draw up an agreement with an A. F. of L. union, whose officials are To the L. and H. Stern Briar Pipe Company of Brooklyn against the Independent Smoking Pipe Mak- ers Union. The workers are re- strained from strike activity, al- though they were upheld by the Regional Labor Board. To Ohrbach’s Department Store against the Office Workers Union. It’ aims especially to prevent a foot- hold from being gained by a mili- tant union in this new field in whieh there is an. increasing will- ingness to organize. To a number,of theatres in the | Bronx and Brooklyn against the Moving Picture Operators Union, Lo- cal 306 (A. F. of L.) and aims es- pecially to protect the Moving Pic- ture Operators Alliance, a company union, which is recognized by the owners, for strikeoreaking purposes. The five cases cited are only rep- resentative of the policy pursued. There are now hundreds of workers awaiting trial for violating these injunctions. The most vicious po- lice terror was let locse to enforce the writs. Increased use of anti-labor in- junctions is further proof, that the N.R.A. promises of the right to or- ganize and choose a union are to- tally meaningless. In fact injunc- tions today are supplements to strengthen the anti-labor character of the entire N.R.A. scheme. In the case of the cogton garment work- ers, an injunction was a means of stooping the order of the N.R.A. for a 36-hour week and a 10 per cent wage increase. A very common us? made of injunctions now is also to} stop pant elections to determine if the workers want a real union or | New York shippers, declaring | unions for an anti-injunction con- | It is especially important to note | e€ SS PARLEY ON WRITS | Norris—LaGuardia Measure Shown to Be Uselesc- Struggle Can Defeat d Against Strikers | Years, and that if the injunction is The injunction granted by | granted the Communists will get an opportunity to establish a foothold on the waterfront, Ryan said the following when thé | hearings on the injunction opened: | “The record of myself and the | LL.A. whose destinies I have been privilezed to guide for many years, is an open book, We have not had a strike or disorder on the waterfront for the past 19 years, and it is a matter of record that we have been able to frustrate the Communists in their attempts to tie up the waterfrent” (the last refers to the calling of the east coast sezmen's strike. —M.) Edward C. MoGuire, attorney for | the union stated, in defense of the officials: “I say to your honor that if the injunction is granted it will tie the hands of the responsible labor leaders on the waterfront. It will give the Communists an opportun- ity to say that association in the A. F. of L. is no security for the workers, The Communists are very active now on the waterfront. The injunction will give them a chance to arouse a general strike on the New York waterfront, and a gen- eral strike in New York will be far greater and mean a greater loss to industry than that which teek place in San Francisco.” Whan the injunction was granted, the shipowners were also named as defendants. But this is only to befog the issue. The injunction merely orders that the shipowners should force their workers to load seab cargo. It is the first step to- ward challenging the unten’s control on the waterfront, and eventually smashing it, Although it is the Chamber of Commerce and mer- chants’ associations that have for- mally applied for the injunction, the shipowners are undoubtedly behind the entire scene. The cniy force in the marine unions which sought to arouse a mass movement to fight the injunc- tion, and to prepare the workers to refuse to handle scab cargo, regerd- Jess of the decision, is the rank and file movement in the LL.A. But Ryan centered his main attack against these very rank and file ele- ments. Now the waterfront workers can | See what the policy of united front with the bosses, against the most active workers in the unions and depending on capitalist laws and courts leads to. The fight against the injunction menrce must be based chiefly upon @ mass movement of the workers. They must be smashed through mass picket lines in which workers of all unions participate. Orders such as that handed down to the waterfront workers can ke made meaningless if there is a mass refusal to load soab goods. The anti-union charac- ter of every injunction must be ex- posed to the entire trade union movement. Such is the purpose of the Anti- Injunction Conference being arranged. All unions should be represented. Just as in the examples cited A. F. of L. inde- pendent and T.U.U.L. unions are hit, so the cenference should be representative of all such unions. Detroit Labor gram capable of solving the prob-|and inevitable result of capitalist @ company union, lem of getting rid of capitalism and setting up a new form of govern- ment, a Soviet ernment, ich will be able to 2 the coun- tr o end the @ pro- zled job is to save capitaiicm, to preserve the whol siructure of private property upon ing class, and whose tradictions are responsible talict e: Coughlin, therefore, in his article manufactures a formula by which he attempts to “abolish” capitalism, only to restore it again! Coughlin reasons—cithc: Commu- nism or social j E Bui what 1 justice” as Coughlin con it? It is the same old capitalism, only Made more vicious and oppressive by the open, brutal dictatorship of the capitalist state! It is fascism! on to Coughlin define h he is preparing “,.. it will not be that type of Socialism which desires to nation- elize, not on!y natyral resoui but also all productive industry. No> will it be a capitalism wedded theory of private financial- nd production for profit. It will be a system based on the be- lief that wealth is created by the union of capital and labor; and that this wealth must be distrib- uted even through the interven- tion of the government, in such & way that every laborer who co- operates in producing this wealth Shall have a share of it...” Is not this a tricky and shrewd trap for the workers? Private Ownership Remains This new system of “Social Jus- ties”—does it not contain all the most brutal essentials of present capitalism, all the features which the workers hate in the present set-up? What is thi ine “union of cap- ital and labor”? How can thcre be a “union” between these two mortal and deadly enemic: Coughlin is trying to throw dust into tie eves @f the workers. Capital is the pri- the wage expicita- | | private ownership of the means of | production. Only the Communist |Party fights for the ending of cap- italist production, for the beginning |of Socialist production. | Coughlin’s fraud is that he talks “reforming” the problem of bution, while he fights against ‘olishing the private ownership of he means of production, the fun- damental condition of capitalist dis- tribution! Coughlin is against that the Communists want. everything | muni: want to adolish private |ownership of the means of produc- | tion hey want to break the| power of the Wall Street monop- | olies. rule of the capitalists, and set up |the rule of the working class, | headed by the proletariat, the prop- | ertyless workers who today must sell their wage labor in capitalist exploitation. The setting up of a | Soviet government would end the jevisis by removing the one grcat obstacle which stands in the way of its solution, the capitalist class and their private ownership of the means of production. In fighting | the revolutionary solution of the crisis proposed by the Communists, | Conghlin is fichting for capitalism, |for the rule of the Wall Street | banks, for the intensified misery of the people, Preparing Imperialist War | To conclude briefly, jarticle in “Today” shows that he is preparing the minds of ‘he masses to be ready to die in the next imperialist war under ihe logan of the “destruction of Com- munism in defense of democracy and social justice.” He is, in short, getting the masses ready for the same kind of imperialist slaughter “for democracy” as the last world war. Does not everybody know that. this “democracy” was only the prof- lits of the Wall Street billionaires? | Coughlin’s baitle-cry against | Sommunirm is preparation for the |outlawing of the Communist Party, nd for intervention against the Soviet Union. But the outtawins of the Com- munist Party means an unleashing s i But | fo> the horrors of the present capi- | What are these things? The Com- | They want to overthrow the | Coughlin’s | | By Walter Relis | 'HE test of a revolutionary organ- | 4 ization is the vigor with which lit struggles in the interest of the | masses and strives to unite them in their common struggles. For more than a vear the Nation- al Student League has proposed to the Student League for Industrial Democracy that both organizations amalgamate into one revolutionary |student organization. Since the N. S. L. felt that most 8. L. I. D. members were in agreement with the pregram of the N. S. L. unity | was suggested on that basis, but it was also proposed that a joint con- yention of both organizations dis- cuss the matter of program and proceed to the organization of one militant student movement. Indeed the December convention of the N.S. L. last year offered its con- vention hall for that purpose. The S. L, L. D. refused. However, as a result of the pres- sure for amalgamation the leaders lof the S. L. I. D. were compelled to give way and accept a united front lof action with the N. S. L. This | united front achieved the success- ful April 15 strike of 25,000 Ameri- jean students ageinst war prepata- tions. The Union Question | Even though the lessons cf an en- tire year ef united front activity | were brilliantly clear the leaders of for means to amalgamation have constantly raised objections and ob- stacles. Thev stated that amalga- mation was impossible because the N. S. L. supported only the Trade Union Unity League unions and op- posed the A. F. of L. This is in | direct opposition to the facts. The |N. S. L. on the west coast gave hearty support to the International Longshoremen’s Association locals in he longshcremen’s strike. | Time and time again the N. 8. L. | has supported A. F. of L. workers in ‘heir struggles. However, the N.S.L. does not support Green or Woll and ‘heir ilk, who have defeated work- ers’ struggles and have co-operated the S. L. I. D. instead of searching ; Ot N.S. L. for Amalgamation of Organizations cS | with Hearst in his attacks on mili- | tant students. The N. S. L. does not and will never support the har- bingers of fascism in the United | States. | This and similar objections cre- | lated by S. L. L D. leaders have} been answered with such clarity by \the MN. 5. L, that the 8. L. I. D. ‘leaders have found it difficult to | continue to raise “theoretical differ- | ences.” In many schools N. 8. L. and S. L. I. D. chapters have been werk- |ing in complete harmony. So the December convention of the S. L. ‘ce D. had to be well prepared. The | Young People’s Socialist League in New Yerk instructed Y.P,S.L.’ers to |make certain that the New York | delegation would be strong (but not ‘for amalgamation). An entire bus (Joad of New York delegates was | shipped out to the Chicago con- vention. The Hunter College Chap- ‘ter (68th St.), which has scarcely _a dozen or more in attendance at lits membership mectings, sent five ‘delegates, Ethel Schachner, wife of | Winston Dancis (National Secre- tary of the Y. P. S. L.), who left | Hunter College more than a year ‘ago, was one of the Hunter dele- | gates. There were not more than 60 delegates at the S. L. I. D. con- vention. The convention voted 35 to 15 against reafMfiliation with the American League Against War and | Fascism. The New York (“right | wingers”) had their way. The feurth national convention of the National Student League, which convened Dec. 26 in St. Louis, a day before the S. L. I. D. convention, was in all respects a serious busi- ness convention. There were dele- gates from almost every section of the country. The New York dele- gation of 13 represented more than 1,400 high school and college N. S. L.ers. Every problem that confronts N. S. L. chapters in their day-to- day wo:k was brought out on the cenvention flcor. Experiences were prepared to improve the work of their respective chapters, The N.S.L, convention considered exchanged andthe delegates left} the question of amalgamation of vital importance to the American student movement, A represenia- tive was sent to the S.L.I.D. Con- vention to present the position of the N.S.L. Each 8.L.1.D. delegate Was given a copy of a call for amal- |gamation issued by the National Executive Committe of the N.S.L. The S.L.L.D, convention went on record in favor of amalgamation “in principle” but the resolution adopted stated that at the moment because jot certain cifficulties (not men- tioned) amalgamation was an im. possibility, Obviously the pressure was great indeed if the New York delegation and the leadership of the S.L.I.D. could not categorically op- rose the proposal for unity. The Student in the Crisis Con- ference held in Chicago, December 28 and 29, which had representa- tives from many bourgeois student organizations showed that the cam- paigns led by the N.3.L. have elicited such support from the American Student body that even these stu- dent organizations have been com- pelled to take a stand on the basic social issues of the day. The dele- gate of the Methodist Student Fed- eration reported that his organiza- tion had voted to support the April 5 International Student Strike Against War and Fascism. A rep- resentative of the Y.W.C.A, spoke against Negro discrimination, These are healthy signs only if they are followed by conerete action. The conference also indicated the trend among certain student organizations toward becoming apologists for the present administration, The In- tercollegiate Council representative stated that his organization was fully in support of the Roosevelt administration. The Council is spon- soring a series of radio programs which featured members of the ad- ministration. The New Deal ad- ministration recognizes the impor- and technicians. It is drawing the National Student Federation and ‘other student organizations directly tance of winning the future teachers _ |under its wing by offering them | direct assistance and cooperation. At this eonference the NS.L. delegation presented its plea for | amalgamation declaring that the | growth of the forces of reaction |Necessitate immediate consideration of the proposal for amalgamation or at least consideration of steps that would lead to it, The N.S.L. pro- posed a joint meeting of the Na- tional Executive Committee of the SLID. and the N.S.L, Again the 8.L.LD, sought only obstacles. “Good faith” —that age-old bogey was brought to the fore. The 8,L.1.D. leadership could no longer find pro- | Srammatic hindrances. The old ob- jections had been convincingly cleared away by the N.S.L. In direct contradiction to the resolution of the §.L.1.D. convention, Joseph Lash, editor of Student Outlock (S.L.LD. publication) declared that he as a Socialist opposed amalga- mation, because he considered that it would be desirayle sometime in the future when the S.P. would be- come a mass party for the §.L,1.D. to become an open affiliate to the S.P. This in his estimation would make a split in the unified organiza- tion inevitable. The S.L.LD. has many times stated as one of its rea~ sons for refusing amalgamation that the N.S.L. desires only to “pursue its own sectarian ends” and that the S.L.LD. cannot be a partner to such sectarianism. It is clear even from this brief article that the S.L.LD. leaders are the ones who are pursuing a sec tarian policy. They are using every Possible method, fair or foul, to prevent the unification of the stu- dent movement. We of the N.S.L. do not intend to drop eur siruggie for a united student movement. We shall do everything in our power to con- tinue and strengthen the united front with the 8.L.LD., and press ‘sr amalgamation. We are con- vineed tz a united student move- | mont will be of great aid in the struggle of the American masses against LaGuardia-Norris Bill Useless Of special interesi is the fact that the LaGuardia-Norris anti-injune- tion bill has proven absolutely worth- less, In the waterfront case, Senator Burton K, Wheeler of Montana, leader of the third party movement, was brought in by the unicn offic to argue their case. The only dem. onstretive action of workers organ- ized by the officials of the Interna- tional Longshoremen’s Association and of the International Teamsters Union was a reception at the Penn- sylvania station to greet the senator's arrival, The idea instil'ed into the minds of the workers is that this “big man” knows the bill from A to Z and will surely know how to argue for it. He undoubtedly furnished good ar- guments to show that injunctions against labor are illegal, But his arguments did not mean a thing to the boss-controlled courts. Liber- als of his type serve as a means of rallying the masses to pin hopes on legislative measures to defeat in- junctions, with the result that after years of campaigning and support given to capitalist politicians on the basis that they spencor anti-injunc- tion measures, the workers find that the laws are not worth the p2per they are written on. The workers of New York are likewise getting an excellent exam- ple of the “liberalism” of Mavor LaGuardia. In addition to the hill which bears his name being worth- jess, the mayor sends his polies te see to it that it remains worthless. Attitude of A, F. ef L. Leaders What is the attitude of the A. F. of L. leadership toward this most serious menace facing the trade union movement? A typizal exam- ple is the waterfront case, Not cne step was taken to arouse the mem- bership of the LL.A. and the team~ sters’ union to the danger in the injunction. Not even for a protest movement. But that wasn’t all. The chief strategy of Joseph Ryan, Interna~- tiona president of the LL.A. and president of the New York Trades and Labor Council, was to prove to the shipping interests that the LL.A. officials could be depended upon. ‘unger, war and fascism. | having prevented strikes for 19 and one of the sponsors of the bill Backs Sugar For Judgeship DETROIT, Mich., Jan. 4—Mau- rice Sugar, working class lawyer widely known for his activity in labor defense cases here, has been put forward by a group of profes- | Sionals as candidate for Recorder's Judge in the Spring elections. Sugar’s candidacy has been en- dorsed by the Mechanics’ Educa- tional Society of America, the Cen- trel Trades and Labor Council and the Communist Party, A drive to collect 50,000 nominat- ing petition signatures for Sugar’s candidacy has been started, al- though only 10,000 are needed to place his name on the ballot. The Communist Party here has in- structed all of its units and its fractions in mass organizations ic take up at once the job of swinging: the largest possible number of workers into the signature collec tion drive, : The Communist Party member- ship has set itself the following tasks in connection with Sugar's candidacy: To distribute the petitions and for the units to organize for house- |te house canvassing in the neigh= borhoods and visiting mass or- ganizations, Special days must ve fixed in January for this task. To raise finances for the support tions. To invite Maurice Sugar to ad- dress workers’ organizations, par- full plan of Party support will be worked out. For this purpose a special meeting of all Party and left wing forces is arranged for teenth Street. All units are to elect at least two delegates to this meet- ing. At, this meeting we will dis- cuss the manner in which the Party and left wing can develop a mass campaign for the election of Maurice Sugar as Recorder's Court Judge. All units are to cleet three delegates to this meeting, of the candidacy in all organiza- ticularly non-left wing bodies, A MONDAY, JAN. 7, at 5969 Four-