The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 29, 1934, Page 5

IL 4 WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTE HR 29, 1934 Page Amter Tells of Fight of C.P. Against “Left” Tendencies the workers through the election campaign and the election of can- didates, for struggle in the shops, jon the streets for their demands. |More left sickness! | | In order to carry on open work | and to mobilize the militant, rev- olutionary workers into a fighting jranks, organized the legal Workers | Party—thereby breaking the secta-| A rianism to some degree that pe: Communist Candidate for Governor of New York Writes About Palmer Raids—Stresses Need Of Uprooting “Left” Sectarianism By I. Amter We celebrate the Fifteenth Anni- versary of the Communist Interna- tional and the Seventh World Con- gress, and also the Fifteenth Anni- ican workers, was another point of dispute. These were only symptoms of the infantile sickness from which our Party suffered, as discussed by Lenin in his famous pamphlet, jparty, the underground Communist Party after a bitter struggle in its| |meated the Party. How strong this was May be gathered from the fact) |that in New York in 1920 a Work-| |érs League was formed for carrying jon ,work during the election cam- | paign. The Party decided on nothing more séctarian than to call on the workers to boycott the elec- tions! This sectarian attitude showed how far removed the Party was from the moods of the masses. Opportunist Tendencies As a further manifestation of this | infantile sickness from which the | Three Leaders of the World Proletariat timbre: Vv. I. LENIN KARL MARX JOSEPH V. STALIN | By Earl Browder VITAL QUESTIONS ON UNITED FRONT Communist Party Stand on Unity Explained in | Browder’s Report to the Plenary Central | Committee Meeting Held Sept. 5 and 6 {very sharply a demand for a fure |ther explanation of what they I want to review briefly some Of! mean by this. We will say that - |the problems of the movement for! there are two possible interpretae united action—building the united | tions of this. It may mean elimie front, ‘ a7 ne The comrades are familiar i f the fratricidal strife be- 3 - When as a result of the Palmer |Party suffered, there arose in the) " ; | federationism springing up from the| with the variox that Fie sme: Bh bg 904 G7 WBK. iiten gears tr whi te [Tei t” amuary, 10% tne Com underground party ¢ tendency tt Secretary Of Finnish Bureau | sins ot neu copommien tre) bave made to the Socal Party Tom, reer, whe follow the tve |. 8. A. Fifteen munists were driven underground,|& worker's party in the nited | yr ; ; any | parties— Socialis rty a Party has been actively engaged in| this sickness manifested itself in a|States could not be revolutionary | Ch ‘ideological independence National Executive Committee. We the Communist Party—in which leading struggles of the workers, | farmers and the Negro masses—and | suit of the raids the membership of in which for a long period it was also torn by factional struggle. more fundamental form. As a re- | the two Communist parties dropped | to about one-fifth of their original unless it was an illegal party. Al- though practice had demonstrated | that the Party through various mass | organizations could at that timc) language federations means their Describes Communist Party’s road which will federation stepping on the lead the language sinking into opportunism, it means |r are also familiar with the corres- lence that developed on these josals with Norman Thomas, the action taken just a few case we are for the ending of this fratricidal strife and are ready to take all measures necéssary to end it and bring 1 workers together The Communist Party was or-| number. Deportation of a larg>|cafry on its work and expound its | degeneration, it will lead back tos ‘0 eh ae Ren erro against their common enemy. ganized at a time of world upheaval. | number of foreign-born comrades; |full program, the idea arose—as.an) enema teat ther nto the i mittee in its Milwaukee coat Gini’ Sibine “acs ee The Russian Revolution in Novem-|the dropping away of many more; |expression of crass sectarianism, 2 3 Tae > camp of the bourgeo: pepe sit Rese - e ber 1917, was followed by revolu-|the diseonnection of lasge numbers |Which was nothing but opportunism, Retrospect Takes Up Struggles in United States Tx Communist Patty is not an] Pethape we should give a beet So ats nak the enaiae ae jonary events in Germany, Finland. | from the organizing centers, owing |that an open party would become > . . % institution which merely giv 0 characterization of the N. FE. C.’s|/UT apes: ntl Piven Hungary, Italy. In the United! to the illegality of the party, caused | opportunistic, would make ccnces- Waged Largely in Period Before 1925 mands to the language f tions. | decision as it was reported in the icine tt by ne Cn ae States there occurred the Seattle|a deep cut in the membership of |Sions in its propaganda and agita- — | Instead, through its fractions, it N. Y. Times. We have not yet re- thew Woll, John L Leste Bre fi general strike, the general strike in | the Party. jtion to the bourgeoisie, would com- By Hans Johnson tion, bringing the Party into fac-/gives {ideological leadership and |ceived an official letter that they | (mew Well, John 1. hewis, Aes Wirinipez—and the great steel strike Isolated Membership promise with its principles in order ¥ tories and workshops, organizing in-| guidance to all working class or-|there reported to have sent to us yee Se eed of 1919 led by Comrade Foster. was at a time when the capitalists of the entire world were in fear of losing power, when the masses,, be- coming disiJlusioned as to the prom- | ises of the war, were beginning to make demands. period was a period of upsurge of the struggling masses—to be fol- lowed by a second period in which capitalism was able partially to re- habilitate itself and move forward to some extent. Ferment in 8. P. In this situation a ferment arose in the Socialist Party because of its reformist policy. Although the St. Louis convention in 1917, pressed by | the Left Wing led by Comrade Ruthenberg, adopted a resolution against war, the leaders of the S. P. did nothing to mobilize the party for activity against the war. The Left Wing grew and finally in Sep- tember 1919, the Communists held their first convention—or rather—~ two conventions, attracting many healthy elements outside the So- cialist party—I. W. W., anarchists, militant trade unionists. Two par- ties were born in September, 1919— the Communist Perty and the Com- munist Labor Party. So-called dif- ferences cn the action” and “ac'ion of the masses” led to Kair-splitting cisputes of the most childish character between the two parties. Leadership to be vested in the hands of the native as against the foreign-born comrades, who in the main were more developed theo- retically but did not have as much contact with the native-born Amer- For Orders on TORGSIN in U. S. S. R. (Russia) apply to AM-DERUTRA TRANSPORT CORP. 10| FLOOR Our orders are sent direct to every city in the U.S. 5S. R. with no postage charge to the sender. 261 FIFTH AVE. New York Tel. LEx, 2-4117 Price lst will be furnished on request It The first post-war estion of “mars | The membership that remained | had in the main little contact with | the basic mass organizations of thé | American working class. A certain section of the membership and lead- ership theorized this sectarianism into a revolutionary “policy.” The masses of the workers at that time | Were, and still are, organized into |the American Federation of Labor jand other reformist unions. Not | understand the necessity of “close contact with the workers in the |shops and the reformist unions,” jthe two Communist parties. and | particulatly the Communist Party, |advocated “smashing the A. F. of L.” and supporting the I. W. W. This was a serious deviation of a “left” character, since the reformist unions had the bulk of the organ- ized workers, and the ideology of |the ILW.W. in this respect was similar to that of the Communis! Party—that of sectarianism, but in- Leon. | The decision of the Party con- vention at Bridgeman in 1921 was quickly rectified by the Communist International. But decisions do not immediately change ideology. The | young Communist Party and its \leadership were filled with such jhatred of the reformist leaders— Gompers, Lewis & Co.—that they |could not distinguish the rank and file of the A. F. of L. from the treacherous leaders, who during the |war had given full support to the Wilson war policies. The hatred of the young Communists for the lead- ership of the Socialist Party—Hill- quit, Berger, etc—was on a par |with that for the A. F. of L. lead- ers. Therefore it came as a matter of “revolutionary logic’ that sup- port should be given to the building \of the I. W. W. and its militant {policy as against the A. F. of L. | Left sickness! | The Socialist party is a party chiefly for parliamentary action, }and even today expects to go into |power on the crest of a wave of | votes. It hopes ahd proposes to es- | tablish Socialism as a result of majority vote and the peaceful sur- jrender of power by the capitalists. |The revulsion to this anti-revolu- |tlonary policy was an anti-parlia- mentarian tendency with the Com- | munist Party. Only the revolution- ary overthrow of capitalism and thé capitalist state and the estab- lishment of the Proletarian Dicta- torship will lay the basis for build- ing Socialism. The young Com- }munist Party could not understand the role o revolutionary parliament- erism—the election campaign, the |élection of candidates, the function of these elected Communists in ex- | posing capitalism within the legisla- |tive chamber, the mobilization of herited in this case from Daniel De | to remain above ground. When Lenin compared the work of the| | Workers Party with that of the| underground party and saw that junder the existing circumstances it} |was possible for the Communists in} the United States to carry on their | | work openly; when he compared the legal paper of the Party with the |illegal organ and saw that prac-| |tically the same articles appeared | in both, he declared that we shculd |“cut out this nonsense,” meaning |the illegal organ. The struggle he-! | gan for the liquidation of the un- |derground party, but it lasted for two years. Now in the third post-war period —in the period of the decay of cap-| |Party has not yet fully overcome its | Sectarianism—its infantile sickness. | There remains an opposition to! |work in the’A. F. of L. and re-j |formist uhions — based almost on | | the same gtounds as in the early days of the Communist Party. Al-| though the attitude of the Party | membership is changed on the ques- |tion of revolutionary parliamentar- ism, and certainly it is not to be} found in the leadership of the! |Party, it cannot be seid that the whole Party membership is filled | with a clear understanding of the| significance of revolutionary parlia- mentarism. It remained a basic task of the Party to educate the mem-| bership on the question of work in the reformist unions and bourgeois- controlled mass organizations, and of parliamentary activity. Destroy “Left” Sectarianism Today faced with the deepening | general crisis of capitalism, with the | rapid devolpment of fascism | through the N. R. A., with the |feverish prépatations for another world war, it is fundamental that all manifestations of “left” secta- riahism, which is nothing but crass | opportunism, be uprooted from the | Party. This is so much more cs-| sential in view of the gtowth of/ Membership of the reformist unions, | the militancy of the rank and file of these organizations, the urge of} the workers for a different way out! of the crisis than that of the “new | deal,” the readiness with which they follow the slogans and proposals of the Party. “Left” sectarianism remains within the Party—an infentile sick- | |ness, which the Party, now fifteen years old, must uproot from its: |Tanks, in order fully to play the| jrole that a Communist Party must | | fulfill in the period of revolutionary i in this way will we fight success- fully the right danger—the main danger at the present time. Jersey Farm Hands Endorse Call SOUTH RIVER, N. J., Sept. 25.— Agricultural and cannery workers of jitalism, it must be stated that the|of the American proletariat; when| this leadership rose. into a sharp jthough in “principle” they were! the question of reorganization. They Sec'y. of Finnish Buro, C. P. | side of them t Now that we are celebrating the of the Party. 15th anniversary of the Communist; The reorganization of the Party on Party, U.S.A., When our Party has} the basis of shop and street nuclei become an éver greater factor in or-| was not at all an easy task. It met) ganizing and leading the struggles with sharp opposition on the part} pee : of the American working class/of all the language federations, and | The language fed Faesicl ai against the offensive of the bour-| especially on the part of those who | received invaluable aid, h | a geoisie, the Roosevelt hunger pro-| were in the leadership of the lan- | logically and organizationa se ae gram (N.R.A.), the betrayers of the} guage federations. Although this|the C. P. and are stronger toda working class, the Wolls, Greens,| leadership pretended in words to be Gormans and Co., in the A. F. of L.,| Communists, in déeds and ideologic- as well as against the treacherous | ally it was strongly tinged with so- ganizations because the Party is the leader of the whole w: ing class, It has no interests which would be contradictory to the interests of the whole working class and those op- pressed. basic units—nuclei And as they follow the ideological leadership of the C. P., they will policy of the Social-Democratic | cial-democratic hangovers, The lead- | continue Lapis y ee leadership; when our Party has|ership of several language federa-|themsclves. Our tas more fitmly than ever rooted itself| tions on the most part were com-| Suage federation is to make the into the factories, mines and mills} posed of Right opportunists (Fin- | whole program of ne age ppg among the decisive and basic strata| nish, German, etc.), and therefore | eee aaa Gaines Beni our Party is internally united, on a| struggle against the Bolshevization basis of 8 united oe a Hiatal strong Bolshevik foundation, its| of the Party, holding onto their fed-| the ev Bice Saree Se ee basic units being the shop and fac-| erationism. | ing act Bab hat ote tao ate tory nuclei, it is well to bring to our; ‘This meant that instead of the ea atte ae se raadl ae e aes Susan bona bodes nade | Party giving ideological leadership | fenseof the Soviet Union into the | TRIB ih Dantes was’ mob ate| 804, Suldance to the language fed-| struggle for the establishment of a| situation in our Party was not al-/erations, the language federations| &ov1¢ america, the proletarian dic- Ways such as it is at the present) according to their strength (based|frormnin and the crushing of the time, }on the number of members) would hee isi There was a time during the early | determine the ideological line, pro-/| et aiae of the opportune | history of our Party, prior to 1925,| gram, tactics and methods of strus-| i.¢. at the time of the reorganiza- when our Party was conpletely dis-| gle of the Party. Every Communist} tion of the Party, that as a result of | united internally. The Party prior) now understands how ridiculous this i. reorganization the whole Party | to the reorganization, which took) would be. | | years has become a thing of the place in 1925, was composed of some} ‘Those elements within the Party| dream of those paertinitl WAIED' seventeen different language federa-| who held a Bolshevik view on these has not come true. tions. The Party was organized on organizational questions had to! ‘The contrary has taken place. The| territorial basis, with its English-| carry on a relentless struggle| party is now internally as well as| speaking branches, language| against these opportunist elements! organizctionally stronger than ever | branches, with its city central com-/in every one of the Party branches| pefore, its influence over large ex-| mittees and during elections, State! because the influence of the oppor-| ploited masses has tremendously in- | organizations, The Party at that/tunist leadership over the rank and| creased, The Central Committee time had no united program of ac-| fle was not small. The opportunist | recently in its statement on the 15th| tion—struggle and activities. The| leadership in the language federa-| Party Anniversary declared: “At the | seventeen language federations had | tions, as for instance, in the Finnish | pregent time, which is characterized | become seventeen parties within the| and the German federations (Askeli,| hy deep-going shifts in the ranks of | Party, each being almost completely Boman and Company and Ludvig! the working class and a sharp turn | independent, .carrying on activities/ Lore in the German Federation),!to higher forms of mass action| under its own program. All the lan-| resorted to cunning and cheap| (sympathy strikes, general strikes), guage federations were permeated! qomagogy to confuse the member-| the revolutionary activity of the| with social-democratic ideology, @l-| ship of the language federations on| Communist Party is growing, the in-| its slogans is increasing, against the Second (Socialist) In-| declared that as a result of the re-| ia conten mineeths masses us| ternational and pretended to uphold organization the properties of the | multiplying and becoming more firm, | the principles of the Communist In-| language organizations, halls, ete..!and its ranks are becoming more| ternational. The Party was torn in-| would be “turned over to the Jews”! numerous. The factional struggle, ternally by yeats of factionalism.| and more of the same sort of non-| which plagued the Party for many| Opportunism, both Right end “Lett,” sense, But these opportunists did| years, hes become a thing of the| was rampant in the Party. The lan-/ not succeed to a very large extent! past. With the expulsion of the| guage federations had become fac-/ to confuse the masses on these ques- | Lovestone group from the Party and| tional footballs for the varying fac-| tions. The Party was reorganized | the liquidation of the Trotzky group. tions, each resorting to all kinds of| ang with the help of the Party lead-| carried through in the latter part of unprincipled maneuvers to win this) ership these betrayers of the work-| 1929, under the leadershin of the or that language federation for its) ing class were driven out of the| Executive Committee of the Com-| own faction. | Party. As a “memorial” of them we| munist International and of Com- Although we do not want to nullify | have their complete political bank- | rade Stalin, the Communist Part | | both respects than evér previously. | S Briefly, the action as reported is a| Ship of the A. FP. of L. Perhaps it rejection of the wnited front on| means, and for some it certainly the grounds that the united front | ™e@ns. the demand for the exten- with the Communists would en-| Sion of the wnited front to in- daneecr their united front with the |Clude those who are part of the A. F. of L. bureaucrats. They cover | Roosevelt governmental machine, this up with a platonic endorse-|And we declare that if this is ment of the idea of a united front,| What they mean by the united |what a good thing it would be if|{tont, or conditions for the united it were possible, and bring out| front, this condition the Com- me of the stock tricks to avoid | Munists will never accept, because squarely meéting the issue—united | this condition is a united front action on specific questions. No- ee eit - where do they mention their at- | DeTmanen plit in 3 titude towards the measures for | ime Class. Thé fight for the bef which we proposed united action, ../ Of the working class is precistiy In the formal answer we propose against this. to take up precisely as the center| We can make use of our letter of our letter, that question they|to the Socialist Party in a broader expressed in the words: “No/|leafiet which we propose to issue, united action on specific issues is|including this letter, and giving possible between Socialist and) further elaboration of tit answers Communists except on a basis/to all of the arguments of the which also gives hope of ending| united front. This letter to be fratricidal strife within the trade | addressed to the membership and union movement.” | followers of the Socialist Party and We propose that we will quote distributed in many hundreds of this from their letter, and raise | thousands of copies. . . — | We further propose that in every 7 4,,| locality that comrades shall en< scious workers to study the growth gage in an intensified campaign to and the development of the Com-| approach the lower organizations of munist movement in the U. S. The| the Socialist Party. We must ab- study of the history of our Party) solutely eliminate any tendency to offers an invaluable weapon for| react to this question by saying, now every fighter against capitalism, for|that the N. E. C. has spoken, we the struggle for the liberation of|are through with the chapter to the American working class and all| win the Socialist Party. Quite to the oppressed.” (From the C. C.|the contrary is our program. This statement). |merly opens ser brides e be Hail the 15th Anniversary of the|every branch and member o} Communist Party of the U. S. On| Socialist Party from below to the the 15th Anniversary of the Party we | United front. greet the Central Committee which} Any hope of swinging the Social- has capably and energetically, with | ist Party as a whole and any kind the help of the Comintern, brought/of united action depends entirely about a turn in our Party, making it| upon this basie activity from be- capable to organize and lead the/low, as to whether the Socialist American working class in its every| Party leadership ever agrees to thé day struggles and will lead it to its| united front or not. Because if we final victory—a Soviet America. do this work from below, we will get pare eee the membership, and if we get the thouid aoe worry ah to uae oe Jobless Plan Drive Against Police Terror leaders are doing. We will worry | about them to the extent that they keep their followers away from | united struggle. In addition, we propose that a series of meetings, at least one big meeting in each important district, be held at which leading comrades shall report to the workers on this quesiion, inviting leaders of the Socialist Party to come and state their case to the assembled work- NEW YORK. — The Unemploy- ment Councils swung into action yesterday to smiash the police at- altogether the attempts of the Party) ruptcy. They have them because : openly gone/of the U. 8S. became consolidat | struggle in which we now live. Only|at that time to lead the working| (Boman is dead) into the camp of| and was thus enabled to take up in | class in its struggles, it goes without | the bourgeoisie. The workers will no Saying that a Party organized on |Jonger follow such a loose basis will never be able! Party has been able to thoroughly | period.” jeven if it had a willingness—to | expose their treachery. The Finnish | lead the proletariat in its every-day | organization has received direct hel; p| the Party knows that the statement struggle against the bourgeoisie, not | also from the Cothintern in expos-| of the Central Committee and the tacks launched on the jobless by 0 the LaGuardia administration earnest the task of mass revolution- | through its new police commissioner, the| ary work dictated by the present| John. Valentine. A picket line was thrown around the Home Relief Bureau at Sheriff and Broome Streets when police re- | Every worker who has been with ers, with special attention to get members and followers of the So- cialist Party to these meetings. We must say that in these past ;months our Party is beginning to |undérstand that for us the united front 18 a very serious matter. It is a question of fundamental stra- this region who had a stiff taste of to speak of, that such a Party would | ing these renegades. The open letter| consolidation of the Party and its| {fused to admit a delegation which tegy. It is a matter of a long time THE SPIRIT OF THE U. $ $ Re IS CONCENTRATED IN MOSCOW NOVEMBER Pethaps no one symbol of the U.S.S.R. is more forceful thai the tremendous parade through Mostow’s Red Square which marks each anniversary of the Soviet Un’ and inspiring visit Moscow and Leningrad for as 1 special class, and $8 2 day tourist class, sightsecing and transportation on tour ii eluded, dollar is practically at par. trom-New York to Leningrad are as low your local travel agent or write for INTOURIST, U.S, Representatives of the Travel Co. of the U.S.S.R.. MA Fifth Avenue, New York review of achievements, U.S.S.R, at all times offer scenes of unusual vitality to men and women who must sce for themselves on November 7 presents an intense concentration. ‘The Soviet Union is one country where the travel Round trip steamship fares ion. 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NEAR Hm at fascist terrot during their strikes for wage increases this Summer, have endorsed the call of the United States Congtess Against War and Fascism to be held in Chicago on Friday, Saturday and Sunday. “We hope to help supply a truck- load of delegates from this area,” said Vivian Dahl, organizer of the Agricultural and Cannery Workers Industrial Union. to a victorious overthrow of the| revolutionary toilers in America ex-| bourgeois regime. Therefore, it was| posed the class bétrayal of such | necessary to have the Party reor-| renegades as Halonen and Co. and | ganized according to the line laid) laid down a clear line for the Fin- down by the Communist Interna-| nish organization to be followed on ever be able to lead the proletariat of the C. I. (1930) to the Finnish| growing infivence over the workers and exploited masses holds true in every respect. “In the history of the Commu- | nist Party of the U. S. there is ex had come to present demands for rent, relief and free milk which had ; been promised the unemployed. In Upper Harlem a demonstra- |tion was held at the West 135th tional (which this fall will hold its| the class struggle front. ‘th World Congress) to all the Com-| bodied the revolutionary experience | Street Home Relicf Bureau to com- of the American proletariat during pel a hearing for the delegation. the most eventful decades in the| At West Forty-Fourth Street yes- The language federations today struggle, a long time perspective, a long time policy. It is not merely a trick in the struggle against the |misleaders. It is a basic policy of struggle for the class unity of the workers against the bourgeoisie. Be- cause we more thoroughly undere stand it in this sense, we are make munist Parties in the different | that are following the ideological countries, namely, that the Parties| leadership of the Communist Party history of the U. §. and the whole | terday a patrol wagon was stationed ™S Progress. must discard their federationist—so-| must still world. Consequently, it is of the in front of the Relief Bureau where carry on a relentless highest importance for our Party cial-democratic base of organiza-! struggle against all remnants of membership and for all class-con- By Alex Bittelman For the class conscious American workers, but especially for its younger generation, there is great significance in the fac’ that the two militant working class fighters in the labor movement of the United States in this ceniury—the im- perialist era—the two men who rep- resent most fully the best and most advanced achievements of the American working class, Ruthentrg and Foster—that both of these be- came the builders of the Communist Party, the builders and followers of the Communist International. Ruth- enberg we have lost altogethe: too soon; March 2 of this year marks the seventh anniversaty of his death; but the value of his work in founding our Party, in pointing the way to the Communist Interna- tional for other thousands of work- ers, and in guiding our movement for many years, this will never be lost. Now our movement has Foster as the leader. And while he is tem- porarily disabled by terriffc exertion in the cless struggle, Comrade Fos- ter's power of attraction to our Party, the power that hes brough’ and will continue to bring into our ranks and to the Comintern all that ds militant, honest and creative in Proletarian Internationalism Versus Chauvinism 6 a power has never weakened but is Srowihg stronger with the sharpen- jing of the class struggles. Ruthen- berg and Foster came to the Com- miunist International because in |the proletarian ihterhationalism of Lenin’s teachings, which guide the Comintern work, both had found the ‘solution of all those problems and tasks that confronted them and the American working class in the pres- ent epoch. Ruthenberg’s experiences had been acquired in the Socialist Party, chieffy on the political field; Foster's, on the other hand, were aconired mainly on the trad? rnie> fleld. and consciousness of Ruthenberg The revolutionary instinct | guard. The coming together of | these two revolutionists and their followers into oné working class Party marked an historic event of the first magnitude. The meaning | of this event was that, for the first ; time in the history of the American working class. there came to an ent the traditional separation be- tween the advanced revolutieery elements of the Socialist (political- one hand, and the revolutionary elements of hte Socialist (political- parliamentary) Party, on the other. The traditional ssparation was per haps the largest single factor that had retarded, in the past, the com- ing into life in the United States of a proletarian revolutionary Party of the Leninist kind. Ruthenberg could not but rebel against the|and Foster started the precass of are united by the Exectitive Commi tee of the Communist International into a single centralized World Party which the Second Intorr | tional never had ard n |have.” (Pla‘nitsky, Speech at th | Thirteonth Pientun of ths E.C.C.1. In this lies the main strength of | the world revolution ahd the guar- | antee of its inevitable victory. It is this that makes possible, for the first time in the history of th a werld revolutionary stratozy, the enly road to victory over capitalism. And it is in Comrade Stalin, since Lenin’s death, that this strategy has found the greatest formuletor, in- terpreter, and organizer. With tt Geepest pride in this achievement, the class conscious workers of the world, the effective carrying out of | | seven unemployed were arrested the day before. Eight police were sta- tioned outside and other lurked | within the building. | Two of the arrested workers who were released in the custody of their attorney, Louis Fleisher of the I. L. D., reported that one policeman tioned outside and others lurked | had declared, “There's a new police |commissioner and a new policy. | We're not going to fool with you bastards any more.” At Seventy-cighth Street and | York Avenue, a repzesentative of the unempioyed was edmi'ted to | the Relitf Bureau only after the | jobless had fought fer the right to \a hearing. In Brooklyn it was reliably re- | Ported that Home Relief clients hac received letters stating tit next in the form of vouchers instead of cash. Other sections reported that | tent checks were being held up. The New York Unempicyment Council, through its organizer, | Michael Cassidy, called upon the weeks their food orders woti}d come | The biggest political struggle now gcing on in the United States is the fight for unemployment insurance, The great movement for the Work- ers’ Bill is now taking on a broader form with the preparations for the Social Security Congress in Wash- ington at the time the U. 8. Con- gress opens. It is clear that the time is ripe for broadening the or- ganizational base of the movement such as is proposed in this Congress for Social Security. The sweep of support for the Bill in the A. F. of L. unions which has carried un- animous endorsement in five na- tional inion conventions—Molde:s |Union, Amalgamated Association, |United Textile Workérs Union, |Minc, Mill and Smelter Workers Union, Full Fashioned © Hosiery Workers; the endorsement by the | City Couricils of 48 cities and towns, including Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Buffalo, Canton, Toledo, St. Louis, | Bridgeport, Portland, Des Mi |Allentown, Rockford—in 15 States, | endorsement by over 5,000 outstand- ing ptofessionals; the American Newspaper Guild, innumerable locals of the S. P. and lately Nor= man Thomas; by the Farmer-Labor narrow parliamentary limitations cf Sccialist Party politics; while the revolutionary consciousness of Fos- liquidating this separation by com- ing together in the building of the Communist Party in the United ter, and the logic of the great eco- nomic struggles which he had or- Ranized and led, could not but mal him rebel against the narrow “ec! nomism” of Gompers as well as of anarcho-syndicalism. Both, Ruth- enberg and Foster, were therefore led to Leninis and its concep’ cf a “new type” of Party as tho only ideaology that offered a revolutior aty and proletarian solution for their problems. An‘ these were the problems of the American working States. To this they came by the inexorable logic of the class strug- gle in the United States and the point at which they met and jained | hands was Leninism and the Com- | munist International. In the fifteen years of its existence | the Comintern has grown iito al true World Perty. It has reached | the high stage where all “Commu- nist Parties are cartying out on2/ single line of the Comintern,” a the American working class, this Class and its revolutionary van-!stage where all “Communist Parties United States, the militant farm- ers and revolutionary Negroes will celebrate the Fifteenth Anniversary of the Comintern. It is with the same feeling of vride that they realize that they belong to a World Party together with the glorious Pariy of the Soviet Union; that | they belong to a World Party which | is aily Jobless to refuse to submit to the | | terror of the police and the starva- | Party of Minnesota; practically all tion policies of the Home Relief important independent unions, in- | Bureau, to assemble at the Home| | Relief Bureaus every day and force the relief stations to accept the de- mands of the unemployed when presented collectively by their rep- | resentatives. A delegation will go before Com- cluding Progressive Miners; by practically all mass unemployed or- ganizations, even those under the control of the enemies of the Bill, who have been forced by mass pres- | sure to endorse it. All these things |—and we must mention the Amsr= Ruided by such proved | missioner of Welfare today and de-|iccn Youth Congress, which une Manuilsky, Kuugsinen,|mand that he publicly declare that | animously endorsed the Bill — all leaders as Thaelmann end Piatnitsky; and that by building the revolutionary Movement in the United States we/terfered with and cell upoh police ere also building the world power of the proletariat for the victory of the world revolution \ \ the hts of the unemployed to | petition collectively will not be in- |commissioner Valentine to with- | this disclosed a mezs support for our Bill which if. it can be cone centrated and centralized will he a | draw the police from the relief sta- i Tons. of this Bill at the coming Congress next January. | mighty power to force the beet