The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 20, 1934, Page 8

HE officials dominating the New York Page 8 * DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1934 ¥ eee 4 =» | A. F. of L. ‘Non-Partisan | “HOME, SWEET HOME” by Burck Daily,.QWorker | feck ved Life | World F cura ovcan conan? or usa te08 oF comMuNT IRATONA? | Policy’ in Action Party 1fe || or ront “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” | | FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. Cable Address Washington Bu: th and F Midwest Bu: Telephone Daiwork, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1934 KKK Tactics HE threat which Leibowitz’s private secretary and bodyguard, John Terry, made against the Negro attorney and ed- itor, Benjamin T. Davis, to “run him out of Montgomery, Alabama,” cannot be viewed as something aside from the determined mass struggle to save the lives of the nine Scotts- boro boys. Consider the scene. Davis has lived his whole life in the South. Fearless in his fight against Negro oppression, he champions the cause of An- gelo Herndon, whom the Southern lynchers hate not only as a militant Negro but as a Communist. And in the face of the most bitter opposition and danger, Benjamin Davis wins the temporary re- lease of Herndon from the horrors of the chain gang, one of the greatest victories in the recent struggle for Negro rights. More than that, Davis flings himself into the I. L. D. struggle to liberate the Scottsboro boys, and assumes a leading position in the fight, through becoming a leader tire League of Struggle for Negro Rights. In every way, Davis represents everything that is best and most heroic in the fight for the free- dom of the Scottsboro boys and for Negro rights. And it is this fearless Negro fighter that Terry, Leibowitz's hired bodyguard, acting as Leibowitz’s agent in the South, dares to speak in the tone of the K, K. K. mob leader! It is this way that the Leibowitz “friends” of the Scottsboro boys act toward a leading fighter for the liberation of the boys. And it is due only to the timely interven- tion of an I. L. D. attorney that Davis is saved personal assault by Leibowitz's aide. To any honest person really interested, not in personal advancement, but in getting the Scotts- boro boys out of jail, there can be no doubt as to where the true interests of the boys lie. Cer- tainly, in the violent threats of a Terry to a Benjamin Davis we have the real situation that shows the difference between the Leibowitz tactics and the I. L. D. fight against the Scottsboro frame- up and the whole lynch system. 'HE threats of Terry against Davis are only the final and logical result of the whole policy of those who have placed themselves around Leibo- witz in the effort to crush the mass fight of the I. L. D. Only those who hate and fear the mass fight for Negro rights can stoop to the kind of K. K. K. threat which Lelbowitz's aide hurled at Benjamin Davis in Montgomery. The elements around Leibowitz, including the unscrupulous owner of the Harlem Amsterdam News, “Kid” Davis, stand exposed as enemies of the Scottsboro boys who will not hesitate to gamble with the lives of the Scottsboro boys at the most crucial moments of danger. Certainly no friend of the Scottsboro boys can have anything further to do with these elements who have bared themselves as unscrupulous ad- venturers playing with the lives of innocent Negro youths in the hands of the Southern lynchers. Now all true and honest friends of the Scotts- boro boys must heed the personal appeal of the boys sent from Kilby Prison to get behind the tre- mendous fight which the I. L. D. is waging and will continue to wage against the lynch frame up of the Southern ruling class, For Social Insurance IODAY’S Daily Worker contains the call to the National Congress for Unem- ployment and Social Insurance to be held right in the nation’s capital on January 5, 6 and 7. The call for this Congress expresses the great movement ich has grown up in the past five years, since the crisis struck the country, for a program of insurance that would protect the millions of workers, small farmers, white collar workers, professionals, and so forth, from the dread insecurity that haunts the majority of the popula- tion under capitalism. So urgent is the need of millions of people for adequate insurance against unemployment, sick- ness and accident, that even the most reactionary groups are now forced to give lip service to the idea of social insurance. And Roosevelt is using this great need as a means of maintaining himself in power, through a barrage of false promises. The most important immediate task for all who are determined to achieve adequate protec- tion against loss of income because of unem- ployment, old age, industrial accident or sickness and maternity, is to consolidate this great mass movement into an organized fighting force. Only in this way can Congress be compelled to estab- lish such a system of social msurance. The signatures attached to the Call for the Congress indicate at once the tremendous sweep of the fight for social insurance, and also the way in which many who give lip service to this fight are the first to avoid any real struggle to achieve the program. Many State conventions of the A. F. of L., as well as more than 2,400 locals in the A. F. of L. have endorsed the struggle for unemployment and social insurance. Yet the names of leading A. F. of L. officials are conspicuous by their absence from the call to the Congress. Similarly, the names of Socialist Party and Musteite leaders, who have publicly spoken for this insurance, are also con- spicuously absent, But it is obvious that the masses can win deal protection only by the enactment of such a Bill as the Workers Bill for Social and Unemployment Insurance. Only mass struggle, organized and per- sistent, can force Congress to act on this measure in January. All other measures are only fraud- ulent schemes to make those least able to pay carry the burden of the insurance. Every section of the toiling population can be rallied to support the Social Insurance Congress in January. Practical steps toward building united support should begin at once, City Central Labor Council of the A. F. of L. gave another example of their “non-partisan” policies Thursday night when they endorsed the Republican-Fu- sion candid controller, Joseph D. Mc- Goldrick. for city Joseph Ryan, president of the Council as well t of the International Longshore- men’s Association, rounded out a “non-partisan” day by earlier negotiating an agreement with the ship owners which dropped all the East Coast longshoremen’s main demands, and accepted the 44-hour week and employer-controlled hiring halls Some confusion was caused at the Council meet- ing when it was brought out that Ryan had pre- viously, in a letter, endorsed the Democratic Party's candidate for controller, Frank J. Taylor. Ryan explained that he had given a “personal endorse- ment of Tayler the man, not Taylor the candidate.” Taylor, it was brought out, is a strong company union advocate and connected with the ownership of the Todd shipyards. Ryan claimed he “knows nothing” of Taylor’s connection with the union- smashing concern for whom Ryan expressed “ad- miration.” Taylor, as Welfare Commissioner, sent police against the unemployed and cut down their relief, and refused relie fto Negro and Latin-Amer- ican workers. “We are getting a one hundred per cent break from Mayor La Guardia,” Ryan said, as the Coun- cil voted endorsement of McGoldrick, La Guardia’s candidate. La Guardia, who is now campaigning for the entire Republican state ticket, is the bank- ers’ candidate. La Guardia played an active part in breaking the taxi strike. His special “riot regiment” of sev- eral thousand rifle men is now busy training in the art of shooting up strikers and killing unem- ployed demonstrators. La Guardia, putting into effect his Economy Program, his basic platform, has fired many city employes, cut down the wages of those who remain. La Guardia continues to withhold funds now in the treasury from the starv- ing unemployed and to cut down unemployed relief. Under his administration thousands are being fired from work relief, which is infested with stoo!- Pigeons. He conducts a vicious red scare drive to cover up these relief cuts. At the same time, millions go into the bankers’ pockets in interest on loans, etc. La Guardia is now laying the basis for an increase in the subway and transit fare. He tried to put over the fascist measure of police registration of labor organizers and only a wave of protest stayed his hand. This is the man whose agent, McGoldrick, is supported by the labor officialdom of the A. F, of L. for controller.. The endorsement of McGold- rick is one instance of the fact that the A. F. of L. officialdom works in the interests of the em- ployers, selling out workers’ demands, cooperating with the government to prevent strikes, and sup- porting in election campaigns only the employers’ parties. There is one working class candidate for con- troller in the present election campaign. He is Isador Begun, leader of the rank and file teachers. Begun was expelled by the Board of Education because he fought against fascisation of the school system and for the demands of the teachers. He has long been an active leader in the fight for the demands of the teachers in both the Teachers Union and then in the Unemployed Teachers As- sociation, Members of the A. F. of L.! Reject the policy of Ryan and Co., of supporting the employers’ parties and selling out strikes! Vote Communist! Join the Communist Party! The Cotton Bosses Meet N IMPORTANT meeting of over 300 +4 mill owners in the American Cotton Manufacturers Association has just been held in Greenville, South Carolina, which is adequately reported only in the trade journals of the manufacturers. This meeting passed resolutions endorsing all of George Sloan’s strike- breaking acts during the general textile strike. The cotton manufacturers’ association also gave assurances to the southern mill owners of a con- tinued anti-trade union policy for the South as well as the North. One resolution gave instruc- tions to the Roosevelt government that the manu- facturers intend to have a clear and unhindered road in their intensified drive against the workers. Another resolution declares that the manufac- turers will stand firm against any change “in the present provisions of the code covering the maximum hours of labor and the machine hour limitations.” These resolutions, taken together, are a com- plete program for the wage-cutting, speed-up, and union smashing drive of the textile employers against the workers. The intention to rob the tex- tile workers of their elementary rights is seen in the resolution against the flying squadrons in the last strike, which made the ‘strike effective. It will be recalled that Gorman, U. T. W. leader, also opposed the flying squadrons ad tried to limié picketing. This resolution “greatly deplores the recent evidence of mob violence as represented by organized flying squadrons . . . it is unlawful - . . to force, by violence or intimidation, workers from their legitimate occupations, against their wishes.” The resolution has as its purpose the outlawing of strikes. ‘ . . ‘THE Daily News Record, in commenting on this * meeting, declares, “It has been necessary, how- ever, to blot out some suspicions, which had been spread that Northern interests were not averse to imposing labor union influence on the South.” This suspicion was cleared away. The cotton manufacturers presented a unanimous, union- smashing front. The employers, the Daily News Record admits, feel that Gorman’s calling off of the strike brought about “an unsuccessful strike,” and that Roosevelt's recent setting up of the “Tex- tile Works Assignment Board” does not grant a single demand of the strikers, In the face of this united anti-labor front, the textile workers must organize their own unity, a unity of the rank and file, to present a united front against the employers’ attacks, against the anti-labor decisions of the Roosevelt government, and against the betrayals of the Gorman-Green leadership of the A. F. of L. Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party, ADDRESS...... Chicago District of C. P. | Reviews Its Activities | In the Stockyards Section } | HILE the Yards Section has improved its work| since the district convention, | many weaknesses still exist which prevent the develop- ment in tempo and quality of work. With an outlook of forming al separate section of yards workers, | shop units are being formed and | | strengthened. Today shop units | exist in Armours, Swift, Wilson }and Manaster, These units meet regularly under the personal guidance of the section buro, and Shop papers are issued by the C. |P, and Y. C. L. Workers are being |recruited from the shops. The | political life in these units has im- proved. Campaigns of the Party are discussed and carried to the workers in the shops. The Armour unit especially serves as a good example to other shop units on how to organize work. Faced with the problems of shifts, etc, a captain system has been formed in order to bring every member to the unit meeting. Be- cause this unit will have to be split on a department basis, these cap- tains have been carefully selected from the various departments, and are being trained to work with a group in their, or several depart- ments. Recruiting from these de- partments is given special attention. When the Armour unit is split, there will be both forces and leader- ship in each department, oh gach 'HE building of the P. W. I. U. and penetration inside the A. F. | of L. are still the main tasks facing the Yards Section. This, however, |is the weakest link in all the work. Although the P. W. I. U. has been revived and a night local is being formed, the majority of the Party membership has not been unionized. Penetration into the A. F. of L. is still an untouched problem. Fairly good work is being done in the| Stockyards Labor Council, In the street units there is an en- tirely different situation. These | units are without any life and face the problem of a stable leadership. Because discussions are seldom held the political level is low and it is difficult to involve the units in con- centration work around the yards. There are few mass organizations in the section. Though there are good forces in each unit, these are busy elsewhere and do not give leader- ship to their own units and fail to assist in the concentration work. These units can become a powerful weapon in concentration work, re- cruiting, selling the D. W., litera- ture, etc. Whenever real leader- ship has been given these units the results have been good. feces there are many problems facing the Yards Section, some must receive immediate attention. Primarily the leadership must be broadened. There has been too much of a tendency in the past to substitute all leadership by the sec- tion bureau. New Forces must be developed. The old forces must be activized and given responsibility. These forces exist in the Yards and must receive attention. Registration for the Workers School must be pushed in the few remaining days. The developing of the political dife in the shop units and especially the street unit must receive im- mediate attention, Discussion must systematically be connected with the various probems in the Yards and the naborhoods. Sales of lit- erature and especially the Daily Worker must be increased. These problems cannot be solved by the present methods of work. A func- tioning apparatus must be estab- lished. 'HE building of the P. W. I. U. and penetration inside the A. F. L. must be taken up more se- riously. This can be done (1) by taking up individually with each member in the shop and street unit the question of joining and work- ing inside the union (2) by picking out a few comrades to send in to the A. F. of L. and (3) by more careful work inside the existing mass organizations—recruit both for the P. W. I. U. and establish con- tacts with A, F. of L. workers. The Party shop paper which, was developing into a real organ fell short on the last issue. Everyday attention must be given to it, cor- Trespondence from wotkers must be developed. There must be more carfeul selection of material. We must use the shop paper to develop contact with the A. F. of L. workers. ee ae iE remaining decisions of the Section—(1) to establish a Sec- tion of Stockyard workers (2) to establish another unit of the Pazty and the Y. C. L. in Swifts and (3) to establish another Y. C. L. unit in Armours must be carried into life immediately. Finally it is the duty of every other Section to assist in concen- tration work around the yards. Sections should send comrades to sell the Daily Worker at the gates. Greater attention must be given to establishing contacts with yard workers and primarily those in the A. F. of L. in the different Section territories, From Monthly Recruiting Bul- letin, District No. 8. Every New “Daily” Reader Adds a Fighter to Our Ranks! Urge Members of Your Union to Read the Daily Worker! Build Up a Daily Worker Carrier Route! Contributions received to the credit of Burck in ic Secialist competition with Mike Gold, Harry the Medical Advisory Board, Helen Luke, David Ramsey, in the Daily Worker drive for Gannes, “del, $60,000. QUOTA—S1,000. Loe ERIN Dora Chenstion F. D. H. (gets cartoon) Y.C.L. Unit 314, Wash. Heights Previously received , Total to date ... acrek Burck will give the original drawing of his cartoon to the highest contributor each day towards his quota of $1,000. oF 2.50 vee 5.00 . 100 » 21.70 eee $30.20 Working Class of the Saar Region Unites to Fight Hordes of Fascism Defeat of the Fascist. Movement in the Saar Means Hitler’s Doom By PAUL GREEN ‘Weeks ago Hitler had penetrated the Saar. Fascist hooligans trampled upon workers; they attacked and killed anti-fascists and raided work- ers’ organizations. Yet, with a usual fanfare of ballyhoo, with bloody hands still warm and stained by the June 30th massacres, came to ask the workers in the Saar region to come back to the new Germany—the Germany of crimes and murders. He also ex- tended to the French steel and coal magnates an “invitation au voyage.” Now what is the status of the Saar region and why should we workers in America be interested in it? According to the Treaty of Ver- sailles, the Saar region was to be, for a period of 15 years from Jan. 1, 1920, under the jurisdiction of a commission appointed by the Coun- cil of the League of Nations, At the expiration of this term, that is to say on Jan. 13, 1935, the first Sunday following the expiration, the Saar voters will express their pref- erence for one choice of three: 1, Return to fascist Germany; 2 Annexation to French capitalism; 3. Status quo, i. e. the continuation of the rule of the Saar by a League of Nations Commission, Now this region has been thor- oughly penetrated by French capi- talism. But with the idea of strengthening this penetration and at the same time with the aim of avoiding diplomatic complications with Germany, the French press is carrying on a hypocritical cam- paign, suggesting that January 13th should find the voters in the Status Quo column. A weekly periodical, “Je Suis Partout,” says: “Economic- ally (1) the Saar has benefited by the present. regime; economically the Saar would apparently lose a great deal by returning to Ger- many; economically, the Saar citi- zen, interested in his well-being, should vote for the Status Quo.” (Je Suis Partout—May 12, 1934). This viewpoint is shared by the organ of the steel trust paper, “Le Temps,” and by many other French newspapers. “Le Temps” uses @ peculiar method by quoting Mr. Max Braun, leader of the Saar Socialist Party, who expresses the viewpoint of the “Front Libre Party” in the Saar paper, “Volkstimme”; “The ‘Front Libre’ of the Saar,” says Mr. Braun, “does not vote for France. The German ‘Front Libre’ of the Saar does not vote for Hitler Ger- many either. The ‘Front Libre’ of the Saar votes for a free German Saar.” (‘Le Temps”—June 7, 1934). Toward the end of May discus- sions were undertaken by the Com- mission of the League Council, the German government and the French government, as to the method of procedure for the con- duct of the plebiscite. During those days, conferences were veiled in secrecy. Were the workers’ delega- tions and representatives consulted when this secret agreement was consummated? Mr. Barthou, the war-traveler, didn’t think fit to do that. But he did have a word of en- couragement for the Comite des Houilleres (the Coal Trust) and the Comite des Forges (the Steel Trust). Says Mr. Barthou: “In the name of the nation which has several thousand dependents in the Saar, I express the hope that the govern- ment commission will meet with no Hitler | difficulty in re-enforcing, in the measure it sees fit, its police and its gendarmerie, by calling on those elements whose loyalty cannot be doubted.” (L’Humanite, June 4). What is the meaning of this quotation? It means that no mat- ter what the outcome on January 13, 1935, the strained situation be- tween the two capitalist countries will continue; it means that armed intervention on an international Seale is not only a possibility but a | probability; it means that the two | countries may meet each other with armed forces in order to defend the interests of their respective steel, coal and bank magnates; it means that a war is likely to break out. During the June conference of the League, a delegation elected by the Congress for the Liberation of the Saar, representing some 30,000 workers, was sent to Geneva to pro- test against the secretiveness of the conference. It protested that they, the workers, were not consulted first in the decisions of the plebiscite. | The commission evaded the issue. | When the delegates, headed by Bur- ter (a worker from the factory of Roechling), Krausshaar (delegate to the Congress for the Liberation of the Saar) and the writer Gustav Regler, saw that they could obtain no information as to the agreement, they asked the commission the fol- lowing questions: “Has the Ger- man government guaranteed that: 1. After the return of the Saar to Germany, no worker or anti- fascist will be harmed because of his political or trade-union opin- ions? 2. That the trade-union or po- litical organizations of the work- ing class, as well as the Catho- lic youth organizations will neither be suspended nor dissolved and that their property will be re.- spected, 3. That the trade-union and other rights of the workers, par- ticularly the right of wage bar- gaining and the free election of workers’ committees, as well as the rights, derived from different insurance institutions (unemploy- ment insurance, invalidity, acci- dents, etc.) and the unrestricted right of organization will be re- spected? 4, That the rights of the work- ers, until now disregarded by the governmental commission of the Saar region, will be immediately reinstated? The commission refused to answer. It refused because it was tacitly Plotting with Hitler’s lackey, Von Neurath, and the French imperialists to crush the workers’ militancy and the revolutionary spirit which is being manifested in the Saar region. Before leav™s, Regler retoried to the German commission that the only guarantee that he.saw possible “to fight the Hitler terror in the Saar region and to prevent the re- turn of the Saar to Hitler is a united front of the proletariat and all anti-fascists. “The slogan of our action,” he added, “is and will be: Fight Hitler in the Saar with the sagne energy that our comrades are exerting in fighting and defeating him in Germany.” The delegation continued its rounds and finally came upon Mr. Knox, the president of the govern- mental commission of the Saar re- gion. He, too, refused an answer, finally admitting that “they ob- tained a 70 per cent guarantee of security from Hitler.” What does the 30 per cent of insecurity mean? It means that 70 per cent and 30 per cent have the same value, both signify Hitler terror in the Saar. The only force which can U. S. Workers Can Aid by Launching Protest on Fascist Plans The workers’ delegation, repre- senting various political views, left with the realization that the Com- munist Party of the Saar region was right, and on July 2, 1934, the united front of the Communist and Social- Democratic parties of the Saar re- gion to fight fascism and to pre- vent the return of the Saar to Hitlerite Germany was successfully consummated. The basis of the agreement was as follows: 1, A united appeal to all work- ers of the Saar, 2. Demonstration on July 4th at Saarbruck, 3. Joint. demonstration in the entire territory, 4. Formation of committees to fight against the reannexation of the Saar region to Hitlerite Ger- many. 5. The delegates of the two parties shall be in permanent contact with each other in order to take whatever action they might deem necessary at all times, 6. A day of protest is to be ar- ranged during the month of July to demand the liberation of all anti-fascist prisoners. This was the answer of the work- ing class of the Saar region. The Communist Party, witnessing and suffering the attacks of the Hitler branch of fascism in the Saar, realized for a long time that the only way to crush Hitler is to vote for the Status Quo, But yoting for the Status Quo has an- other implication—it will, at least for a certain time, remove the dan- ger of a world conflagration; for the reunion with Hitler Germany vor the annexation to France both imply the same thing—war. That is why, in the words of Comrade Knorin, “Voting against Hitler in the Saar, the Saar population, in concert with the German workers, fights for the overthrow of the fas- cist dictatcrship. The greater the defeat of Hitler in the Saar, the nearer will be the end of the fas- cist dictatorship, the sooner will the reunion of the Saar with a free Germany be attained.” (Communist International, No. 15, Aug. 1934.) The remaining of the Saar under the Status Quo will enable the Saar workers better to prepare for the final struggle—i. e., for a Soviet Germany and Soviet Saar. The workers of America, as was pointed out in the Daily Worker a few days ago, must concentrate all their efforts to bring to the Ger- man-speaking workers of the United States, to their relatives, to the entire American proletariat the idea that a defeat for Hitler in the Saar means a defeat for Ger- man fascism. We in America should show our international solidarity with the Saar proletariat in their struggle against Fascism. In mass meet- ings, and in organizations, we should adopt resolutions accord- ingly, calling upon the Saar work- ers to defeat the plans of the bloody Hitler regime and vote for the Status Quo. Through such resolu- tions also, we must show our recog- nition and support the splendid united front movement that has been developed between the Com- munist and Socialist Parties, and various other organizations. Resolutions should be sent to the World Committee to Aid the Vic- crush the fascist actions of Hitler, 4s the forceof the united front, tims of Hitler Fascism, 65 Blvd. Arago, Paris, France, ——— By HARRY GANNES ——! Mussolini and Yellow Union Leaders Estimate the New Deal Elephant |.) beara has written an article in Popolo d'Italia, Milan, aimed to help Presi. dent Roosevelt and the New Deal in the elections. Now Mussolini does not come out and tell Italian readers in the United States, or those who may read his article in translation, to vote for Roose- velt’s candidates. But he uses his influence to praise the New Deal to the skies as fully in accord with fascist “theory” and aims. The Fascist dictator of Italy is not alone in his efforts to get the Amer- ican workers to put their head through the New Deal noose. Co= operating with Roosevelt interna tionally, though by different means, is the yellow trade union interna- tional, the International Federation of Trace Unions at Paris. Mussolini’s and the Yellow Inter- national’s method of appraising the New Deal is reminiscent of the fable of the blind men and the elephant. Mussolini approaches the New Deal from the right and the international reformist trade union leaders from the left. Mussolini puts out his hand and touches the tusks of Roosevelt’s elephant, while the union leaders stumble along its rump; and both pronounce it good, describing its wonderful qualities to the workers. Here is what Mussolini says, after specifically showing the similarity of the New Deal policies and the Fas- cist program. “If such proposals were not com- ing from a kingdom, a democracy or a plutocracy, we would believe them to be the fruits of a guild state. Hence, the principles of our revolution are truly deep-rooted and are enjoying strong universal appeal. “They are such a powerful an- swer to actual human needs that even there, where democracy and super-capitalism rule, they im- pose themselves triumphantly,” * fOW we turn to the gentlemen at the rump of the New Deal ele- phant and find them praising what Mussolini does, but one would never recognize it as the same animal. The American Socialist leaders and William Green, when they read this will recognize their own sentiments, but will feel a little ashamed at the crudeness of the praise, which fails to take into account the shattering of many illusions among American workers, Says the Press Bulletin of the yellow international of trade unions: “%t may be said quite frankly that the Roosevelt experiment is the only experiment in economic Planning in the world being made on a national scale and on a democratic basis. “The Roosevelt government is the only one in the world which not only gives free and statutory recognition to the Trade Uniens but gives them an official place as an independent partner within the N. R. A. apparatus, which is an apparatus with the official aim of alieviating the competitive fight between the country’s in- dustrial undertakings and be- tween these undertakings and the workers, of bringing purchas- ing power and consumption into @ proper relationship and of bringing about a more just dis- tribution of a social product. “It should not be forgotten here that the Act (N.R.A.), as the of- ficial organ of the American Fed- eration of Labor states, was not an attempt to do away with the capitalist system but merely an attempt to transform it in the sense of industrial democracy.” We of conurse is all a great argument why workers should vote for Roosevelt. But it doesn’t take into account just a few minor factors. First, the “free and statu- tory recognition to the trade unions under the N. R. A.” has been de- nied the Weirton steel workers, the auto workers, the textile workers, and millions of others; on the con- trary, the company unions grew like mushrooms. : Second, “bringing purchasing power and consumption into a proper relationship” under the N. R. A. has distinctly meant smash- Ing down living standards and raise ing profits Third, but not last nor least, “ins dustrial democracy” under the N, R. A. means the strikebreaking ars bitration boards; the greater use of the armed force of the state against strikers; the, pro-fascist “truce,” and a growing attack on every right of trade unions and cther workers’ organizations, It is no accident that Both Mus selini and the international yel« Jow trade union leaders praise Roosevelt's New Deal just now, around election time. They want the workers to stay within the forces leading to fase cism. They do not want the works ers to vote Communist, to mobilize struggles against the New Deal. to become part of the international movement battling fascism, no mate ter under what guise it varades. The American workers’ answer to Roosevelt, and his well-wishers in the camp of fascism and sociale fascism should be to endorse the program of the Communist Party in the coming elections, the vrs» gram of struggle for improvement of the workers’ immediate condi« tions and for a relentless battle to end capitalist slavery. Contributions received to the credit of Harry Gannes in his So- cialist competition with Del, Mike Gold, the Medica] Advisory Board, Helen Luke, Jacob Burck and David Ramsey, in the Daily Worker drive for $60,000. Quota—$500. J. Panek ... A. McKean . D. Linder .. on 1.90 CP. Unit of Lebanon 1.25 Previously received TAS | Total to date .........60++.885.40 beset ini cS