The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 4, 1934, Page 6

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1934 S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTEREATIONAS ) Working Class Datly Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO, INC. 3 EB. th Street, New York, N. Y. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-7954 Daiwork,” Room 954 gton, D. © South Wells St “America’s Only New York, N. Y. National Address Burea’ Press Building, National 7910. Room 105, Ohiengo, Ml. Subscription Rates: Bronx 1 year, 96.00; 0.75 copie. year, and 00; 1 month, and Canada: 1 $3.00. moi except $3.50; 3 75 cents. 6 months, 75 cents, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1934 Unemployed Struggles --- The Central Task S IT hacks away at relief, and fosters A its fantastic, demagogie program of “construction,” the Roosevelt regime keeps its ears close te the tempo of mass discon- tent. It was the Central Committee of the Communist Party which first pointed out, after the election results, that Roosevelt’s New Deal “vic- tory” would be shortlived. Now from the oracles of the ruling class there is confirmation of this fact. Many valuable lessons can be drawn from an un- derstanding of this situation. For example, the Political Bureau of our Party, in its editorial summary of the discussion on the election results, declared: “A careful analysis of the election results will indicate that such attacks (on he workers, employed and unemployed) will be met with the greatest resistance on the part of the very same masses who voted for the Roosevelt New Deal candidates, because they did not yet under- stand the class nature of the New Deal and were still fooled by the Roosevelt promises and demagogy.” Again: “The results of the elections show that the maneuvers of monopoly capital though largely successful are not fully so and that these successes are bound to prove temporary.” In discussing Roosevelt’s schemes for cutting relief and playing with the bait of a construction program, Ernst K. Lindley, Washington correspond- ent for the Herald Tribune, writes: “There is a strong feeling in administration circles that the situation now is somewhat compar- able to that after the 1932 election, when many people were buoyed up through the winter by the hope that a new administration would bring about improvement. They regard the confidence in Mr. Roosevelt, expressed in the Congressional election this autumn, as a state of mind which may evaporate rather rapidly if he does not succeed in greatly in- creasing employment before the 1936 election.” The same gentleman points out that the ad- ministration is learning the great mass of unem- are becoming disillusioned with promises and are becoming radicalized. This becomes the important factor for the em- ployers and their government in the effort to smash n relief, and save themselves some profit and taxes, Roosevelt is only too willing, too happy to carry out the wishes of the big trusts, the big bankers and the parasite class, in hacking away at relief. And he carries out this program to the maximum, de- pendent on only one factor—the resistance and Struggle of the unemployed and employed against these starvation schemes. Lindley, an official biographer of Roosevelt, very close to the chief demagogue, admits This, saying: “While many financial and business leaders have been urging the President to abandon future public works expenditures and to cut relief to a minimum, the predominant thought in the administration seems to be that the social risk involved in pursuing such a policy would be too great.” The amount of relief the unemployed get, the question of action on unemployment insurance, the whole problem of what the Roosevelt regime will or will not do for the unemployed, depends on the nature and extent of the fight carried on by the un- employed. This has always been the position of the Communists, who have been in the forefrofit in developing the most extensive, the sharpest mass struggles against the Roosevelt program of big monopoly capital. The mood of the masses is ror struggie. We must be able to lead these masses into struggle, with the knowledge that the amount of relief to be gotten is precisely gauged by the strength of the battle for relief and against the Roosevelt-Wall Street program. Now the Communist leadership in the unem- ployed organizations must watch every development in every locality in the direction of slashing relief. ‘They must take up in the most consistent and de- termined manner the fight for the needs of the workers. They should take up the fight against evictions, against relief cuts, against abolition of cash relief, against forced labor. The unemployed struggle at this moment is the central task before the whole party, and it must be waged with the most and best of our forces, with bull-dog tenacity that will guarantee the retention of the leadership of the fight in the hands of mil- itant, fighting workers. The success of the National Congress for Un- employment Insurance, to be held in Washington dan. 5-7, will depend on the effectiveness with which We take hold of all local activities of the unem- ployed masses. In connection with the local struggle, the cen- tral demand for unemployment insurance must be brought forward as the highest political expression of the whole unemployed struggle. Labor Board Betrays the Steel Workers HE admissions of M. Tighe, head of the A. F. of L, steel union, in an interview with the Daily Worker, published yester- day, bear out our repeated statements that the steel workers would get nothing out of the Steel Labor Board. The steel workers are now reaping the fruits of the betrayal put over by Green and Tighe last June, when these A. F. of L. leaders prevented a strike and threw all of the demands of the steel workers into the new Steel Labor Board, What has happened, before this board, to the e ' BY THE | demands of the steel workers, according to Tighe’s admissions? Tighe declared that there are thou- sands of complaints before the board and before him. The workers have brought to this board, cre- ated by Roosevelt with Green and Tighe’s partici- pation, cases of blacklist, of firing, of terrorization against union officials, of union smashing. The steel workers have told this board of the speed-up, the low wages and long hours, against which they wanted to strike last summer. And Tighe admitted that not a single one of these grievances have been adjusted by the Roosevelt Steel Labor Board. There Ras only been one “federally supervised” election—in the West Virginia Rail Co. plant at Huntington, W. Va. The workers there voted for the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers (A. F. of L.) as their union. But under the Steel Labor Board, the company union is as strong as ever there, and the company has made no move to sign a contract, Tighe admitted. we are the steel workers to do now that they can see that all of their demands—for higher wages, shorter hours, against the speedup, against discrimination and for union recognition—have been turned down by the Steel Labor Board? Tighe and Green offer one program to the steel workers. They propose to repeat the same betrayal policy they put into effect last June. They propose another no-strike “truce.” Green is now conferring with the steel employers, trying to tie up the steel workers by agreeing not to fight for the steel work- ers’ demands for a few months more. Tighe tells the Daily Worker that he opposes strikes, he hints that the rank and file delegates will be barred from the next convention of the union, that the militant workers do not understand the employers’ problems, and that the union should co-operate with the em- ployers to prevent strikes, He praises the Steel Labor Board. Further reliance on the Steel Labor Board will only bring the steel workers continued blacklist, further growth of the company unions, more speed- up, lower wages, and the smashing of the union. The steel employers, with whom Green is now con- cocting a “truce,” are already planning to enforce @ drastic wage cut on the industry. * . . i bas steel workers, if they are to win their demands, must organize their own strength, and put up a real fight for their demands. The steel workers will get nothing out of Green’s and Tighe's co-operation with the employers. The only road to winning their demands is the Toad of preparation of strikes for these demands. The rank and file in the Amalgamated Associ- ation should prepare for these struggles now. The building of rank and file oppositions in every local union of the A.A., in every district of the union, is a necessary step to the winning of the demands. The rank and file opposition in the A. A. should see to it that the delegates elected to the coming national convention are rank and file delegates, pledged to the support of a fighting program, and of rank and file control in the union. Only through strike preparation, under control of the rank and file, can the steel workers win their demands. ‘While the Poor Grow Poorer’ AYOR LAGUARDIA and his loyal Tammany “opposition” have tried hard to justify the sales tax. The Communist Party and its central organ, the Daily Worker, have said re- peatedly that the sales tax is but another effort of the capitalist class and its government to put the burden of the crisis on the backs of, the people of the city of New York. We have pointed out that while the workers and small business people are staggering under their burdens of unemployment or greatly reduced in- comes, 8 handful of large bankers and industrialists grow wealthier daily. Finance capital—monopoly capital—literally bursts with profits while the masses starve. A few very recent figures will again bear out our contention: Dividends for last month—November—were the HIGHEST SINCE FEBRUARY, 1932. Many extra dividends were declared. Dividends declared by 675 large companies last month were $347,246,152. This compares with $148,083,806 for 624 companies the month before, and $261,966,317 for 579 com- panies in November, 1933. Eighty-seven extra dividends were declared last month. This is the largest monthly total since December, 1931. Banks and insurance companies—the biggest of these being the very same New York Morgan-Rocke- feller banks which are regularly drawing millions of dollars in interest on New York City bonds—got $4,215,200 last month, as compared with $2,448,459 the month before, . . * or THE very same day that the above information was printed in the public press, the following ap- peared Dec. 1, 1934, in the New York Times, buried away in an inside page: “More than 320,000 families in New York City are living on less than one-fourth of the $2,500 annual income estimated by Dr. Mordecai Ezekiel, economic adviser of the Department of Agricul- ture, to be necessary for a moderately full life, the Citizens Welfare Committee announced yester- day....” Think of it, workers of New York! While the New Deal has brought millions to a handful of bankers, parasite bond-holders and large manu- facturers, it has brought new poverty to the masses. It is in such a situation that the LaGuardia admin- istration finds it impossible to tax the bankers and large corporations, but perfectly possible to lay a new tax burden on the masses. While one-fourth of the city’s masses lives on a level bordering starvation, one-hundredth of the population revels in wanton luxury. This is the simple, actual truth of the situation. The masses of New York City must tell Mayor LaGuardia and his Tammany “opponents” in the clearest and most unmistakable tones that they will not get away with it. They must tax the bankers and the large corporations, They must tax wealth. The sales tax must-be defeated. United, organ- ized mass action in every shop, union and neigh- borhood will do it. A flood of resolutions and dele- gations must descend on every alderman, on every city official, Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. ¥Y. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. NAMB... .ccscssscoscccsccccescvesecscccosesccee WII i aiseen sisi facades |but a bosses’ union, a company | Party Life | | Traction Worker Tells Why He Joined The Communist Party I am a worker, working in the B. M. T. for many years. In the last three years, we got 3 wages cuts. The company union met with our | “representatives” who never even asked us whether we wanted a cut, and we got a 10 per cent cut. Then | we got two more cuts, After this | the men fought for a 10 per cent in- crease. But behind our backs the “representatives” signed with the bosses, giving us only a 2 per cent increase. This shows that the sys- tem we have is not a workers’ union, union. It also shows that the com- pany was trying to fool the men | into believing that they are good bosses. They don’t ask us when they want to cut our wages, but when they give ys a measly 2 per cent increase after all those cuts, they try to show us that they’re on our side and ask us first. They do this to disorganize the men, to keep them from struggle. Fellow workers, you can see for yourself, that this means nothing to us. This 2 per cent increase doesn’t make our wages any bigger. It’s just an increase in name but not in fact. Ever since I began to work, I was thinking that there was something wrong in our system. Why? Because I saw that wherever workers strug- gle for better conditions, the sys- tem itself is always on the side of the bosses. I’m not so young. It’s a long time already that I’ve been on my own and I’ve always seen this—bosses against workers. Many times I met politicians from different parties and different trade unions but they never gave a real solution for our troubles. It was al- ways words and nothing else. I was looking for a party which would be on the side of the workers. I wondered whether there weren't any people on earth who we fighting for the workers’ interests. Finally I found that there is a Communist Party of which I am now a member and I know that it is my duty to organize the workers where I work. So, fellow workers, I think that every worker. who sees how rotten conditions are, as I did, should join the Communist Party, the only party which fights for workers’ in- terests. B. M. T. WORKER. oak he On the Question of Fluctuation FN connection with the fluctuation in the Party I would like to make & few suggestions based on my ex- periences. The main problem is good unit meetings. Too often the new mem- ber is placed in a unit of 35 to 40, where he is given no personal at- tention. Nothing is explained to him, he is merely told to take as- signments. He finds that the older members take up most of the time with long winded speeches and very little is decided on or carried out, In the unit meetings we should never forget the possible reaction of the new members. We should be sure that they understand every- thing that is taken up and try to draw them into the discussion. A street unit of 10 to 20 can func- tion much better than a larger unit, and when our units reach an un- wieldy size they should be divided, so that the new members can re- ceive more attention. If we had a small pamphlet for new members explaining in detail the Party organization from the Unit to the C. T., it would be a big help. The pamphlet should also ex- plain our terms such as proletariat, bourgeoisie, nucleus, reformist, etc, Party democracy should be ex- plained and made clear. It is not enough to have classes for new members. Sometimes they get lost before we can get them into a class. B. L., Unit 9, See. 2, New York. ee ee Note: The pamphlet “The Com- munist Party in Action” by Com- rade Bittelman was issued to serve exactly this purpose. The pam- phlet is simply written, and aims to give new members a clear un- derstanding of the tasks and role of the Party as well as of each individual Party member. A hand- book or manual for Party mem- bers, answering simple questions about organizational structure, Party democracy, etc., is now in the course of preparation. Letter From Bourgeois French Girl Praises Oviedo Soviet Regime PARIS, France.—A letter from a young bourgeois French girl who was living near Oviedo during the uprising tells the “Matin” of the fair treatment she and her wealthy fam- ily received at the hands of the workers and the contrasting hourly danger from General Ochoa’s forces. “We had no food,” she writes, “no bread, no flour, but we were told by the enthiisiastic miners and their wives that we would be given cards for supplies. The same evening we got our cards. No harm was done or even threatened the women of our household. “At four o'clock we were told that the revolutionists kad been looking for my uncle at his house. They took all the mattresses with them for their hospital and for their ar- mored cars. They saw all our jew- elry but did not touch it. They took only clothes and linens.” During Ochoa’s indiscriminate bombardment the entire family was in momentary danger of death but while the revolutionists were in power, the girl writes, “we had nothing to fear.” Two comrades in N. Y¥. City, while canvassing for support of the Workers’ Unemployment In- surance Bill (H. R. 7598) brought out the role of the Daily Worker in this fight, and got a contribu- tion of 50 cents. Use this method to help raise the money still re- ON GUARD! Burck will give the ociginal drawing of his cartoon te the CARTOON COMING, COMRADES! It's the Day Unit's day for Burck’s precious car- toon. The Art Department also gets honorable men- tion for attracting the highest single contribution by Burck highest contributor each day towards his quota of $1,000, Day Unit, Sec. 2, Phila. $ 10.25 Markham Unit, Virginia, Minn. vee 450 Previously received ..........++ - 503,13 sent to any individual feature, Total Deere eee eeeneeeseeeeeeseressenes $OLT.88 Y.GL Celebrates 15th Anniversary — 6 — 6 Lenin Fought Attempts To Belittle Need of Youth Movement ‘HE 20th of November, 1934, com- pleted the 15th anniversary from the opening day of the first con- gress of the Young Communist In- ternational. The date of the crea- tion of the Y. C. I. meant the crowning of a long and stubborn struggle of Lenin inside of the workers’ movement against the op- portunist policies of the parties of the Second International on the questions of the estimation of the role of the youth in the class strug- gle. ‘The many years of the struggle of Lenin for the formation of a revolutionary youth organization ended with success. Lenin estimated very highly the significance of the participation of the youth in the Political struggle of the working class and he viewed the youth movement as an inseparable part of the general workers’ movement. Because of this it is not surprising that Lenin, at the very foundation of our Party called the attention of the Party organizations to the necessity of involving the youth in the political struggle. At the Second Convention of the Russian Social-Democratic Party, where the Bolshevik Party was created in the bitter struggle, Lenin brought in a special draft resolu- tion on the youth, which recom- mended all Party organs to help the youth organize. This was at the period when a few western parties of the Second International were preparing to disband their youth organization. During the period of 15 years after this, Lenin struggled with exceptional con- sistency against the attempts of the reformists to draw the youth away from revolutionary struggle into the swamp of non-political and “cul- tural” activity. In many speeches, Lenin taught the youth to recognize their friends and enemies, and helped it build their organizations of revolutionary struggle. The result of the struggle by Lenin was that many left Socialist, youth organizations soon after the October Revolution decisively tore away from social democratic parties and took the road of Communism. With the creation of the Y. C. I, the international youth movement began a-new revolutionary step in its development. It received a pro- gram which is based on the prin- ciples of Leninism. A clear revo- lutionary aim and understanding of the Bolshevik methods of applying it turned the youth organizations abroad into a great force. Terror Against Youth The young, small Young Commu- nist Leagues were surrounded by a wave of repression and unheard of terror of the bourgeoisie. The bour- geoisie saw symptoms of the com- ing revolutionary storm in the Y. C. I. pin on the chest of a young proletarian. The bourgeoisie met the appearance of Communist or- ganizations in their countries with court martials, tribunals, with storms of death sentences and hard labor. And only this proves what @ dangerous force the Y. C. Ls are for the capitalist world. In the grim struggle, the Young Communist Leagues grew and strengthened. In place of those who are tortured in the torture chambers and police jails, there rise hundreds and thousands of new strugglers, who were filled with the spirit of heroic examples of their brave comrades. The bourgeoisie, with all their means, were not able to break the spirit of the toiling youth in the struggle for their freedom. Per- secution, terror, only hardened the ranks of the Communist Youth, In Vienna Battles The best example of this is given by the Austrian ¥. C. L. A small sectarian organization until the February, 1934, struggles, it doubled its membership several times after February when it was attacked by the fascist terror. The Y. C. L. of Germany sturdily withstanding the wave of Medieval terror of the beastly fascists, are showing much more activity than they did before the fascists came into power, Courage, sturdiness, supreme fi- delity to the proletarian revolution —these are the characteristics of the Y. ©. L. heroes abroad, who continually: raise the authority of the Y. C. L. amongst the broad masses of toiling youth. Even the bourgeois press has not the power to cover up their admiration of the young heroes of the Vienna barri- cades, the young rebels of Asturias and Catalonia, legendary command- ers—Y. C. Leers, of the Chinese Red Army. All of this growing authority of the Y. C, L. in capitalist countries is the predecessor of great successes, which were gained in many sections Youth Necessary Part of Fight Against War and Fascism of the Y. C. L. in the struggles for the united front. The heroic Spanish Y¥. C. L, which showed such an amazing ex- ample of revolutionary activity in the uprising, is going on the way of joining all revolutionary youth under the banners of Communism. The Y. C. L. of France in the Feb- ruary struggle continually kept on growing and was able to involve in the united front the majority of the Socialist youth organizations of France, The American Y. C. L. gained on the basis of the united front great successes in the mobilization of hundreds of thousands of toilers | and petty-bourgeois youth in the struggle against capitalism. There are many such examples. The successes of the sections of the Y. C. I. in the struggle for the united front of the toiling youth is the best proof of the growing might of the Communist youth movement. These successes were gained, thanks to the stubborn struggles of the sections of the Y. C. I, for the line of the Party, for the line of the Comintern, A living example, by which the Y. C, Lers of capitalist countries can carry on their work in the winning over of the masses of youth and preparing it for the decisive class struggle, is the Leninist Y. C. L. of the Soviet Union, the closest helper of the Party of Lenin-Stalin, which is loyally fighting for the building of Socialism, MD ea cae The great interest which is shown by the youth of the Soviet Union to the history of the international youth movement, has its roots in the deep internationalism of the Leninist Y. C. L., as well as in the masses of ihe toilers of our great country. The 15th anniversary of, the Y. C. I. will serve as a new stimulus in the studying of the condifions of the life and the strug- gles of the Y. C. L. and its history much more deeply. The best leadership and material in the studying of the history of the international youth movement are the works of Lenin, Stalin, His- tory of the Bolshevik Party, since only they fully and correctly en- lighten the question of the history of the workers’ movement, of which our youth movement is an insep- arable part. | Sharp Warning Given Japan On Oil Seizure TOKYO, Dec. 2—Joining in the immediate problem of resisting the Japanese oil monopoly in Manchu- kuo, the United States and British governments forwarded to Japan yesterday a note, the third in five months, which is reported to be a final notification before ‘both impe- rialist powers take drastic action in sehalf of their respective oil trusts. The Japanese attempts to mo- nopolize the oil industry in Manchu- kuo, as is generally known, is part of the overhauling of that area as a war base for attack upon the So- viet Union. While the loss in the marketing and control of oil is the chief sore point in the protests of American and British industrialists, both governments are aware of the quired for the Datly Worker drive. tattical advantage of preventing a Japanese monopoly of this all-im- portant war fuel in the interests of their own war plans, Quoting the “open-door” principle for China, the British note de- manded, in effect, a share of the booty accruing from the traffic in oil and insisted that Japan could no longer carry on the pretense that Manchukuo was acting for herself. In retort a high official of the Jap- anese government declared that it “could not be held responsible for this matter. ... Fundamentally, it is a matter of business, and the business men involved should nego- tiate with the Manchukuan govern- ment.” Meanwhile, P. W. Parker, presi- dent of the Standard-Vacuum Oil Company, arrived at Yokohama this afternoon from New York. It was learned that Parker would proceed to Shanghai, there to meet with high representatives of the British Asiatic Petroleum Company at a conference to decide what further pressure is to be exerted upon the Japenese government, Anti-War Group Calls Regional Conference In Philadelphia Sunday PHILADELPHIA, Pa., Dec. 9— The American League Against War and Fascism will hold a regional conference on Sunday at 2 p.m. in the Hosiery Workers Hall, 2530 North Fourth Street. All organiza- tions ar= urged to endorse this im- portant conference and send cre- dentials for their delegates to the Philadelphia offices of the league, 608 Flanders Building, Fifteenth and ‘Walnut Streets. That same night a mass meeting will be held at the hall. Dr. Harry Ward, national chairman of the League, and Mother Ella Reeve Bloor, militant working class fight- er, will be the principal speakers. At every union meeting raise the question of the Daily Worker drive. Ask for a special collec- tion toward the more than $11,000 still needed for the financial campaign, World Front I——By HARRY GANNES ——' The Truth About Siam Kind Words to Zamora In China’s Red City wt GAN clear up some of the mystery behind the announced abdication of the king of Siam, Prajadhipok, Some months ago the king in London decided to quit, and it was supposed to be over limit« ing some of his prerogatives. Now the real story comes out. There has been an intensive struggle between British and Jap- anese imperialism over domination of Siam. The Japanese haye been making great headway. One of the Siamese princes has been sent to a Japanese college. In the Southern part of Siam there is the Kra Pen- insula, which is very narrow and has a river coursing along half of its length. For many years the Japanese have been considering a canal through this point, in order to shorten the sea trip from Japan, via the China Sea, to India, by from . four to five days. But that is not all. The present route is by way of the Straits of Singapore, around the Malay Peninsula, and up the Straits of Malacca. Singapore is the most important and most pow- erful of the British naval bases in the Far East, and in the event of war the British could cut off all traffic eastward from Europe to China, or westward from Japan to India. Eee rei HE vanal through the Kra Pen- insula in Siam would negate the value of Singapore. So when King Prajadhipok showed leanings to- ward the Japanese, the British utilized the growing conflicts within the ruling class forces in Siam and forced his abdication. The Japanese press discusses this conflict between the Japanese im- perialists and the British quite openly. For example, Ashai re- cently declared: “Considering the source of the first report about the intention of the king to resign, it is possible to conjecture that a certain country GBritain) is at the bottom of the plot. In the several revolutions that have taken place in Siam in recent years the trend toward fun- damental political organization has been intensified, and opinion has gained strength that Siam, in order to free itself from the virtual rule of a certain foreign power, should join hands with a certain country in the Far East (Japan). The cer- tain country (Britain), perceiving this situation, has sent to Siam as its minister a diplomat known for his shrewdness, and he is now try- ing to check the movement for political reform.” The British look upon the pro- posed canal in Siam as of as great strategic importance as the Panama Canal, and as an important base for control of colonial markets and a vantage point in the rapidly on- coming war for a redivision of the world colonies. Fcc eae | T its meeting in Paris from Nov. 13 to 16, the yellow trade union international, the International Federation of Trade Unions, could not exactly avoid expressing itself on the situation in Spain. A tele- gram was sent to President Zamora of the fascist Lerroux-Robles gov- ernment, appealing to his generosity and kindness to release the leader of the Socialist Party, Caballero. Why do they want Caballero re- leased? In order that he may con- tinue revolutionary — struggles against Spanish fascism? Not in the least. They prevail upon Presi- dent Zamora, as a good friend, to release Caballero so he can func- tion at the International Labor Of- fice in Geneva. They say not a word about the 60,000 workers who are being tortured in jail or threat- ened with execution. They want to save the prestige of President Za- mora and declare it would be “a great blow to the moral prestige of the Spanish Republic if the representative of the Spanish workers is prevented from fulfilling this duty.” The Spanish fascists will telease neither Caballero nor any of the other imprisoned Socialists and Communists to preserve its prestige at the International Labor Office, but only when they feel the power of international solidarity action of the workers of the world. sre pe all of Chiang Kai-shek’s reports of the capture of Juikin, capital of the Central Soviet Dis- trict in China, the latest informa- tion we receive from China is that on Noy. 7 a monster demonstration. was held in that city to celebrate the 17th anniversary of the Rus- sian Revolution. More than 200,000 workers and peasants took part in an impressive demonstration. Three days before the capital was crammed with workers. New houses had to be erected hurriedly to house the newcomers. No sign of Chiang Kai-shek’s troops anywhere near the vicinity; no sign of defeat, All of the leaders of the Soviet gov- ernment, such as Comrade Mao Tse Tung, Chu Teh Boku and others spoke. The main slogans of the demonstration were: “Down with Japanese imperialism and all other imperialists!” “Defend Soviet China with blood and flesh!” “Shatter the ‘encircling’ campaign of — 800,000 bandits!” ... IF YOU DON’T WATCH OUT! Gannes was almost brushed aside today by that persistent youngster, Little Lefty, but oeariiees oe on top—by less than $1. Now's the time to come to the aid of World Front! Max Shepanski $ 50 Wally F. Archer 2.56 Group of Readers 1,00 Previously Received 307.72 Sas