The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 29, 1934, Page 4

Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1934 KRUMBEIN TELLS Foster Urges A. F. L. Parley Delegates GAINS IN DAKOTA OF C. P. ADVANCE To Wage Battle for Trade Union Unity TRACED ON 15TH C.P. BIRTHDAY IN N. 7: DISTRICT hada His Call to ALT Traees Party History And Problems, Cites Present Tasks By Charles Krumbein New York District Organizer The New York District of the Communist Party, although fitting into the history of the Party na- tionally, because of certain condi- tions peculiar to New York, had ad- ditional problems and experiences. If we trace back the history of the New York district we will see the same sectarianism and isolation that prevailed in But in the past few years especially our district has been able to surge forward and now can be considered as on the road to becoming a mass | Party. New York City, as yet the main part of the New York District, has large numbers of light industry— industries that were adversely af- fected long before the present eco- nomic crisis. The result was that the workers of these industries be- came receptive to our Communist message before the working class as a whole. For a long period of time the class struggle had been sharp in a number of light industries, as for instance, in needle, food, light metal, shoe, etc. This raised many problems for our Party and move- ment. They consumed almost our entire time, with the result that we never found ourselves able to give attention to the basic industries in our district, such as marine, heavy metal, railroad, city traction, etc. Work in Heavy Industries The adoption of the Open Letter by our Party in July, 1933, woke us up to the fact that unless we made it our business to find the time, forces and resources for work in the heavy industries, we would never be able to consider ourselves a seri- ous revolutionary Party, because without winning the workers of these heavy industries, we would not be able to achieve our final aims, to say nothing of making serious gains in economic conditions for the workers of the district as a whole. The work of the Party was seri- ously affected and its advances among the masses was hindered be- cause of the opportunist line of the past leaders of our Party—the rene- gade Lovestoneites. This leadership, | with its theory of “exceptionalism,” claiming that America was entering a “Victorian age,” which historically meant decades of upward swing of capitalist development, resulted in some very disastrous political and organizational convulsions, Life has shattered these theories. Life has confirmed the position of the Party that the United States is no excep- tion to the general world crisis of capitalism and that revolutions and wars are approaching for the United States; as well as for all capitalist countries. Denounces Opportunists With this opportunist line, based upon bourgeois theories of American exceptionalism, it was impossible to inspire workers and win them for our movement. Therefore in the period preceding the expulsion of the Lovestoneites, our Party and movement remained very narrow. ‘We could count approximately 3,000 members in our district, with few additional thousands in the mass organizations under our influence. The Socialist Party was a large factor in the ranks of the working class of our district, many of the leaders being at the same time lead- ers of large A. F. of L. trade unions. The workers still had confidence in the Socialist Party which of course made it difficult for our Party to make inroads among these masses. | In the last period, due to the ex- posure of the betraying role of the Socialist Party leadership and the} Socialist Party trade union buro- crats, their support of the N. R. A. and the Greens and Wolls; their betrayal of the strikes of the work- ers, as well as the role of social democracy in Germany, Austria, etc, caused great dissension in the ranks of the Socialist Party sup- | porters, bringing many of them in and around our movement. Our dis- trict played a large part in exposing the role of the Socialist Party, bring- Ing forward at the same time a positive program for the workers to follow in their struggle against worsening conditions. The decline of the Socialist Party can be seen in the fall of their vote, which is the main criterion of their strength, | from a previous 250,000 to 63,000 in | the last elections. The Socialist Party, nevertheless, is still a con- siderable factor in the labor move- ment of New York and we have still big job in convincing its followers as to the betraying role of the So- ¢jalist leaders. i Cites La Guardia Regime | The Fusion movement, with La- | Guardia and his demagogy at its| head, created illusions among large numbers of workers. Undoubtedly many former Socialist voters ‘sup- ported LaGuardia on the basis of the lesser evil theory, which has been the main stock in trade of world social-democracy. LaGuar- dia’s failure to carry out any of his pre-election promises, in addition to his open terrorist methods against struggling workers, has re- sulted in many of his previous sup- porters becoming disillusioned and jJeaving the ranks of the Fusion supporters. Where these workers will go in the coming elections de- pends very much upon us. If we reach them with our message, large numbers of them can be won to support our Party. In the last years our Party and the sympathetic mass organizations around it carried on many struggles against worsening, and for improved conditions of the masses. Not only among the working class, but also among sections of the professional, intellectual and white collar work- ers. We have been the only Party fighting for the interests of the workers, employed or unemployed. ‘There has been no other real leader the Party generally. | than our Part been that our organizations their influence has grown treme ously. The situation has been su that it has been relatively easy |convince the masses struggles for their da are part of the bigger p: jectives of the working class, The open class role of the capi state, nationally, as well as loca has made this easier, the result being that these workers whom we have led in the struggle for t day to day needs, have responded in ever larger numbers to our political campaigns. This can be seen by the fact that 200,000 responded to our last May Day campaign and demonstration; 35,000, a vast ma- jority of whom were young work- ers, to our National Youth Day demonstration; almost 100,000 to our two big anti-war, anti-fascist actions of August Ist and 4th, as well as large numbers to our anti- Nazi, Free Thaelman and the Scottsboro-Herndon campaign, etc. Progress Among Negrces Great ideological inroads been made among the Negro i using the approach of the Scotts- boro case, and developing this into the general campaign of struggle for Negro rights. Organizationally, we have not yet succeeded to any great degree in winning the Negro masses, which now remains one of our biggest tasks. Our Party and sympathetic mass organizations are continuously growing and, with proper work on our part, will grow with an even faster tempo. Whereas our Party in the New York district a year ago had 4,000 members, it now counts over 7,000 within its ranks. This is not only important because it shows a 75 per cent increase, but is es- pecially important because, as a re- sult of concentration in basic in- dustries and shop work, the growth of the Party reflects to a consider- able extent inroads into the basic industries and shops. We are now striving to make Communist fort- resses out of 138 factories in our district where our shop nuclei exist. A year ago we had only 40 shop | nuclei, Forty-five of these nuclei | issue shop bulletins, with a total cir- | culation larger than the circulation | of our Daily Worker nationally. | Y. C. L. Activities The Young Communist League which up to a few years ago was ex- | tremely sectarian and isolated from | the young workers in this district, has increased its membership in the | last year from 1,000 to 2,000, It is | still far too small indeed, but never- heless with proper attention by our s well as the YCL itself, be able to build the YCL or zation larger than the have we will arty itself. The sympathetic mass organiza- | tions, trade unions, fraternal organ- | | izations, anti-war, anti-fascist or- ganizations, clubs, veterans’ organi- | zations, organizations of profession- als, intellectuals, artists, etc., have grown apace, to the point where at present they incorporate fully 125,-| 000 members within their ranks. A big problem still confronts us | in regards to the masses in these or- | | ganizations, They have been won |on one or another issue due to the |general radicalization existing | among the masses. Our big task is | to revolutionize these workers, to make them understand the class content of their struggles and or- | ganizations, winning the most ad- | vanced into the ranks of the Party, | |and raising the political level gen- erally so that these masses will en- gage in all phases of the revolu- tionary class struggle. Calis for “Daily” Aid The circulation of our press has likewise increased, but at a slower | tempo than most of our other work. The Daily Worker now has a cir- culation in New York City of 16,000, vocals and Entire Membership of A. F. L.—Stresses Defense of Basic Rights Against Employers’ Attacks on Wages, Working Conditions, Living Standards and By William Z. Foster William Z. Foster, speaking on behaif of the Trade Union Unity League, of which he is general secretary, has issued a statement addressed to all mombers of the A. F, of L. and to the delegates zl convention of the Ai ican Fed- eration of Labor, to be held ia in Francisco, beginning on Monda: The statement follows: Against the Right to Organize—Cites Support Given to Bosses by U. S. Military Forces—Denounces Tie-Up Between A.F.L. Leaders and Johnson, N.R.A. jon, res bility for the present situa- |tion. Is it not true that the present conditions of the auto workers, the | adoption of the “merit” clause and the legalization of the company unions |Council, which, through its spokes- and has tory at the moment when the | workers’ organization was at its| Communists were, for the most part, not spared either. We beliéve that the present situa- tion which is so menacing for the |and works hand in glove with the! entire labor movement demands have been brought about |the united action of all workers and with the aid of the A. F. of L.| resident William Green, has | thermore that if such an approach the present set-up in the|is taken that it should be possible | prevented the! to create in this country a UNITED! from gaining a possible | all. workers’ organizations to defeat the bosses’ attack. We believe ‘fur- trade union movement, and not only of the millions now organized, but of tens of millions, most of TRADE UNION UNITY LEAGUE /neicht and the workers were de-| whom still remain unorganized. We 799 Broadway New York, N. Y. Wm. Z. Foster, General Secretary September 22, 1934 To the Delegates to the 54th An- nual Conyention of the American Federation of. Labor. To all Locals and the Entire Mem- bership of the American Federation of Labor. Brothers: We are addressing you on the vital question of the unification of the trade union movement for the | defense of basic rights, against the | ceaseless attacks by the employers on the right to organize and on wages, working conditions and liv- ing standards for the improvement of conditions, for the fight against company unions. We are proposing what we consider to be the major necessary steps to establish unifica- tion of the trade union movement in order to develop more effective action against the employers now more powerfully organized than ever before. Your convention meets at a time when the labor movement and the workers - generally are faced with the most vicious and concerted at- tack on the part of the employers. The National Manufacutrers Asso-| ciation has publicly declared that it sees in the present great strike of the textile workers not merely the question of the struggle of the tex- tile workers, but that the outcome of the textile strike will have great bearing on the whole of the future development in the labor move- ment. For this reason they declare they are opposed to any concessions to the textile workers. The report of the Winant Board, one of the most brazen disregard for the conditions |of the textile workers, ordering a half million workers back to work at the point of the bayonet with- out any concessions, and already receiving the blessings of President | Roosevelt, shows the extent of the jattack against the workers now being carried through by the em- ployers. The Hot Springs program of the Durable Goods Industries (monopoly capital), calling for fur- ther reduction of wages, unlimited increase of hours, abolition of gov- |ernment relief, uncompromising op- position to all forms of unemploy- |ment insurance, letting of all re-| strictions on mergers, trusts, cartels, | etc., shows clearly that a well-de-| fined and planned attack is under way against all workers and their | organizations. Cites Military Attacks The employers in their fight to lower wages and destroy the trade unions are receiving the full sup- port of the military forces of the| government. At no time in the history of the labor movement have the military forces been mobilized to such an extent as in the textile strike. Already more than a dozen workers have been killed and hun-| dreds wounded, while even larger numbers are thrown into jails and concentration camps as is the case in Georgia, the “adopted” state of President Roosevelt. These concen- tration camps are in no way differ- ent from those estabished by Hitler. | We beieve that today every hon- ‘est worker can see that the position * | With the launching of the New York| the very beginning on the NRA., | with 19,000 to 20,000 on Saturdays.| our organization has taken from | Daily Worker on October 7th, which |has been proven entirely correct. will be able to give adequate space | We pointed out that the N.R.A. was to the life, struggles and aspirations an instrument of the employers for of the New York workers, we should |the purpose of defeating the* de- be able to build the circulation of |mands of the workers through ar- the paper into one of a mass char-|bitration if possible, and through acter. Our objective being to double force and violence if need be. We the circulation within a month after | branded as false the promises of the issuance of the New York Daily |the administration that the N.R.A. Worker, and then increasing it to | will do away with unemployment 50,000 within six months. With such | through shortening hours, raise a circulation of the Daily Worker, wages through the introduction of we will be a much greater factor in | the minimum wage codes, and give the labor movement of New York. | labor the right to organize through With no signs of economic re- covery, it must be clear to all that the bosses and their government, as well as their agents within the ranks of the working class, will make new attacks against the al- ready miserable conditions of the masses. The masses will resist, as we saw in the heroic textile strike. With this perspective, it is clear that our tasks become even greater. To fulfill these tasks the building of our Party becomes ever more im- | the Section 7A provision of the Na- tional Recovery Act. We warned that the labor leaders who accepted the N.R.A, and served on its various | boards were really helping to chain the workers to the slavery program of the empoyers. Greater Speed-Up _ And what has actually happened? (Is it not clear that the shortening of hours to the extent that they jhave taken place have been mainly jat the expense of the workers, re- portant. We must intensify our | sulting on the one hand in lower- | efforts in the current election cam- paign, bringing our program before wider and wider sections of toilers. We must build our Party to 10,000 dues paying members by the time the next anniversary of Lenin’s death, January 1st, comes around. This is a relatively easy task if every Party member will personally approach his shop mate, his fel- low member in his mass organiza- talking to them, supplying them with literature and finally asking him or her to become a member of the Party. Anti-Fascist Congress May Plan Coast Tour the Second United States Congress Against War and Fascism the ar- rangement of a coast-wise speaking tour for Madame Sun Yat Sen, who is expected to visit the United States soon. The tour would culminate in an anti-war conference in Seattle. tion, his friends and neighbors, | For Mme. Sun Yat Sen {rm of intimidation? Where the LOS ANGELES, Sept. 27.—Dele- | ognition, was this not because the gates from this city will propose to | workers were able through their ing of weekly wages, and on the other hand has aided the employer, who introduced further speed-up of work? Is it not definitely establish- ed that the minimum wage codes, \far from raising wages, have ac- | tually been used to lower wages to |the level provided in the minimum |codes, while at the same time most workers are not even receiving this minimum because the employers find many devices to get around the minimum provisions? And what has become of the famous Section 7A? Has it not been used to give stand- ing and to help put over the com- pany unions, while the workers’ fight for the recognition of the trade unions has been met with dismissal of union members, terror |against strikers and every known workers have been able to improve their condition and win union rec- own organized efforts and struggle to compel the employers to grant them these gains? We must state that the A. F. of L. Council and the leaders of the were already on strike? Has head same situation not been brought about in the steel industry through | the intervention of President Green | who, together with Mike Tighe, the) President of the Amalgamated As- sociation of the I, 8. and T. W. U., to strike for these demands? As we | write this letter news comes that | the leaders of the U.T.W. are ready | to send 500,000 striking textile work- | ers back to work on the basis of the | Winant report which brazenly calls upon the strikers to return to work} without any of .their demands granted. If this is done, the U-T.W. leaders will be guilty of the great- est betrayal in the history of the labor movement A. F. L, Leaders and Johnson | Permit us to mention one more instance in this connection. If we dwell on these subjects at length it is only because we wish to show where these policies of the A. F. of L. Council will lead the labor move- ment. Take the case of General} Johnson. At the Washington con- | yention of the A. F. of L., President | Green in introducing Johnson to the delegates, stated, “I have been} privileged to associate with General | Johnson and to work with him and serve with him. .. .” “He is the very man who was needed to serve) as Administrator of the National Recovery Act... .” “I want to re- peat again what I have previously said, that if all others fail, if all other groups become discouraged and give up the fight, labor will stand with the General and see it all through. I pledge to him our support.” The General has just made the most vicious attack on the heroic textile strikers. But this| same General Johnson was on more | than one occasion praised by the jJeaders of the A. F. of L. And the General also spoke very highly about, the A. F. of L. leaders at a meet- ing of the outstanding capitalists of the country. Was this not because | General Johnson, as the spokesman of the employers, was all the time aware that the A. F. of L. leaders were actually helping him put through policies in the interests of the employers and therefore against the workers? For it must be clear to us all that the interests of the employers and the workers are not and cannot be the same. While the workers are interested in high wages and better conditions, the employers are out for lower wages and more profits. Why did the A. F. of L. leaders make this “mistake” in General Johnson? Because it was not merely a wrong judgment of an individual. It was and is a wrong policy that they are following as far as the workers are concerned. | Once they start out with the policy of “common interests of capital and labor” they cannot but serve the interests of the employers. It should have been clear from the start that General Johnson is a repre-j} sentative of the employers, an em- ployer of labor who himself main- tains in his establishment an open shop in the form of a company union. But yet when General John- son went to California in an effort to break the general strike in Frisco, organized violence against the militant workers, the Commu- nists, not only did the A. F. of L. leaders fail to denounce this strike- breaking on his part, but some of them, including President Green, denounced the general strike and the Communists. Is it not clear that both in Frisco and the textile strike Johnson was attacking the trade unions and serving the interests of the capitalists? But even now it is not enough to denounce General Johnson and at the same time praise Donald Richberg and Ma- dame Perkins. Or is it possible to exempt President Roosevelt from the whole of the responsibility for the present attack on the workers? Certanly not. General Johnson, Richberg, Perkins and Roosevelt at their head are all defending the interests of the employing class. New War on Communists While the employers were and are making these attacks, the A. F, of L, leaders were engaged, not in at- tacking the employers and the N.R.A. officials, but the radicals, the Communists, the unions of the Trade Union Unity League, and other independent trade unions. Even today when it should be clear to every worker that the bosses are out to crush the trade unions and to worsen conditions, Président Green has declared anew his un- holy war on the Communists, call- ing for expulsion of radicals and Communists from the unions, call- ing upon the police to make war on militant workers, and upon the Labor Department of the govern- ment to carry through mass depor- tations. Are the militant workers and the Communists the enemy? Just look at the present textile strike. What are the radicals and Communists doing? They are bend- ing every effort to win this strike, to win recognition of the United Textile Workers Union. Surely every worker in this country can learn the lesson of Germany. There the trade union leaders also spent their time attacking the Commu- nists. And what happened? Only those who in time went over openly |various International Unions affi- |liated to the A F. of L. bear a great to the Hitlerites were spared. But the trade unions were destroyed termined to go into action, when| tens of thousands of auto workers/| repeat to the whole labor move- ment, to the whole working class, that we on our part stand ready today as we have always been ready to do all in our power to create in this country a strong and united trade union movement. We also must repeat therefore that the re-| sponsibility for the division in the lordered the strike called off after|trade union movement which has la special convention in April had | weakened |worked out demands and decided| workers and above all has kept the struggles of the millions of unorganized away from | all unions lies upon the shoulders | of the A. F. of L. leaders who have | split the labor movement. One Union in Every Industry While it is true that the Trade Union Unity League is based upon principles which differ fundamen- tally from those now being put into practice by the leaders of the A. F. of L. unions—such as our policy of struggle against the employers as against the A. F. of L. policy of common interest with the bosses, the principle of industrial unionism as against craft unions, etc—it was not these differences that brought about the formation of the unions} of the Trade Union Unity League. | We have always believed and be- lieve now in the principle of trads/| union unity of one union in every industry. We do not believe in the Policy of organizing the more ad- vanced and radical workers into separate unions. As proof of this we cite the fact that within the unions of the T.U.U.L. there are all kinds of workers, workers of varied polit- ical opinions—Republicans, Demo- crats, Socialists, Communists, Syn- dicalists and others. We believe that the trade unions should be open to all workers irrespective of their race, creed, color, religion or Political opinion. But we do also believe that on the basis of the principle of democracy the workers shall have the right to propagate their opinions within the unions and that all questions of policy shall be democratically decided. The unions of the T.U.U.L., as well as other independent unions, all whom today number many hun- | dreds of thousands and in some in- |dustries, as for example, shoe, fur, among others constitute the main bulk of the organized workers, were organized primarily for two reasons, both of which clearly show the responsibility of the A. F. of L. leaders for the division in the trade union movement; these reasons are the refusal of the A. F. of L, to organize the millions of unorgan- ized over a period of many years, and secondly, the non-democratic and expulsion policy of the A, F. of L. leaders, not only of minor- ities, but in some cases of majorities of the membership (New York garment workers, etc.). Not only the unions of the T.U.U.L. but such | unions as the Progressive Miners, the United Shoe and Leather Work- ers Union and numerous other in- dependent unions arose as a result of the splitting and anti-labor pol- icies of the A, F. of L. leadership. Already we can observe new moves in the direction of independent unions, both among organized (A. F. of L.) and unorganized workers, because of these policies. T. U. U. L, Aims for Unity The T.U.U.L. unions throughout their existence have never failed to work for fraternal relations with the members of the A. F. of L. trade unions, to aim to unite the ranks of the workers of all unions in every struggle against the em- ployers. We feel proud of the fact that since our existence we have always to the best of our ability organized the resistance of the workers to the attacks of the em- Ployers, While President Green joined with President Hoover in the so-called agreement to prevent strikes, it was the unions of the T.U.U.L, that organized and led the strikes of the workers, often gain- ing improvements in conditions, and on the whole checking the fur- ther onslaught of the employers on the living standards of the work- ers. We believe that these strug- gles conducted during the last four or five years have been of great help to the workers in their recent struggles because it was our policy that the workers now take up in their struggle against the employ- the miners, textile and garment workers, where our organizations were most active, the workers were best able to carry on the struggle and force the employers to recog- nize the unions. The heroic strug- gles of the textile workers of Gas- tonia led by the National Textile Workers Union have laid the basis for the present militant actions of the textile workers. The 54th annual convention of the A. F, of L., if it will carry out the wishes of the rank and file of the membership and meet the needs of the present situation, must adopt a platform which should in our opinion include the adoption of the principle of working class strug- gle as against the policy of class collaboration, the true characteriza- tion of the N.R.A. as the bosses’ weapon against the workers, the unconditional right to strike, in- cluding the sympathy strike and the General Strike, against arbitra- tion, the results of which can be seen in the auto, steel and other industries and now in the Winant proposals for the textile workers. That the convention adopt the policy of genuine industrial unions, based on the class struggle and not and the leaders who fought the the sham proposals of John L. ers, It is no accident that among | Lewis, head of the U.M.W.A., who jevery miner knows, denies the | miners their most elementary rights | operators, through which alone the many millions of unorganized can be brought into the unions. That the convention go on record guar- anteeing ful equality to the Negro workers and for a fight against dis- crimination against Negro workers in the factories. That the needs of youth and women labor be fully brought forward; that the conven- tion endorse and take steps to carry on a strugge for the Workers Un- employment Insurance Bill; for the right of all unemployed to mem- bership in the trade unions; against support in elections of candidates of the capitalist parties. That the union dues and initiations shall be brought down to the level making it possible for all low paid workers | to join the trade unions. That a real campaign be undertaken to de- feat the growing menace of the company unions, and in general a fight be decided upon against the menace of fascism and a new im-| |periaist world slaughter, the dan- | ger of an imperialist attack on the Soviet Union. Denounce Anti-Soviet Stand In the struggle against the dan- ger of a new imperialist slaughter ;|the convention should repudiate the policy of the A. F. of L. Council which is still that adopted at the 1917 convention in the midst of the last World War. The A. F. of L. Council claims to be against pcvitics in the unions, yet Mr. Green, Woll and others are the most vicious in attacking the Soviet Union. The convention should also condemn Vice-President Woll who by his position and activity as acting presi- dent of the National Civic Federa- tion, is carrying on activity against the anti-Nazi boycott, is acting in Girect violation of the Washington convention decision, But above all, we urge the de- cision for full democratic sights of the membership, the free exercise of the democracy by the rank and file, repudiation of the attack on militant workers and Communists and the announced expulsion policy; an end to gangsierism, racketeering in the trade unions. We feel that such a program which is called for especially by the present situation would make Possible the building of a powerful and united trade union movement. The A. F. of L. can become a great organization of labor only on the basis of a complete break with its former policies, which have proven ruinous to the labor movement. This militant strike of the textile workers on the one hand and the stubborn attack of the employers prove that only on the basis of the fighting policies we propose can the A. F. of L. unions grow into power- ful organizations capable of defend- ing the interests of the workers and defeating the bosses’ attacks. Calls for Militant Program The Trade Union Unity League and its affiliated organizations would only welcome such a change in the policies of the A. F. of L. organizations. This would surely open the way for the unification of the trade union movement and ‘the unions in the respective in- dustries. It would make possible not only to unite the T.U.U.L. unions with the A. F. of L. organizations, but we would use all our power to influence the other independent unions towards the same end. We do not place as a condition for the umification of the trade unions that the above program be adopted in full, although we are convinced that only such a program meets the interests of the workers. We state that we are ready to urge Such unification on the basis of the defense of the workers against the bosses attacks, the guarantee that provisions be made to organize all the unorganized, to open the unions to all workers, to make it possible for all wage workers to become or- ganized, to readmit all members ex- pelled for fighting for their rights, and provided further that the A. F. of L. and its affiliated national and international unions guarantee full rank and file democracy to all members to fight for their opinions, to fight for the policies in the in- terests of the workers, development of the initiative of the rank and file, the free and democratic elec- tions to all positions in the organi- zations. It was the absence of these two conditions that gave rise to the unions outside of the A. F. of L. primarily. And if these conditions re removed, then the way is open for the unification of the trade union movement. Fight for Class Unity The rank and file of the labor movement have shown by their great and courageous struggles of the last two years, in the tacties they have used, in their resolute at- titude in the face of unprecedented use of force by the employers and the various government agencies, by the united character of these strug- gles, by their sympathetic strikes, by the fact that the issue of the general strike arises now in almost every struggle, that the great ma- jority of the organized workers in the basic industries are in favor of such a program as we propose. We will continue to fight for this program irrespective of the deci- sions of the 54th annual convention of the A. F. of L. We are sure that more and more the rank and file of the A. F. of L. will make this pro- gram their own. The unions of the T.U.U.L. will continue to organize the workers around this % and everywhere strive to establish united action against the bosses with the unions of the A. F. of L. and the independent unions. We will at the same time irrespective of the decisions of the convention continue and intensify the fight for the fighting class unity of the trade union movement of the United States. NATIONAL EXECUTIVE BOARD, TRADE UNION UNITY LEAGUE. Communist Candidates Carry on Work in Fall Elections By C. H. Sharp District Organizer, So. Dak. District, |__The 15th Anniversary of the C. P. |U. S. A. witnesses the beginning of the consolidation of the influence of the Party in South Dakota on |the road to the leadership of the workers and toiling farmers of the Dakota pczairies. Every disecse, every infantile sickness, occuring in the growth and | development of the American Party (as reviewed in Comrade Bittle- man’s “15 Years of the Communist Party,” Comrade Browder’s and Comrade Bedacht’s articles in the September Communist) found their reflection in the development of the revolutionary movement countryside. From the workshops of Sweden, Norway, Germany, Hungary, Fin- land, from the American workshops, many of the homesteaders and settlers of Dakota brought with them the seed of scientific social- ism. However as Comrade Bedacht writes in his article in the Septem- ber Communist, “the first bearers of the seed of scientific socialism did not succeed in presenting Marx- ism as a guide to action.” No Escape from Exploitation The settlers on the western prai- ries soon discovered that the escape from the factory did not free them from the exploitation of the capi- talist class. Through the medium of usurious interest rates, through exorbitant freight rates, through manipulated prices on the farmers’ products, through monopoly prices on what the farmer had to buy the settlers found themselves robbed and plundered. Revolt against this robbery found expression in the Farmers Alliance, the Non-Partisan League and the old Socialist Party with its petty- bourgeois radicalism. The farm wage worker working for ' the richer farmers and for the middle farmers (who were anxious to shift the burden of exploitation to some one else) sought protection in the ranks of the syndicalist I. W. W. However, none of these groups possessed the advantage of a Bol- shevik understanding of their prob- Jems, nor the ability and knowledge to apply Bolshevik tactics to the solution of these problems. Many C. P. Candidates Through the work of language groups and left-wing socialists who followed the history of the devel- opment of the Communist Party, | ¢ jthe advantage of the experiences in the) |of the American working class and |the world proletarian movement is being brought to these toilers searching for a way out. More and more the left wing elements of the old Socialist Party and the Non-Partisan League, the rem- nants of the old I. W. W. are being armed With the weapons of Leninism. Armed with this strat- egy and tactic the toiling farmers have organized in many places in defense of their homes and liveli- hood. The unemployed have wrung concessions from the capitalist government, the employed workers are mobilizing their. forces for strike action, new hundreds are. being won for the struggle againg. war and fascism and hundreds | the revolutionary way out of 1 crisis. paign, 36 county candidates and 3 state candidates have been nom- inated and support the class strug- |gle program of the Communist | Party. Defeat Farmer-Labor Heads The attempt of the misleading Farmer Labor leadership to estab- lish a state ticket on the ballot was defeated this summer through the fact that the supporters they had hoped to rally had been won for the Bolshevik line of the Communist Party. Much remains to be done in the way of placing the rich experiences of 15 years of struggle for the Bolshevik line contained in the history of the American Commu- nists into the hands and conscious- ness of the toilers of the country- side. Only a beginning has been made in bringing the invaluable experiences of the Russian Bol- shevik Party and of the Commu- nist International to thesé work- ers. But enough has been done to arouse a consciousness of the necessity of carrying out this task. Armed with these clarifying weapons the toilers of the country- side will be able to fulfill their destiny as the loyal allies of the American proletariat and the world proletariat in their struggle for the emancipation of the toilers from the capitalist hell of hunger, war and fascism. A group of workers in a C. C. C, camp send $7—a sailor on a U. S. battleship sends $1—a worker in Duluth sends a quarter! All cry that the $60,000 campaign must succeed! It will succeed if every reader does his part. Make collec- tions, hold affairs, discuss the Daily Worker! 7 Williana J. Burroughs for Lieutenant Governor Fred Buehl for Attorney General M. J. Olgin for Congress, 23d Dist. Recently returned from the U.S.8.R. and will report on the Soviet Unton. W. R. I. BAND “Vote Communist” MASS RALLY and RATIFICATION MEETING Sunday, Sept. 30—2 P. M. OPEN AIR—177th St. & White Plains Rd. Speakers ISRAEL AMTER, for Governor Bronx Coliseum Rose Wortis for State Controller Isidor Begun for City Controller Pat Toohey > for Oongress, 24th Dist. Back from the Southern Textile Strike field and will report on strike. WORKE2S LAB, THEATRE A SERIES of Four Wednesday Evening FORUMS Arranged by the FRIENDS OF NEW MASSES e Oct. JOSHUA KUNITZ 3rd One of the Editors of New Masses @ Topic: “Artists in Red Uniform” od WEBSTER Oct. JOHN L. SPIVAK MANOR 10th Author and Labor Journalist Topic: “America Faces Pogroms” bistieel siege e at 8 P. M. Oct. HARRY GANNES Tickets 17th — of the Editorial Board, Daily Worker For: thi davies 94 Topic: “What Is Fascism” Single Forum 35¢ . ON SALE AT: Oct. JEROME HELLERSTEIN 2th St eMail Ordert 24th — Executive Committee Member, Interna- and Phone Reservas tional Juridical Association tions filled) Topic: “Mass Action in Labor Vases” rie Be” RECEPTION DINNER EDWIN SEAVER Malcolm Cowley Theodore Dreiser Alice Withrow Field Herbert Goldfrs Mike Gold A. A, Heller Entertainment by Friday, Oct. 5th 7 P.M. Sharp GRramery 5-9879 — FAREWELL For New Editor, Soviet Russia Today - Guests of Honor Master of Ceremonies—MIKE GOLD Dance Music—Club Valhalla Orchestra 25—Make Reservations at TODAY, 80 East 1ith St. — DANCE + LISTON M. OAK Retiring Editor Hays Jones Corliss Lamont Myra Page Mary Van Kleeck Susan H. Woodruff General Victor A. Yaxhontoft well-known Artists Roger Smith Grill 40 East 41st Street, N. ¥. C. New York City For the coming election cam) ty \ |