The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 21, 1934, Page 6

Page Six Daily, QWorker SeTRM ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY ESA (SECTION OF COMMUNIST MITERMATIONNSS “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 5@ E. 18th Street, New York, N. Y. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-79 54. Cable Address: “Daiwork,” New York, N. ¥. ; Washington Bureau: Room 954, Netional Press Building dF St shington Telephone: National 7910. ee See Fe Washington, OSes me Room Wh, Cncegor 2 Telephone: Dearborn 3931 Subscription Rates: By Mail: (except Manhattan and Bronx), 1 year, $6.00: 6 months, $8.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.78 cents. Manhatten, Bronx, Foreign and Canada: 1 year, $9.00 & months, $5.00; 3\ months, $8.00. By Carrier: Weekly, 18 cents; monthiy, 75 cents FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 321, 1934 1 A Letter to the Socialist! Party on the Textile Strike HE New York District Committee of Communist Party calls upon all Party sections and all sympathetic mass organ- izations to immediately exert the greatest y in reaching locals, membership and followers of the Socialist Party for united efforts in support of the heroic national textile strike, to raise funds, to protest the brutal reign of terror and military dictatorship. In furtherance of this task, the District Committee has dispatched the following letter to the N. Y. City Executive Committee of the Socialist Party: City Executive Committee Socialist Party 7 East 15th Street New York City Dear Comrades We addressed a communication to you on Sep- tember 8, inviting you ‘urgently “to get together with representatives from our Party to work out satisfactory ways and means of effecting immediate joint action in support of the heroic textile strikers... . You favored us with a reply dated September 10, in which you inform us that “The City Ex- ecutive Committee of the New York Socialist Party will not meet until Wednesday, September 12. I will then submit your letter for their consideration and action.” More than a week has passed since then. You have not seen fit as yet to advise us of your action on our urgent communication. May we remind you that the nationwide textile strike is entering into its decisive period. That at the time we wrote to you and especially now has the mobilization of all working class forces in the most unstinting and de- termined support become an immediate urgent class obligation. Need we also remind you that the ter- Tor against the strikers is immensely sharpened, that the death toll of strikers is mounting; that beastly Hitler methods are adopted by the ruling class mili- tary dictatorship that is a threat and a challenge to all working class organizations? The official statement of the National Execu- tive Committee of the Socialist Party in reply to the united front offer of the Central Committee of the Communist Party states 8th) “Meanwhile we are aware that there are ques- tions arising from time to time, mostly in the field of civil liberties, in which it is desirable that there shall be effective local action in defense of workers’ rights.” May we again ask, is the use of national guards, the murder of strikers, military dictatorship and Hitler concentration camp methods, the out- lawing of the right to strike and picket a question of the denial of civil rights? Does this situation in your opinion require “Effective local action in de- fense of workers’ rights’? We wish to reiterate with all emphasis our com- plete readiness to meet representatives of your party at any time or place you indicate to work out and take immediate joint action in support of the textile strike. We call upon the Central Com- mittee, County Committees, all locals and the membership and supporters of the Socialist Party not to permit any hindrance to the united action of all workers’ organizations behind this greatest fight of American labor; to participate in all ac- tions providing moral and financial support to the textile strikers; and to join in mighty united pro- test demonstrations for the workers’ rights, against the use of militia, against the murder of strikers. Comradely, N. Y. DISTRICT COMMITTEE, C.P. U.S.A. CHARLES KRUMBEIN, DistrictOrganizer. . + Tonight’s Meeting HE Communist Party, New York Dis- trict, celebrates the 15th anniversary of the Party’s birth by turning its huge mass meeting at the Bronx Coliseum into a tribute of support for the textile strike. This is significant. The history of the Commu- nist Party is a history of 15 years of just such daily, unrelenting struggle for the needs of the working class, The textile strike is a great, heroic battle of the American working class. Every day the Commu- nist Party is proving itself the most devoted, most dependable force on the side of the strikers. What more fitting than that this Party of the working class shall dedicate its anniversary cele- bration to an exultant gathering of forces and summons for victory in the textile strike? The Communist Party surveys its 15-year history with pride. But in doing so, it takes its place in the front line trenches in the great mass strikes which now herald the approach of revolutionary storm. Every worker should turn out to this meeting. The Textile Strike and Roosevelt OOSEVELT is now taking an open step into the textile strike situation. He is to confer at his home in Hyde Park with his “labor specialists,” Secre- tary Perkins and Governor Winant, head of his specially appointed textile mediation board. This open intervention of Roosevelt is dictated by the fact that the textile workers have dem- onstrated that they are capable of standing firmly against all terrorism and attack. Roosevelt is intervening in the strike not to help the textile strikers. Instead, Roosevelt is setting his typical trap of “arbitration” to trick the workers back to work without their getting any of the things they are fighting for. HY is Gorman acting in this situation? He is Systematically abandoning one by one the basic (New Leader, Sept. DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 21,1924 - demands of the strikers as laid down by the U.T.W. convention. He is playing Roosevelt's game of “ar- bitration” and long-drawn negotiation. Yesterday he pr the U.T.W. is real rs. What a joke sed an “election” to prove that the representative of the work- After more than 500,000 ze the industry, all that Gor- doing is to hold an election to that the workers really stand behind their This will accomplish nothing for the strik- ers. On the contrary, it will only give the employers more time in which to crush the strike and wear the pickets down. Experience h his is! union! as shown with iron proof that the textile worke: e the auto and steel workers, will not get anything from the “arbitration” board. The employers and Gorman charge the Com- munists with fighting arbitration because they just want to prolong the strike needlessly “for their own ends.” But as the Communist Party has pointed out again and again, it is interested in this strike in one main thing—to see to it that the workers get the three demands outlined in the U.T.W. conven- tion, They are opposed to “arbitration” just be- cause this “arbitration” is just a trick to send the workers back without granting them these de- mands, The strike showld end only when the three convention demands are won, the Commu- nists say. As long as the pickets have the mills closed they are strong and can enforce their demands. But as soon as the picket lines are broken, as soon as the workers begin to argue and debate and dis- cuss with Roosevelt's mediation board on the “fair- ness” and “legality” of their demands, then their strength is weakened. Why should the employers give in if they succeed in breaking the picket lines through “arbitration”? * . . INSTEAD of strengthening the textile strike by calling out the workers of the allied industries who are waiting a strike call, Gorman is trying his best to ditch the strike into the laps of Roose- velt's expert “arbitration” strikebreakers, We Communists say the strike should end only when the workers win their improved wage scale, their union conditions, and an end of the stretch- out. Therefore we say to the textile workers — you alone must decide whether or not you will return to work without winning your three convention de- mands. Hold the picket lines! Reject “arbitration”! Spread the strike. Elect rank and file committees who alone will have the final word on all decisions. To all of Roosevelt's “arbitration” tricks return the answer—grant us our three demands and the strike will be over, not before! Mr. Green Asks for Votes HE shade of Samuel Gompers hovers ovér the present election campaign. His slogan of “rewarding your friends and punishing your enemies,” is the method by which William Green, presi- dent of the A. F. of L., is now drumming up votes for the candidates supporting the New Deal and its breaking of strikes and shooting down of pickets. Green has sent a questionnaire to the Con- gressional candidates of the capitalist parties ask- ing them to support all of Roosevelt’s anti-labor schemes, under the fuise of “social legislation.” Before he addressed the Congressional candi- dates, Green had already propagandized the A. F. of L. locals to support the political tools of the bosses and the same Roosevelt who was ready to call out the Federal troops against the textile strikers, Green, in his communication to the A. F. of L. locals, urges them to bind themselves hand and foot to the candidates of the capitalist parties around the fake schemes to defeat real unemploy- ment insurance. Green then wrote: “The President will submit to the session of Congress recommendations providing for the enact- ment of social justice legislation dealing with eco- nomic security, old age pensions, and unemploy- ment insurance.” In short, beforehand Green wants the A. F. of L. members to pledge their votes for the candidates of the capitalist parties supporting the New Deal— the same New Deal that has smashed down living standards through the N. R. A. codes, the same New Deal that hiked profits for the bosses; the same New Deal that has slaughtered over 60 striking workers, 15 in the present textile strike. Green wants the workers to “reward” the capi- talist candidates for their support to the N. R. A., stating in his letter to them: “The National Re- covery Act has been of great benefit and its ex- tension is necessary.” Whom has it benefitted, Mr. Green? The 500,000 striking textile workers who are battling against it? Their answer is the present militant strike. Yes, it has benefitted Mr. Sloan and his cohorts. It has benefitted J. P. Morgan, the U. S. Steel Corporation, the auto bosses, the Mellons and Rockefellers. It has brought only hunger, misery, and the company unions to the workers. It has brought fascist concentration camps to the textile workers of Georgia. You want the workers to “reward” the capitalist candidates for that. The only Party of labor, the only Party fighting against the whole rotten scheme of the New Deal and its N. R. A. slave codes, battling in the every day struggles and strikes of the workers, is the Communist Party. The only Party that has a real program for social legislation, for REAL unemploy- ment insurance, is the Communist Party. Further- more, the only Party pointing and leading the way out of capitalist chaos, crisis, war preparations and fascist attacks, through the setting up of a workers’ government, is the Communist Party. A. F. of L. members, reject Green’s scheme of Supporting the bosses’ parties. Vote Communist! Providence Corrects Itself ECENTLY the Daily Worker had oc- casion to take to task the Providence Section Organizer of the Communist Party for the the fact that there was practically no organized effort to distribute the Daily Worker, with its mass of material about and propo- sals for the textile strike. This was especially bad, it was pointed out, because of the fact that Rhode Island is one of the most militant centers of the nation-wide struggle. Today we are in a position to report that the Section has taken note of the previously bad situa- tion—which was partly explained by the circum- stance that the section organizer was in jail at the time at which we made our criticism—and is trying to remedy it speedily. Certain successful signs of this can be seen. Orders for the Daily Worker have come in from: i Pawtucket, R, I.—20. Providence, R, I.—115. Edgewood Station, Providence, R, I—20, Olneyville Station, Providence, R. I.—20. These supplementary orders are besides the one for 300 extra “Dailies.” This is the proper way to tackle the situation! > Manchurians | Desert Army | Of Japanese | Pravda Shows Failure | Of Imperialists to Build! Power in China MOSCOW, Sept. 20. (By Wireless) | }—On the third anniversary of the Japanese occupation of Manchuria a leading article in Pravda, official | organ of the Communist Party re- views these three years of Japan- ese imperialism. “These three years Aave be sufficient to finally expose the real nature of this adventure by Japan- ese imperialism,” Pravda points out. | “The seizure of this enormous re- THE OFFER gion, with its population of 30,000,- | 000, was an act of divect imperialist plunder and can be concealed by no maneuver of Japanese diplomacy, which has always depicted the oc- cupation of Manchuria as a neces- | sary step towards the ‘pacification of the East’ and the result of ‘the: Manchurian Nationalist movement’,” the Communist Party organ de- | clares. Japanese Lies Were Futile | “No one believed the occupation- ists when they stated that ‘Japanese | troops will leave Manchuria after | fulfilling their tasks.’ No one be- | lieved them, when for the purpose | | of legalizing their seizure of Man- | | churia, they hurriedly gathered to- gether a handful of hireling Jap- | anese politicians and generals and | | with these, in March 1932, under the | | threat of Japanese rifles, proclaimed | ‘Independent Manchuria,’ Nor was anyone deceived by the coronation of Pu Yi,” Pravda states. | “This person, seated on a throne {imported from Tokio and sur- rounded by Japanese advisers and gendarmes, was supposed to person- ify the ‘independent source’ of gov- ernment power in Manchuria. | “The real meaning of Manchurian ‘independence’ has been exposed by the Japanese seizure of all decisive posts in the state apparatus of |Manchuria, from the central gov- ernment to the counties, together with the transfer of Manchurian railways, banks, foreign trade, and mineral wealth into Japanese hands. | There has been a mass confiscation | of Chinese land for Japanese | | reservists, innumerable seizures of | Chinese enterprises, and finally, the | stationing of a Japanese army, 100,- | 000 strong, in Manchuria,” Pravda says. | Japanese Fail in Manchuria “How do the Manchurian masses | appraise this regime of Japanese | occupation? | | “The answer,” declares Pravda, | “comes in the struggles for eman- | cipation by the Manchurian ‘rebels’ | against the occupationists. They | |have never ceased for a single day | | during these three years. It is an/| | unquestioned fact that during three | years of rule in Manchuria, the} Japanese military clique has not) formed the least social basis for | their power here. Power is main- | tained solely by bayonets. They | cannot trust even the army and | the state apparatus of Manchukuo which they themselves formed. Manchurians Crush “Legend” “This is shown with special clear- | ness by the daily desertion to the side of the ‘rebels’ of units of the | Manchurian army, squadrons, pla- toons, companies and entire guard- | formations,” asserts Pravda. “The ruling classes of Japan consider that their greatest chance for success consists in the legend, created with the assistance of fascists and social-fascists, that | ‘Japan will emerge from the crisis with the aid of of Man- | churia,” denounces Pravda. “Disillusionment has spread| rapidly in Japan. A wave of strikes |has hit Japanese factories. Con- | flicts in the Japanese villages show {that the workers are now aware of the true nature of military rule | which has now revealed itself com- | pletely to the masses by reducing | the real wage, by raising prices, by | still further increasing the indebt- | edness of the villages and intensi- | fying class contradictions in this | country, Pravda states, “The increase of the government | debt by two billion yen (the cost of the Manchurian adventure to the _ Japanese) is a heavy burden on all | taxpayers. “Three years of Japanese occu- | pation in Manchuria have shown,” | declares Pravda, “that the seizure ‘of Manchuria has created a center |of unrestrained military adventur- | ism in the Far East, that Japanese |imperialism has erected a fatal | menace to the cause of peace, and | that it is awakening and systematic- ally inflaming most unrestrained in- | stincts of plunder, annexation, and | military violence.” |New Nazi Labor Camp | Will Exploit Women | BERLIN, Sept. 20—A labor camp | for women will be established next January at Letschin in pursuit of the Nazi “plan” for “reduc- tion” of unemployment. The |women will do agricultural work, | it was announced. | Tt was recalled that recent let- ters “by the 19 per cent” who | voted against the Hitler regime, | publisied in Propaganda Minister Goebbel’s “Der Angriff,” com- plained of 10 to 14 hours’ work in the labor camps on one meal a day. |4 Communists Escape Nazi Prison at Stettin | | | _STETTIN, Germany, Sept. 20— [ooh Communists have escaped from prison near here and are be- ing sought, with a reward of 1,000 | marks offered for their recapture. | They were charged with “high | treason,” which is not the custom- ary charge for holding political ene- mies of Naziism, and indicates th>: | they were prominent Communists. by Burek | | World Front aerated SMBus BE | The Most Burning Question--- Unity of Action By BELA KUN Member of the Presidium of the Communist International (Eleventh Installment) 1. “WHY JUST NOW?” Ww MUST deal with yet another attempt which is aimed at awakening mistrust among the So- cial-Democratic workers against unity of action. The agreement arrived at between the Commu- nist Party of France and the Socialist Party was received by the leaders of the Second Interna- tional in a way which cannot even be described as “making the best of a bad job”! The chairman of the Second International, the leader of the Belgian Labor Party, Emile Vander- velde, wrote as follows in his article in ‘Le Peuple, entitled “The International and the Communists” on July 22, 1934: “The acceptance by our French comrades of the proposal made by the Communist Party for joint action against fascism and war is an event whose range goes far beyond the bounds of the Socialist Party of France. I may say at once that I am in perfect agreement with Leon Blum, Paul Faure and Lebas when I confess that it would have been morally impossible for them to answer this offer with a blank refusal, However, if we bear in mind what was happening only yester- day, the astounding VOLTE-FACE in Communist tactics gives us grounds for justified mistrust.” What interests us here is not Vandervelde’s opinion to the effect that Leon Blum, Paul Faure and Lebas only accepted under “moral pressure” the offer of the Communist Party for common struggle against fascism and imperialist war. This statement of his must be answered by the leaders of the French Socialists. What we want to deal with here is Vandervelde’s assertion regarding an “astounding volte-face in Communist tactics” which in his opinion consists in the fact that the Com- munist Parties have made offers to the leaders of the Social-Democratic Parties with the aim of es- tablishing unity of action. NOTHING DAUNTS COMMUNISTS If Vandervelde is surprised by the patience, by the pertinacity of the Communists in the struggle for unity of action, then he only shows how ill ac- quainted with the Communists he is. No difficulty, however great, can cause the Communists to give up the struggle for the united front before state power has been won. But if Vandervelde wants to make the Social-Democratic workers believe that it is only in this year that the Communists have made such offers to the Social-Democratic Party leaders, this denotes something more than ignorance; it denotes a definite malicious intention—to sow mis- trust among the Social-Democratic workers by hushing up facts which cannot be done away with, We do not want to go back to the more distant past of ten or twelve years ago, when the Com- munists proposed common actions against Italian fascism and their proposals were rejected by the Second International. We will take only one or two examples from the more recent past of the in- ternational labor movement—examples which show that the Communists have not neglected oppor- tunities of making proposals to the Social-Demo- cratic Parties for common actions against the com- mon class enemy. Only one or two examples: CITES ACTIONS IN BERLIN In face of the growing advance of the fascist danger, the Berlin district lsadership of the Com- munist Party of Germany addressed’ itself, in June 1932, to the Berlin district leadership of the Social- Democratic Party of Germany, making proposals for common actions against fascism in Berlin. On the day of the coup d'etat of Von Papen, the Ger- man Communists, on July 20, applied to the head- quarters of the Social-Democratic Party of Ger- many and ef the German General Confederation of Trade Unions with a view to joint resistance to the fascist terror. When the German bourgeoisie placed power in the hands of Hitler, the Communist Party of Germany, on January 30, 1933, once again ap- plied to the headquarters of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany and of the German General Con- federation of Trade Unions with a similar united front proposal aimed at the organizing of a gen- eral strike. All these united front proposals were answered by the Social-Democratic Party and the reformist trade union leaders with a blank refusal, The pretext for rejecting these united front pro- Pposals was most clearly expressed by the former Social-Democratic Reichstag President, Loebe, when he declared: “We Social-Democrats will not undertake any- thing so long as the government (ie. the Hitler government—B. K.) remains on a constitutional basis.” Hitler has “constitutionally” thrown the consti- tution to the four winds. The refusal of the lead- ers of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany and of the German General Confederation of Trade Unions to use the general strike against Hitler, to establish the unity of action of the German working class against the German bourgeoisie, paralyzed the forces of the German labor movement at the cri- tical historical moment and aided Hitler to get into power. SOCIALIST PARTY LEADERS REJECTED UNITY If Vandervelde has forgotten it, we can remind the Social-Democratic workers of how some So- cial-Democratic Parties and Party leaders rejected the united front proposals of the Communist Par- ties which were made on the basis of the appeal of the Communist Internatiqnal of March 5, 1933. The leaders of the British Labor Party answered as follows in reply to the proposal for a united front against Hitler and against the offensive of capital in March, 1933: “The workers must everywhere strengthen the Labor Party—this spearhead of political power directed against fascist or Communist dictator- ship—with the firmness and enthusiasm of the industrial, economic and political movement; with the strength of their democracy the English work- ers can protect their rights against the ambi- tious designs of various dictators who may ap- pear in our country, and can give fresh courage to the forces of democratic socialism throughout the whole world.” In order to obtain an idea of how the “forces of democratic socialism” have been strengthened by the policy of the English Labor Party, of how they have fought against Hitler, one should read the organ of German Social-Democracy, Deutsche Frei- heit (June 15, 1934), where the following comment is made on the policy of the Labor Party in regard to Germany: “For some time past it has been a part of the ever more incomprehensible foreign policy of the Jabor paper (i.e., The Daily Herald—B, K.) to offer its assistance to the fascist governments in Ger- many and Italy. Mr. Ewer, foreign political editor of this paper, after a short journey through Ger- many and Italy, has now been singing hymns of praise in honor of Mussolini and pledged himself for Hitler’s true love of peace. Even the Storm Troops are described by him as a perfectly harm- less and peaceful organization. It would seem that the Labor Party does not yet recognize the great dangers involved in such delusion by its own paper. In foreign politics at the present time it is unfortunately more or less leaderless.” The other Social-Democratic Parties have also rejected the united front proposals of the Com- munist Parties on the basis of the decision of the leadership of the Second International. This deci- sion says that the Social-Democratic Parties should not conduct any negotiations with the Communist Parties in individual countries. More than a year of struggle was required be- fore the Social-Democratic Parties in France, in Austria and in the Saar region declared themselves ready for common action with the Communist Par- ties against fascism. Can it then be regarded as an “astounding volte- face in Communist tactics” if, after the new les- sons which the international working class has re- ceived, above all by the defeat of the Austrian workers in February 1934, the Communist Parties have renewed their proposals to the Social-Demo- cratic Parties for a united front against fascism. Instead of fostering mistrust against tnity of ac- tion, the Social-Democratic workers would do bet- ter to study the question of why the united front was not immediately established, at any rate after Hitler’s advent to power. They would do well to examine the reasons why the establishment of the united front against fascism was completely frus- trated in 1933 and why the struggle for this united front in 1934 has produced some successes, if only initial ones, : (To Be Continued) | | | On the HARRY GANNES. United Front News Catholics Join in Italy | Situation in Germany 1 | call of the hour! 5 aie need and burning dee sire of the workers for united action against war and |fascism is bearing new fruit throughout the world. In Milan, Italy, where the Soe cialist and Communist Par- ties formed a united front, now Catholic groups have entered. An agreement has been arrived at bee tween the three groups for a struge gle against fascism, exploitation, and war. A joint appeal has al- ready been issued and distributed in great quantities, signed by tl Communist Party, the Socialist) Party and the Catholic group of workers, ae Nae | ames Gs the resolution of the Communist Party of Germany for more intensive efforts to estab lish the united front against Hitler fascism, the first victory was gained in the Hessen-Frankfurt district. There the Social Democratic and Communist Party addressed a joint appeal to the toiling masses. This joint appeal is a mighty document, boldly advancing the united front | which will sweep away the bloody | Hitler dictatorship. This appeal declares: “United anti-fascist action is the Social Democratic and Communist workers are already standing shoulder to shoulder in the struggle everywhere today. Already anti-fascist unity organs are forming everywhere, especially in the works and factories, for the leadership of the struggle . . . In the sincere endeavour to intensify this will of the masses towards the militant united front, that it may sweep aside all that has hitherto divided us and form the invincible front of anti-fascist struggle which | will overthrow fascism, the illegal district committees of the Social Democratic and Communist Parties have resolved, in a joint conference, |to join together in united action, with the aim of strengthening the daily struggle of the exploited for wages and bread, until broad mass struggles against fascism, and against the profit-greedy exploitive class promoting fascism, are inten- sified to the point of the revolution which will annihilate that class, and will then go forward to the establishment of the dictatorship of the working class, enabling real socialism to be built up with the aid of the whole of the toiling masses.” i ees appeal passes on to the prac- tical measures to be taken. The district committees issuing the ap- peal regard the re-building of the free trade unions on the basis of the proletarian class struggle as the first and most important task of their united action. “We call upon you Social Democrats and Socialists to form at once, in all the works and factories, joint illegal trade union committees, to be composed of the most experienced and reli- able workers, who establish contact with the various departments of the factories through the agency of illegal functionaries, and build up department groups of the trade union... “In order to stem the flood of fascist terror, and to increase the self-defensive powers of our class, we further call upon you to take up the work of forming illegal anti- fascist mass self-defense groups in all house blocks and districts. One of the tasks of these groups is to influence the dissatisfied elements in the fascist organizations, such as the Storm Troops, Guard Corps, Hitler Youth, etc., and to win them over for our anti-fascist struggle. “Besides this, join your forces everywhere in united committees for the release of the imprisoned anti- fascists. In the rural districts, form united peasants’ committees for the defense of the standards of living of the rural population, Form un- employed committees at all labor exchanges. Form united youth and women’s committees for the struggle against compulsory labor service, against the Land Aid, against mili- tarization, against the elimination of women from the process of pro- duction, and for the payment of the same wages to women as to men...” ee ee ISHOP LUDWIG MUELLER, the Nazi pope, has just decreed that all Protestant and Catholic groups must join the Nazi church or face extinction. This grows out of the growing opposition of the Catholic masses in the Saar and in the South of Germany to the fascist depredations. It will still further intensify these battles. The religious cloak has always covered what are mainly economic and political issues. This is es- pecially true in the history of Ger- many. The Catholic workers and petty bourgeois masses express their grievances over pay cuts, over lowering their living standards, under the guise of a struggle for their religious rights. The Nazis also recognize the church in some proletarian districts particularly as source of opposition to a great many measures of Fas- cism. Many of the catholic priests put themselves at the head of this anti-fascist movement of their parishioners, very much as A. F. of L, leaders put themselves at heads of strikes—to keep movements from growing and from passing beyond the bounds of agitating solely for religious liberty. They do not want to see all forces against Fascism unite for the overthrow of the Fas- cist dictatorship, which they recog- nize means the overthrow of capi- talism and all its superstructures, S. I. TO CELEBRATE NEW YORK.—The 15th anni- versary of the Communist Party will be celebrated in Staten Islarid Sunday evening at 8 o'clock at the hall at 789 Post Ave. West Brichton. Emanuel Levin will be the main speake» 1