The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 20, 1934, Page 4

Page 4 P.M.A. CONVENTION SHOWS LACK OF CONFIDENCE IN LEADERS | Many Union Locals Not Represented! Unity Movement Must Be Broadened Over Officials’ Heads By R. SHAW “The success of the Progressive of America lies with a a therwise n will degenerate into just another U.M.W.A. col- laboration with the operators; that means: soft pedal on the fight, depending on the conference board and the bosses’ courts, vot- ing for the capitalist parties in @ general betrayal of the workers’ interests.” — Speech of Wm. Z. Foster in Springfield, l., on Sept. | 5th, 1932 at the time of forma- tion of P. M. of A. The Second consitutional conven- | tion of e Progressive Miners of | America, which just closed, confirms | with inute precision the words | of the American working class leader, William Z. Foster. The con- vention showed the trend to bank- ruptcy and decline of the union. Although the officials tried to hide the extreme passivity, indifference and disillusionment of the member- ship, the result of a two year’s pol- icy of arbitration, playing with the bosses’ courts and supporting the Roosevelt government, was appar- ent. According to available check-up in various local unions and sub- districts, less than one-third of the membreship pa pated in the election of delegates; for example in the largest local, No. 1, with 2,600 members, only 800 voted in the two referendums held to elect delegates. There were only 154 del- egates at the convention; 41 local unions were not represented’ and had no delgeates at all. This, it ‘was explained, was “due to finan- inability to furnish expenses,” in fact it is a reflection of the ition in which the union finds itself at the present time. “Oh, what's the use of sending dele- gates,” is the attitude expressed in many locals. The Pearcy machine did not want to be on the spot for the betrayal of the 13,000 miners in Christian, Sangamon and Franklin Counties, | and they did their best to keep the number of delegates from the striking and blacklisted areas as low as possible. Thus, it was disclosed in the convention, that the secre-| tary-treasurer, William Keck, di regarded the constitutional pro sions and sent out letters to all blacklisted and unemployed locals not to send the regular number of delegates (one to every 100 mem- bers) but only one delegate for every 500 members. The same pol- icy was carried on by the machine in the working locals, where under the excuse of “big expenses,” they insisted in every local upon sending only one or two delegates. Union at Low Ebb Compared to the 600 delegates at the first P.M.A. convention in 1932, the majority of whom were rank and file militant miners, this second | convention mainly represented local union offici About ninety dele- gates sup} d the Pearcy machine | on pl ally all questions, forty vacillated between the program of oppostion and the slick maneuvers of the officialdom, while only seven- teen delegates stood solidly on the basis of the opposition program. Fully 50 per cent of all resolutions submitted by the local unions to the convention came from militant rank and file miners under Com- munist leadership. There were three Musteite delegates and three So- cialists, who in the main supported the rank and file program in the convention. While no basic changes were made in the constitution and while some lip service was given by the officialdom to even some of the op- position resolutions, basically, the convention placed a seal of endorse- ment on the official policy Although the convention was con- trolled by the officialdom, the rank and file sentiment in the local unions opposition groups forced the adoption of several opposition reso- Jutions, such as Unemployment In- surance Bill H.R. 7598, against de- portation of foreign porn, defense of Scottsboro boys, Herndon, for freedom of Thaelmann, against war and fascism, against the N.R.A, and for repeal of the Criminal Syn- dicalism law. Three things stand out in this convention: 1) During the whole convention every attempt to bring out the vicious betrayal of the 13,000 miners was cut short in a regular Lewis steam-roller manner. The only ref- erence Pearcy made to this betrayal was in his report when he stated that they tried to solve the problem by “securing other jobs and relief” “= the blacklisted miners. When the rank and file in Springfield heard that the officlaldom at the convention did not want to take a stand on the strike, the members demanded that their delegates sub- mit a special resolution. Thus on the last day, just at the close of the convention, eight delegates from Springfield area submitted this resolution: “We members of the striking area of Springfield are pleading to this convention to take some definite stand on the strike situation, as we are losing men who are going back to work under Lewis.” The Convention gave no answer to this plea, except a promise of moral and financial help. The offi- cialdom refused to discuss the strike » action or any plan to secure jobs or relief to the blacklisted thou- and e y machine was very silent on the N.R.A. and even did not F the resolution against the which was intro position forces. This man was used as a cloak to continu the same old policy. 3) action to conditions in the mines, manifold grievances, speed-up under the 7- hour day, discrimination, etc., nor any outlook for April 1, 1935, when the present contract expires. In- stead the whole attack was directed against the militant elements in the union in an attempt to divert the attention from the real issues to a campaign of red-baiting. Only a few days have elapsed since the convention ended, but al- ready the above estimate is borne out. While the convention adopted a resolution against the N.R.A., the Executive Board since the conven- tion, sent a telegram to Roosevelt offering support “to solve the coal problem.” Likewise, among the re- actionary deeds, the front page edi- torial of the Progressive Miner of |Sept. 28th, screams to Mr. Public: “Those who believed that the Pro- gressive Miners of America were under the influence or control of the Communist Party, will readily see by our convention that they on and the present policy. |which they pursue is actually open- ing the doors for the Lewis U. M. W. A. machine, because many min- ers, seeing no difference in the P. M. A. officialdom from that of Lewis, are beginning to talk: “What's the use of having two ten leaders?” Lewis Busy In the meantime, Lewis’ forces are active in the Progressive Union’s field, such as Springfield and Belleville. A statement made -|in the East St. Louis Journal a few days ago, on the activity of Fox Hise, vice-president District 12, UM.W.A., states that work is being done to bring the progressive min- ers back into the U.M.W.A. fold, because “the existence of the Pro- gressive Miners would seriously hamper the U.M.W.A, in drawing up a new contract on April 1, 1935.” An example is in the action of the A. F. of L. Central Labor Council of East St, Louis, which placed the fair list.” | Party actually help to bring about | pendent unions. For example, at the S. P, convention held in Staun- jton, Til, a resolution was passed endorsing the A. F. of L. Likewise, the Musteites find themselves in a precarious position, since their na- | tional policy is A. F. of L. as against the T.U.U.L. and the independent | unions—because, according to them the A. F. of L. is the largest and therefore decisive—yet, when asked point-blank what about the P.M.A. going back to the U.M.W.A., they say, rather reluctantly, that this is an exception. Rank and File Shows Way In the present situation, with the decline of the P.M.A,, the growing attack upon the miners in both the PM.A. and U.M.W.A. there is a danger that another fake rank and file movement may be started to pring about consolidation of the fakers at the expense of the miners. The Communist Party has proven that it has the only correct pro- gram for the Mllinois miners, now the task is of broadening the pres- ent unity movement over the heads of the U.M.W.A. and P.M.A. offi- cialdom, as expressed in the recent statement of the sub-district com- mittee, which points out: “In order to defeat the slave contract and starvation conditions in the mines and among the un- employed, the rank and file must unite their forces over the heads of Lewis as wcll as the Pearcy machine, We must organize unity groups inside of the U.M.W.A. to struggle against the gun-thug rule, bad conditions inside the mines, and for joint action with the Progressive Mincrs. We must likewise organize groups inside of the P.M.A. to fight against the Pearcy machine and for united action of the rank and file in both unions. Only on the basis of joint strike action for common de- mands, for a 6-hour day, $6.00 basic scale, and for better condi- tions in the mines, will we be able to establish one mighty or- ganized force of the rank and file. Any scheme of back-door conferences, or any plan to cata- pult the progressive miners back to Lewis is a fake unity at the expense of the rank and file. Only on the basis of joint action for better conditions and wages and by throwing off both the Lewis and Pearcy gang can the unity mean something for the Mlinois miners.” 14 uced by The officialdom did not eyen| attempt to give any program of} remedy the worsening | unions with the same kind of rot- | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1934 Committee in All Cities National Congress — For — Unemployment and Social Insurance January 5th—6th—7th—1935 in Washington, D. C, To all workers, farmers, pro- fessionals and veterans, Negro | and white; men, women and youth; employed and unemployed. To all organizations and indi- viduals who recognize the need for_ immediate enactment of a federal system of social insurance. HE homes, the families and the basis for the very existence of millions of workers have already been destroyed or are seriously menaced as a result of mass un- employment and other causes that deprive willing workers of the op- portunity to work and earn a live- lihood for themselves and their de- pendents. Of the ten to fifteen million workers who have right to work during years of the present widespread and deep-going crisis, barely one half have been given any relief at all. Yet at this time when the sixth crisis year is about to begin, four million families representing nearly one-sixth of the total population of the United States are admittedly reduced to existence on the un- stable public relief which averages less than $5 a week per family. In many states and counties the relief provided amounts to as little as $1.25 a week per family. It is now established beyond doubt that millions are doomed to remain part of a great army of permanently unemployed as long as the present economic system lasts. This means that millions of youths continue to graduate from school into an army of destitute jobless. It means that those who have been declared “too old to work” cannot hope to be restored to a self-sup- porting position in our economy, It means that certain sections of the population and especially the Negro | masses, remain subject to addi- tional abuse and discrimination. It means that all workers in all indus- tries, vocations and professions face the danger that their wage-rates will be reduced to the less than subsistence levels of existence that now prevail for those dependent on public relief, Thus all workers face jthe menace of degraded living standards whether they retain their jobs or are forced into the army of unemployed. dependent upon wages and salaries —the overwhelming majority of the population—must be safeguarded and the leaders of the Socialist | —— such a situation, because of their | |planket support to the A. F. of L./ as against revolutionary and inde- | against loss of income and liveli- progressive mined coal under “un- | hood because of involuntary unem- | ployment, old age, industrial acci- | On the other hand, the Musteites | By CYRIL BRIGGS The Socialist Party is seeking the support of Negro voters in the pres- ent election campaign on the claim that a vote for the Socialist can- didates is a vote for “Socialism,” and thus for Negro emancipation. Are the Socialist leaders sincere when they speak of Negro emanci- pation? Is there a test to which their professions can be subjected? There is. That test lies in con- trasting their promises with their deeds, their words with their ac- tions, To take only one example: the Scottsboro Case affords an excel- lent testing ground by which to measure the sincerity of all the professed friends of the Negro peo- ple. Scottsboro is a struggle be- tween two opposing classes: in one |camp are the friends of Negro lib- eration; in the other are the advo- cates and sly suppor‘ers of lynch- ing, persecution and national op- pression of the Negro people. Let us see in which of these two camps are the Socialist leaders. Forward “Wipes Out” Class Divisions In its issue of Friday, Oct. 12, the Socialist “Jewish Forward,” gloating over the apparent success of the plot engineered by Samuel S. Leibowitz and Harlem Negro misleaders to oust the Interna- tional Labor Defense from the case, attacks the I. L. D. policy of mobi- lizing and uniting the toiling masses, black and white, to the de-~ fense of the boys. It declares of the I. L. D. conduct of the Scotts- boro defense: “All the grudges that exist be- tween the Negro race and the white people, all the conflic's between the working class and the capitalists, between man and God, between life and death—everything was dragged into the Scottsboro case.” Thus, according to the Forwar‘d, the natural resentment of the op- pressed Negro masses against the white ruling class oppressors, their struggles against jim-crowism, lynching, etc., are mere grudges. And, at that, grudges between the Stress Establishing of The men and women who are| dent or sickness, and maternity. Congress must enact a system of | federal unemployment and social insurance which provides compen- sation by the government and em- ployers to all willing workers who are denied the right to work, | An unemployment and social in- | surance system must be designed so ensure the masses against any lowering of their living standards. It must serve to increas® purchas- ing power, stimulate productivity in the interest of a higher living standard and lead to necessary re- distribution of wealth that is with- jheld from circulation, Therefore: Compensation must be at least |equal to the average wages which | workers could earn if permitted to | Work in their normal occupation jand localities. It must in no case | be permitted to fall below a fixed |minimum health and decency level. Such compensation can and must be provided by and only at the expense of the government and the employers. No contribution in any form should be levied upon work- ers and other low-income gtoups. All workers, regardless of age, oc- |cupation, race, color, sex, nation- ality, citizenship, religious or politi- cal belief, must be assured such compensation for all time lost be- cause of involuntary unemployment, old age, industrial accident or sickness, and maternity. Representatives directly elected by the workers should administer the social insurance system so that it would be operated in accordance with their conditions, interests and needs, These principles have already been endorsed by thousands of or- ganizations representing many mil- lions of workers, farmers, profes- sionals and others whose well-being depends upon a comprehensive sys- |tem of social insurance. More than 2,400 locals, and the regula? con- ventions of five International and six State bodies of the American |Federation of Labor; practically jevery known unemployed organiza- tion; thousands of railroad and other independent union local and | central bodies, fraternal lodges, vet- | erans’, farmers’, Negro, youth, women's and church groups have expressed their readiness to support | these principles by endorsing the | Workers’ Unemployment arid Social | Insurance Bill which embodies these principles and was introduced in the 78rd Congress of the United States as H.R. 7698. Under pressure of a constantly growing demand for such a system of unemployment and social insurance, municipal and county governmental bodies in seventy cities, towns and counties have likewise endorsed the Work- |ers Bill and memoralized Congress | for its enactment. Reaffirming our endorsement of these principles, we also declare our opposition to the many proposals brought forward as substitutes for ; genuine unemployment and social insurance. The Wagner-Lewis Bill, the Wisconsin Unemployment Com- pensation Act, the Townsend Plan and measures that have been |. and many similar measures fail to make any of the necessary provi- sions required of a genuine social insurance system. These measures serve only to deceive and divide those who aspire to a greater meas- ure of social security. As against the forces that oppose | pi and seek to mislead, confuse and divide the growing movement for unemployment and social insurance, we must now present the united forces of all who need and all who favor immediate enactment of a sound, comprehensive system that will embody all the essential provi- sos for adequate social insurance. To this end, we now join in calling a great National Congress for Un- unemployment and social insurance. in Washington, D. C., January 5th, 6th and 7th. This Congress, meet- ing at the time when the Congress of the United States begins its 74th Session, will serve to: Bring together, consolidate and demonstrate the great and growing movement for a Federal system of unemployment in social insurance, Provide the possibility for jointly formulating a comprehensive plan for all forms of social insurance, Exert pressure upon the 74th Congress of the United States to act without delay upon such a pro- gram as is formulated. Deepen, broaden and strengthen the movement and devise @ program for the necessary further struggle that must be waged in order to win a greater measure of social security through unemployment and social insurance. We cordially and earnestly invite all who need and all who desire to help advance a program of ade- quate protection against the haz- ards of unemployment, industrial accidents or sickness, old age and maternity, to participate in this congress by electing delegates from their every organization. Let us demonstrate that we are united in the determination that those who are willing to engage in useful la- bor shall not be forced to suffer hunger, want and dread of insecur- ity in the midst of plenty. We call upon all national and local organizations in all cities and towns to join together in united Congress Arrangement Committees for the purpose of assuring united efforts and struggle for unemploy- | ors. ment and social insurance. We ap- peal to every interested individual to begin immediately the work of building a mighty, united nation- wide movement that will win for the wage and salaried workers in all industries, occupations and localities of the United States, as- surance of decent existence and freedom from the fear of want and destitution. I. AMTER, New York, N. ¥. National Unemployment Council; PAT ANSBURY, Buckner, Til, Progressive Miners of America; ROGER BALDWIN, New York, ¥. ‘American Civil Liberties (Union; HARRY BAUMGARTNER, Illinois Progrés- sive Miners of America; MARY E. BEARD- SLEY, New York, The American Red Cross; MAX’ BEDACHT, New York, N. Y. Inter- national Workers Order; D. M. BENSON, Tampa, Fla, Florida State Federation of Workers’ Leagues BroadGroup of Sponsors Cites Central Points in Workers’ Bill HERBERT BENJAMIN, New York, Ne- tional Unemployment Council; FRED BIE- ENKAPP, New York United Shoe and Leather Workers Union; ALFRED BING- HAM, New York Editor, Common Sense Magazine; HARRY BRIDGES, Colifornia, International Longshoremen’s Agsociation HEYWOOD BROUN, New York, N. ¥. American Newspaper Guild; EARL BROW- DER, New York, N. ¥., Communist Party, v. ELMER BROWN, New York, N. ¥., International Typographical Union, Amal gamation Party. PAUL BRISSENDEN, New York, N. Y., Columbia University; LEE BURNS, Besse- mer, Als., Bessemer Trade Council; MAL- COLM COWLEY, New York, N. ¥., Editor ‘The New Republic; BEN DAVIS, Jr., New York, N. ¥., Editor, The Negro Liberator; JAMES EAGAN, Pittsburgh, Pa., Steel and Metal Industrial Union; F. Montana, The C.W.A. EN GOLD, New York, N. ¥., Pur Workers Industrial Union; ©. GREENFIELD, Cleveland, Ohio, Small Home and Land Owners; HAROLD HICK- ERSON, Wash., D. C., Veteran Rank and File Committee; GRANVILLE HICKS, Troy, N. ¥,, Editor, The New Masses; ROY HINES, Cheyenne, Wyoming, Unemployed Workers’ Union; T. ARNOLD HILL, New York, N. ¥., The National Urban League; RABBI EDWARD L. ISRAEL, Har Sina! Temple, Baltimore, Md.; ELMER JOHN. BON, Chicago, Ill, Chicago Federation of Labor; MARY VAN OK, New York, Inter - Professional Association; JULES KORCHTEN, New York, Federation of Ar- chitects, Chemical Engineers and Tech- niclans; JOE KISS, New York, N. Y., Fur- nituite Workers Industrial Union; MAR- GARET LAMONT, New York, The Morn- Ingelde Helghta Branch of the Soclalist arty. J. LEONARD, Philadelphia, Pa. U. B. Carpenters and Joiners; EMIL LINDEN, Seattle, Wash., Fish and Cannery Work- ers Industrial Union; HARRY L. LURIE, New York, N. ¥., Economist and Social Worker; WALDO McNUTT, Wichita, Kan., National Youth Congress; CHARLES MAL- ONE, Seattle, Wash., Unemployed Cit- izens’ Leagues; THOMAS McGEE, Phila- delphia, Pa., Westinghouse, Federal Local; PENN, Washington, D. C., Amer- ican Federation of Government Employee: GEORGE PRIMOPF, New York, N. Y., Fraternal Federation for Social Insurance; LAVERNE PRUETT, Ilinols, Progressive Miners of America, Local 56; E. TILDEN , Los Angéles, Cal., Relief Work- ers Protective Union; JAY RUBIN, New York, N. Y¥., Food Workers Industrial Union; M. A. SHARPE, South Dakota, United Workers Leagues; JOHN F. SLOAN, Westville, Ii, United Mine Workets of America; BROADUS MITCHELL, Balti- more, Md., Socialist Candidate for Gov- ernor; JAMES MURPHY, Seattle, Wash., National Lumber Workers Union; 0. MOR- , Clevéland, Ohio; WILLIAM B. . N.Y.C., Church League, In- dustrial Democracy; STENGLEIN, Rochester, N. Y,, F. of L.; BEAUMONT SYKES, Phils. Thternational Oil Field, G. W. & R. Work- ;, ALEXANDER TAYLOR, Now York N, '¥., Associated Office and Professional Emergency Employees; AUDLEY THORPE, Fairfield, Als., Switchmen’s Union of North America; PAT TOOHEY, New York, N, ¥,, Trade Union Unity League; LOUIS , New York, N, ¥., American Federation of Labor Commiitee for Unem- ployment Insurance; ALFRED G. TERS, New York, American Association of Social Workers; JAY WILSON, Détroit, Mich,, The Auto Workers’ Union; REUBEN YOUNG, New York, N. Y¥., League of Struggle for Negro Rights. National Sponsoring Committee, HERBERT BENJAMIN, Executive Secretary. ELMER BROWN, T. ARNOLD HILL, Chairman Pro T ‘Treasurer. —The Organizations gners are associated ity committed to the endorsement to this Call. All organiza- tions will be invited to add their en- dorsement. COTTSBORO CASE | IS A RALLYING CRY FOR UNITED ACTION \Negro people and the whole white population! The exploited white toilers, the natural allies of the oppressed Negro masses, are Jumped together with the capitalists by the Socialist paper in a common front against the Negro people, Substitutes “Race War” For Class Struggle From this position fows the line, repeatedly given expression by the Socialist leaders, that the arising class and national struggles in the South are leading to a “race war” between the Negroes and the whole white population; that the fight for Negro literation is unconnected with the struggles of the working class for social emancipation, for the social revolution which will wipe out all forms of exploitation and oppression. From this follows the conclusion that the white workers, themselves exploited by the ruling class, should not support against that ruling class. Indeed, the inference may prop- erly be drawn that the Socialist leaders seek to line up the white toilers in support of the lynch rul- crs’ attempts to drown the Negro liberation struggle in blood. That this inference is by no means far- fetched is shown by the shameful record of the Belgian Socialists of support and actual participation, through their “labor” banks, etc., in the exploitation of the Negro masses of the BelgiatiCongo; by the support of the French Social- ists to their predatory bourgeoisie in its colonial wars ageinst the Afrieen masses (Morocco, ete.), and in the use of troops and bombing piancs by the British Labor Governments to crush the struggles of the masses of Nigeria, West Afriea; of India, Egypt, etc. Attacks Fighters For Boys; Not Lynchers | The Socialist leaders center their | attacks not on the lynch rulers of | Alabama and their courts, which are | seeking to burn the innocent Scotis- boro boys in the electric chair on Dec. 7, but on the revolutionary forces leading the world-wide mass the strugges of the Negro people | fight for the lives and freedom oftions” which they claim exist be- the boys. clares: “The Communists are still the most deadly enemies of the Scotts- boro case.” We Communists have always de- claréd that the roots of the “rape” frame-up of the Scottsboro boys are deeply imbedded in the conditions of national oppression and persecu- tion of the Negro people. We main- Thus, the Forward de- |tain that no effective fight can be waged for the livés of the boys that does not take this into aceount. We maintain that to be effective, the fight for the boys must of necessity ve a fight against oppression and plundering of the Negro people, against the conditions that breed “rape” frame-ups and mob and legal] lynchings of Negro toilers. Seotteb: a Rallying Cry for Unity Scotésboro is not an isolated case of Negro persecution. It is not a imere miscarriage of justice as the reformists would have us believe, Scottsboro is both a symbol of the persecution of the Negro people, and a rallying ery for united action by the Negro masses and all real friends ef the Negro people in a relentless struggle for the lives and freedom of the boys, for complete equality of the Negro people, for the right of the brutally exploited Negro majorities in the “Black Belt” to govern those territories in which they constitute a majority of the population, In other words, for the smashing of the whole monsttous system of Negro oppression and ac- companying degradation of the Southern white toilers; for equality everywhere for the Negro people and for self-determination for the Negro people in the “Black Belt” territories. This has been the firm position of the Communists from the very first day of the Scottshoro case. This is the position of the Negro and white fighters for the Scotts- boro boys. The history of the Scotts- boro case, proving that mere proot of innocence of Negro victims of capitalist justice is of no avail in the lynch courts. fully confirm the correctness of this position. Reformitts and the “Good Relations” Bunk The Sccialist leaders, together with other reformists, white and Negro, attack this position. So do the lynch rulers. but their attacks frankly express their determination to maintain their opnressive and vlundering rule of the Negro people. The reformists, however, pretend that the Communist position en- dangers the supposed “good rela- tween the lynch lords and their Ne- gro victims. They claim, moreover, that the Communist position “en- dangers” the lives of the boys. They conveniently ignore the fact that the boys were sentenced to death before the Communist Party began to rally the masses to their defense, before the I. L. D. entered the case. They put forward the traitorous line of confining the de- fense of the boys within the bounds of bourgeois legality, within the confines of the very lynch courts vet pronounced the death yer- Mass Fight Rips Lid Off Negro Oppression They charge the Communists with making propaganda out of the case. We Communists plead guilty to the charge of making the Scottsboro frame-up a means of exposing the horrible persecution of the Negro people. Scottsboro demonstrations, tours of the mothers (against which the Forward rages), have carried the case around the world, rousing millions of toilers, white and black, to a realization of the brutal op- pression of the Negro people, to the fight for the lives of the boys and for Negro liberation, The Scottsboro case has become a part of every important struggle of the workers in this country. The fight for the Scottsboro boys and for Negro emancipation is an integral part of the election cam- paigns of the Communist Party, which, in one of the seven major demands of its élection platform, demands the uncondiitonal and safe release of the boys, and calls upon the toiling masses to fight “against jim-crowism and lynching, for equal rights for the Negroes and self-determination of the Black Belt, for the Negro Bill of Rights. Scottsboro an Election Issue ‘We Communists leave it to the masses, white and Negro, to decide on the basis cf the evidence who are the fightets for the Scottsboro boys and the Negro people and for the interests of the whole working class, and who are the betrayers of both the white workers and the Negro people. We call upon all fighters for Negro freedom and working class emancipation to vote as they fight, under the guidance of their Communist Party, and for the election of its candidates. The success of the Daily Worker $60,000 drive means a better, larger newspaper. Donate and get dona- tions today, Send the money im- mediately to the “Daily.” le Arrangement Committee Issues Call for National ___ Congress for Unemployment and Social Insurance Shoot to Kill,’ Textile Bosses’ Paper Urged ‘Fibre and Fabric’ Asked for More Blood in General Strike NEW YORK.—The textile organ, Fibre and Fabric, one of the most outspoken voices of the bosses in this industry, was aroused to par- ticular fury in connection with the general textile strike. It called for fascist tactics in fighting back the workers. September 1, on the eve of the strike, it declared editorially: “If our government would deport a few hundred agitators and jail some more, there would be industrial peace, normal recovery and the in- fluence of the N.R.A, would count.” A fortnight later, at the peak of the strike, after twelve strikers had been murdered by textile capitalists and their state machinery, it fol- lowed this up with the following: “Already there has been shooting and the orders have been given in some sections to shoot to kill. This is the only way to do it and a few hundred funerals will have a quiet- ing influence.” Having thus disposed of the strikers, this journal continues to advance Hitler’s theory of “labor leaders” in its issue of Septem- ber 22: “Collective bargaining should be consigned to the dump and 90 per cent of the differences could be adjusted satisfactorily to all con- cerned by the overseers and the superintendents.” This was merely the reiteration of a statement made by the same paper last summer: “The best collective bargaining for textile mill workers is through their own overseers, without any outside influence.” A week later it continued to urge its old theme—the outlawing of all strikes: “We look for a real labor court and a discontinuance of strikes.” Los Angeles Workers To Hear Three Reports Of Anti-War Congress LOS ANGELES, Oct. 18—Reports from three delegates to the Second U. 8. Congress Against War and Fascism will be heard at a mass meeting at Music Arts Hall, 233 S, Broadway, at 8 p.m. on Monday. The three who will report are: Loren Miller, Negro writer, who Tepresented the John Reed Club of Hollywood; Thomas Sharpe, sea- man, whose splintered leg offered the convention eloquent testimony of the growth of fascism in this country, and Dr. J. C, Coleman, district seeretary of the Friends of the Soviet Union. Seema Matlin, secretary of the American League Against War and Fascism in Los Angeles, also a dele- gate to the Chicago Congress, is in charge of arrangements for the meeting and will preside. Depression Adds to Toll Of Death, Akron Health Director Says in Report AKRON, Ohio, Oct. 19.—One death every 36 hours in Akron may be directly charged to the depres- sion, according to Dr. M. D. Ailes, city health doctor, The chief cause of the increased death rate is the fact that per- sons on relief and those receiving small wages are forced to buy food with an eye to price and, as a re- a eat too much starch, Dr. Ailes said. Other causes listed were the in- ability of people to go to doctors when they should, atid exposure due to improper clothing and shel- ter, resulting in a large tuberculo- sis gain, Dr. Ailes said. Greatly de- creased municipal expenditures was also listed as an important factor. That the Akron condition is gen- eral is seen in a report by the State Health Department. The death toll of the State was 16 deaths a day higher during the first nine months of 1934 than during the same pe- riod of 1933. FurWorkers Hold Picket Lines Despite Terror PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 18.—Con- tinuing their drive to force Maw- son-Demany and one or two other Jarge fur shops to join smaller bosses in granting demands raised by the general strike in the trade, @ picket line, under direction of the Fur Workers Industrial Union, pre- vented scabs from entering the plant at Eleventh and Chestnut Streets. In a short scuffle as one scab tried to break through the line, he was found carrying a lead pipe, which, however, he had no chance to use. Police jumped in among the pickéts, arresting two of them. Other pickets set up a militant protest, forcing the arrest of the armed scab. Later, however, he was summarily discharged by a magis- trate, Fur workers, crowding the courtroom, watched eagerly to see what would happen to the arrested pickets, The magistrate, no doubt, felt the sentiment of the workers, for he discharged the pickets. AFL Journal i Slurs Textile Plant Strike Houston Labor Journal Attacks Local Fighting for Recognition HOUSTON, Texas.—One of the jcrassest examples of collusion be- | tween A, F, of L, misleaders and the manufacturers to defeat the | striking textile workers is found in the Houston Labor Journal, official paper of the A. F. of L. unions in this city. In a prominently displayed front page editorial, the Journal viciously attacks the action of the workers of the Houston Textile Co, who had gone out during the General Strike. and continue to stay out to win recognition of their union. The editorial is an apology since the company claims that the strike forces it to close down the plant. The Houston Textile Company is praised very highly for its “selfe sacrificing” record durina the crisis, and the editorial believes every word of the company's claim that dividends were waved and losses were sustained only to keep the workers on the job. Although the workers in the. plant found condi- tions so unbearable that they re- mained out on strike this organ of the labor fakers insists that they were getting the best wages of any textile mill in the state and have no reason to complain, The “apology” finishes up with the following: “The majority of the members of organized labor in Houston are the proverbial salt of the earth— the backbone of the community. But as for the imported “business agents” who organize a new union, suck it dry through collee- tion of dues, and then abandon it to its own devices, for these there is but one adequate punishment— a coat of tar and feathers and free transportation out of town on the top side of a rail,” The letter of the company, an- nouncing that as soon as enough workers are ready to return to work on the basis of conditions that are | as bad as or worse than those whieh obtained prior to the strike, it will reopen, is printed in full in this “labor” journal. The workers in this southern city are organized in the A. F. of L. United Textile Workers Union, Yet their deter- mination to win conditions fit for human beings arouses the “labor leaders” to a viclousness typical of the worst southern lynchers, | Gorman Hails N.R.A. Siretch-out Boards As Another ‘Victory’ WASHINGTON, Oct. 19.—Francis J. Gorman, vice-president of the United Textile Workers, who dur- ing the recent general textile strike made statements that the workers were through with boards, yester- day issued a statement hailing Roosevelt's order for three new stretch-out boards as another “vic- tory” for the workers. These boards, to be appointed by the bosses’ Textile Labor Relations Board, have as their main task more investigations until Feb. 1, 1935, and also have the power to increase the Present intolerable stretchout. Gorman tries to square his en- dorsement of these three new boards by saying that they were created by presidential decree, whereas the old Bruere Commission was created by the Cotton Textile Code Authority (with the express consent of the U. T. W. officials), and by General Johnson, under the per given him by Roosevelt him- self. Philadelphia Shoe Men Strike for Wage Rise PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 19.—Pro- testing a 60-hour week, and a wage of $2.50 a day, in violation of the code, which demands a 48-hour week at $4 a day, the United Shoe and Leather Workers Union declared a strike at the Red Rose Shoe Repair Shop, Tenth and Ludlow Streets, and threw a picket line about the place. Police promptly took up their cue, and arrested seven pickets includ- ing the union organizer, Lippa. They were immediately released, however at the instance of the In- ternational Labor Defense, whose attorneys will defend the striking workers when their hearing comes up shortly. Fired for Activity In Furniture Union ‘WARREN, Pa., Oct. 19—An ac- tive member of the Warren Local 106, of the National Furniture Workers Industrial Union, Victor Z. Carlino, after having been employed in the Crescent Furniture Co. as a cabinet maker, was fired because of his militant daily activity in or- ganizing the unorganized furniture workers in Warren, Pa. The man- ager of the plant plainly told this worker that he is being fired be- cause “you could not mind your own business,” meaning that Carlino shouldn’t mind the low wage scale of 36 cents an hour for skilled me- chanics which is paid by the com- pany to the 110 workers émployed in this plant. FE armers, Vote Communist for Debt Cancellation, and for the Farmers Emergency Relief Bill ‘ a) aot =e - 3