The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 15, 1934, Page 5

NEW YORK.—Answering the letter of the National Ex- cutive Committee of the So-| issues is possible between Social- ists the basis which also gives hopes, of ending fratricidal strife within | the trade union movement.” | “This sentence, in our judgment, |rrequires further clarification, be- | cause it admits of two opposite in- terpretations.: If the sentence is | understood as a call to end fratri- jeidal strife between Socialist and Communist members and followers in the trade unions for united ac- tion on concrete issues, then we can only give our wholehearted en- dorsement to such an objective. We are firmly of the opinion that the united front means that Socialists and Communsts should fig:ht shoulder to shoulder within the trade unions upon an agreed plat- form. We believe that this would furnish a unifying influence that would extend far beyond the boundaries of the membership of the two parties. Further if the statement is directed towards an st Party, postponing con- tion of the united front proposals of the C. P. until the December meeting of the S. P. executive, the Central Committee of the Communist Party warns of the Ganger of delay in the formation of | the united front. The letter, signed by Earl Browder, executive secre- tary of the Communist Party, 8rexts the local united actions be-| tween Socialists and Communists in| New Orleans and the practical “ sreement between the Young vommunist League and the Young Peopies Socialists League to co- operate in the American Youth Congress, and points out that “despite our disappointment, we are by no means prepared to slacken our efforts to achieve united ac- tien. jeffort for the unification of rival e let ist | fade unions within a given field, Party Pere OF eae, COMMUNE! we ace wholeheartedly in agreement |with this. If it were not for the present rotten and servile leader- ship, openly pro-capitalist and “We are in receipt of your letter of September 6th, which came to| our hands on September 8th. While | we had previously become familiar | ‘9° Opel eine ected 3 f th with its contents through the daily Naber Rae ike ao Gone tia Press, we refrained from officially | acting on these reports until they were confirmed by the arrival of your letter, “We must express our deep re-| gret that the general effect of your decision regarding our proposals for united action is negative, especially now in the textile strike. The negative character holds despite your expressed realization of “the immense value to the labor move- ment of united action.” We be- lieve these good words must be translated into deeds. Will Continue Unity Efforts “Despite our disappointment, we are by no means prepared to slacken our efforts to achieve united action. Our hopes in this respect are being supported by growing tendencies for united action, shown outstandingly in the American Youth Congress in which the Young People’s Socialist League and the Young Communist League summated a united front, and in various localities throughout the United States. We look upon these developing actions between lower organizations of the two parties as providing a good foundation for are united actions on a large seals. “In the Milwaukee newspapers we read that your committee decided to send a delegation of observers to the Second United States Con- gress Against War and fascism in Chicage, September 28th - 30th. While we had expected more de- cisive participation in this great movement on your part, not mere observation, we can now only ex- press our sincere desire that the results of the observing delegation will be to contribute to more de- cisive action after the Congress and strengthen the participation of your local organizations in the local committees t of the League. Now on he new world war is no it oursclves to observa- > the Trade Union Question our judgment the central point of your letter is contained in the following sentence. “No united action on specific |during the last eighteen months it | would have been possible to have jbuilt a unified trade union move- }ment with ten to fifteen million workers in its ranks. The workers could then have had a powerful and solidified working class weapon with which to wage the struggle for their daily bread. This is what the Communists fight for in every union in which we work—the A. F, of L., T. U. U. L., or independent unions. It is our aim to establish |@ powerful trade union movement, embracing all workers, a trade union movement with real workers’ democracy, free from gangsterism and corruption, organized on an in- dustrial basis, guaranteeing com- plete equality to the Negro toilers. Another Possible Interpretation | “But there is another possible and opposite understanding of the sen- tence quoted from your letter. This opposite interpretation is that to end fratricidal strife really means to end the struggle con- ducted by Communists and other revolutionary workers, as well as broad circles of non-party work- ers, against the policies of the Ex- ecutive Council of the A. F. of L. and its constituent international unions. Such an_ interpretation demands the acceptance without opposition of the expulsion and de- portation policies recently promul- gated by the A. F. of L. Executive Council. It demands uncondi tional submission of the miners to that corrupt bureaucrat, John L. Lewis, and the voluntary liquida- tion of such independent organiza- tions as the Progressive Miners in Illinois. It demands the uncondi- tional acceptance of such brazen treachery as William Green's stab in the back of the San Fran- cisco General Strike, as well as the betrayal of that strike by the local Central Labor Council leaders. It demands submission to Green’s “ar- | bitration” sell-out; proposal for the |heroic textile strikers. It demands | surrender of the New York painters | to the gangster and racketeer, Zaus- ner. It demands uunquestioning support to the notorious sell-out j agreement negotiated in the steel and auto industries. It demands i DAILY WORKE C. P. ANSWERS SOCIALIST EXECUTIVE ON POSTPONEMENT OF UNITED ACTION support to the A. F. of L., particip- | divisions, together with the policy |of arbitration which surrenders the | | workers’ interests into the hands of |their enemies . It demands ap-| proval of Matthew Woll’s leadership | and participation in all plots and | attacks on the workers’ fatherland, |the Soviet Union. It demands that | We must withhold our fight against | War and fascism to await the lead- ership from Green and Woll, who} are a part of the war preparation ; |machinery and in the forefront of | oppressive measures against the | workers, “We saw that within the Social- ist Party at its last Convention these two contrary interpretations exist and have stubborn defenders. We declare, frankly, that to the degree your letter expresses the latter interpretation of unity with Green and Woll, to that degree it is equivalent to a rejection on your | part of any possibility of united action. This makes it all the more | necessary for the N. E. C. to clarifiy the question as to which of these interpretations shall be placed on the sentence quoted from your letter. We sincerely hope that the first, not the second, is the correct interpretation. Cc. I. Encourages United Front “We note your contents on the influence of the Labor and Socialist International and the Communist International on our conccrete united front problems in the United | States. You failed, however, to bring out the fundamental fact that the Communist International in no way places the slightest obstacle to the development of united action in the United States. On the con- trary, the C. I. has advised and encouraged all its constituent par- ties to come to agreement for united action with the Socialist Parties in the respective countries. Unfortunately the same is not true of the relation of the Labor and Socialist International to the So- cialist Party, which seems to consti- tute one of the stubborn obstacles to the achievement of united action in the United Staates. “You state that the French agree- ment for united action has ‘not yet been duplicated in any other coun- try.’ While this is technically cor- rect, yet standing alone it would deny the equally important and and even more basic, although not ‘duplicate,’ agreements reached be- tween the Socialist and Commun- ist Parties of Austria, Italy and the Saar. Furthermore,“may we point out that if the Socialist Party of France had waited for the Socialist Party of the U. 8. to first prove the possibilities of united action, there would never have been this promis- ing beginnins for the united front. On “C-ganic Unity” “We are glad to note that you agree with us ‘that such united action on specific issues by no means requires organic unity of Parties between the Socialists and Comunists’? Certain conclusions however flow from this agreement which you do not yet make in rela- tion to some of the questions you raise. Of course, in the long pers- pective, full working class unity can be achieved only under a single, revolutionary, Party, but this is not the problem we are now considering. On our side this agreement that organic unity is not the immediate objective means that we must not Gemand from the Socialist Party that it abandon what we consider | draw the its fundamentally false and dan- and Communists except on ,ation in the N. R. A. and its sub-;gerous opinion that the Communist Program of proletarian dictator- ship and Soviet Power is the prime cause for the rise of fascism. On your side it means that you shall not demand of the Communists the abandonment of our fundamental opinion that the policies followed by the Labor and Socialist Interna- tional (outstanding examples being the German and Austrian Social- Democratic Parties) actually paved the way for fascism, enabled it to come to power and constituted what we Communists designate as Social Fascism, We have never classed the members and adherents of the Socialist Party as Social Fas- cists, but on the contrary consider them our class brothers, We have nothing to repudiate or correct in our expressed positions on this question, nor in the clear and au- thoritative words of Comrade Stalin which you quoted. These contra- dictory\positions of our two Parties express the basic programmatical dierences which make necessarry differences which make necessary that conclusion which you expressed that organic unity of Parties is not Possible nor is it required to bring about united action on specific issues. “United action to meet the most pressing immediate problems of the working class despite existing pro- grammatic differences is a field in which tremendous possibilities are open. This is especially true if you lessons from Germany and Austria that not collaboration with the bourgeoisie and its brazen lieutenants of the type of Green and Woll, but only a fighting united front of the workers includ- ing Socialists and Communists can defeat fascism and war. Planks for a United Front “What Socialist workers can fail to agree, for example, with the Communist workers on the neces- sity for a broad solidarity move- ment in support of the heroic tex- tile strikers, of protest against the cold-blooded murders being car- ried through, especially in the South, and in opposition to all pro- posals to end the strike without winning its demands? Wheat So- cialist worker can fail to see the enormous advantages to the whole working class from the participa- tion of his Party in the great movement rising in the American League Against War and Fascism and its Second Congress, which meets in Chicago Sept. 28? What Socialist worker can fail to see the great gains we would get from a united drive for the Workers Un- employment and Insurance Bill, H.R. 7598, which your spokesman, Thomas, as an individual at the Youth Congress and officially in your N.E.C, meeting, described as the best before the country, and which is the only project that means anything to the millions now unemployed? What Socialist worker can fail to agree with our proposal that all the mass organ- izations of the unemployed should be unified under an agreed system of organization and a common platform of struggle? “The whole aim of the Commu- nist Partv is to achieve the greet- est possible working class unity in the struggle against the capitalist attacks, against rising fascism and war preparations in this country. This is our fundamental strategy, that is our larger plan of action. W YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1934 Will Not Slacken Fight for United Action, Communist Party Tells S. P. We believe that every increase in| working class unity favors the de-| velopment of a class conscious pro- letariat, able to defend itself and prevent fascism. We are confident of what will be the verdict of the} workers on larger questions of pro-| gram once they get into action in| struggle for their immediate de-| mands. Every proposal towards| achieving united action of the| workers can in this sense be called | ‘maneuvers,’ but not in the false,| narrow sense implying trickery, which you impute to us, but in the sense of a serious, proietarian strategy directed against the com- mon enemy, capitalism, worked out | by agreement between the two! parties. We make no maneuvers to perpetuate divisions among the working class. Our goal is to over- come the existing split in the work- ing class. Greet Local United Actions “The final paragraph in your let- ter opens up possibilities of local A * : : united actions, particularly in de-|letarian united action recogni: fense of workers’ rights, do everything possible to stimulate such local actions. We point to the | Successes already being achieved in} would not permit a general this respect, for example, the united | ge . il front of Socialist and Communist | Political unity and still less Parties in New Orleans and the| organizational fusion. How- splendid maneuver which they| _ * jointly carried out by leading a|2Ver, these differences do not mass demonstration of 5,000 work-| negate the existence of common in- ers in between the armed camps of | terest of the two parties on precise, the two Democratic Party factions|concrete, and actual points of the with the demand that the money|class struggle against fascism and being spent on corrupt factional} war. warfare should be diverted to un-| Following, therefore, the need for employment relief. Such local ac-| developing, to the greatest extent, tions in all spheres are springing| the strength and the concentration up everywhere. We have encour-| of the masses to whom the two par- aged and will continue to encour-/ ties address themselves and to se age them by all possible means. cure for the proletariat the be: “The Socialist Party has spoken | ‘terpreter of the general interests not a little in recent times about |°f Sccicty, the political guidance of the necessity to fight against fas-|the struggle, the two parties estab- cism and war. If these words are|lish a pact of accord with the fol- not te remain empty phrases, we | owing objectives in view: ask you openly and frankly, is it not| a) Against intervention in Aus- necessary to move boldly and de-| tria and against the menace of cisively toward uniting all forces of| war, which springs from the an- the revolutionary working class?) tagonicms of imperialist interests We ask you, is not this the only| and as a result of the fascist pol- | Political signed by the Communist Party | August 17, 1934.) 1.—The delegations of t exist differences of doctrine Unity Agreement Calls for Struggle Against Inter- vention in Ausiria, Freedom for way to reach the bread circles of the suffering farmers and middle | classes, who are only driven away from the working class by the pol- icy of collaboration with the rep-| resentatives of capitalism. The) united front between the Socialist | and Communist Parties will enor- mously extend the fighting capacity of the working class. A united front will rouse millions of hitherto} passive workers, and the exploited) masses generally will follow them| with a new hope and a new enthu- siasm, a new courage to fight against the common enemy. Time for Action, Not Pondering “There is not a long time to ob- serve and ponder about this prob- Itm, The deepening crisis of capi- talism is rousing all the black re- actionary forces of fascism all around us every day. The impe- rialist antagonisms are rushing the whole world toward a new mass slaughter. Fascism can be defeated, war can be prevented, the condi- tions of the life of the toiling) masses can be protected only by a fighting united action of the two parties of the most advanced sec- tions of the working class, drawing the broad masses into the struggle behind them. “We appeal to the National Ex- ecutive Committee of the Social- ist Party, and to their members and followers: End all hesitation and evasion, come together with us upon an agreed program of the mest immediate needs. Fight unitedly and thus march forward toward victory. “Fraternally yours, “CENTRAL COMMITTEE, COM- | MUNIST PARTY, U.S. A.. “EARL BROWDER, “General Secretary.” icies of provoking war, The direc- tives for this work have been outlined in the joint manifesto of July 31, which should serve as a basis for local actions of sections, groups and militants of both par- ties. b) To wrest from the prisons and exile islands the victims of the Special Tribunal and repres- sion and to force complete and unconditional amnesty; for the active participation in the inter- national campaign fer the libera- tien of Thaelmann, Seitz and all other victims of fascism. c) For the defense and the bet- terment of the living standards of the workers; against all reduc- tions of wages and salaries; for relief to all unemployed, against foreclosures, for the anDulment of debts and taxes of the poor peas- ants, for all immediate demands of the toiling masses. d) Against the system of the corporate state, for trade union freedom, for representation of workers in enterprises, for the freedom of the press, and the right to strike and organize, for free elections to all trade union offices, for the re-establishment of all civil rights of the masses. 2.—The two parties, bearing in mind the local possibilities, under- take to give the necessery instruc- tions to their respective lower or- ganizations, groups, and all mili- tants, to promote and coordinate in the forms most adapted to particu- Jar situations, joint actions with the objectives as fixed in the pact. 3.—The two parties undertake to give instruction to their respective organizations in countries where there are Italian immigrants to unite their forces in actions of sup- port to the struggles of the prole- tariat of Italy and against the pene- tration of fascism among the masses Lessons of the Recent Strike Struggles in the U.S. A, (Continued from page 4) on the West Coast was the tendency to capitulate before the A. F. of L. bureaucrats with regard to the role of the M. W. I. U., in the misiekeon idea that through this they were “preserving” the united front. With regard to the General S'rike, which lasted four days, the C. C. already before the outbreak of the General Strike dispatched representatives to the strike scene and through the Daily Worker at- tempted not only to raise and clarify all issues, but also to mobilize the masses in support of the General Strike. Actions in support of the General Strike were organized in many cities, The leadership of the Party on the West Coast, however, showed on a number of ques- tions weaknesses both in the preparation and in the conduct of the General Strike. In the first place, there were as already stated insuf- ficient attempts made to elect to the General Strike Committee only those who had proven their support to the marine strike and for the General Strike. Secondly, there was insufficient clarity as to the Gen- eral Strike demands. Thirdly, during the strike there were insufficient effor's made to win to the support of the marine strike and later the General Strike the support of the middle class strata of the population, as was the case, for example, in Toledo. One of the weaknesses of the Party’s work was the still weak position amongst the teamsters, printers, u‘ility workers, and the inability throughout the marine strike and prior to the General Strike to overcome this. Finally, the Party, while on the whole proving itself connected with the masses and able to load under the greatest difficulty, was. not able to.in advance or- ganize for the publication of its press in those critical days. At the same time it must be stated that the Party leadership, which worked well despite the unprecedented terror, showed that it was able to de- volop the initiative of the Party units and sections, which showed up splendidly in the trying days, The General Strike and the Open Letter | The recent strike struggles in Toledo, Minneapolis, Milwaukee, etc., end especially the struggle on the West Coast, have again fully con- firmed the correctness of the decisions of the Party convention and especiaily emphasized that only along the lines laid down in the LETTER can the Party take up and win the leadership of the rm Not only did these strikes prove the growing radicalization of tho workers, the class character of the N. R. A., the growing fascization through the New Deal and the treachercus role of the social fascists, but they especially emphasized the methods by which the Party can work successfully, First, it showed the importance of organizing and leading the economic struggles, and, therefore, the necessity for im- proving the work in the trade unions and factories, and among the unemployed, the more energetic carrying through of the Convention cocisions to draw all eligible Party members into the trade unions. Secondly, it emphasized the correctness and fruitfulness of the policy of concentration, Beginning with the task of work in one or two decks in ‘Frisco, the Party, by developing and guiding this work, was cble to play an important role in the historic General Strike of San Francisco. It also showed the importance of winning over the new active elements now being developed everywhere among the workers and drawing these forces into the Party. THIRDLY, THIS STRIKE MORE THAN ANYWHERE ELSE SHOWED THE TREMENDOUS IM- FORTANCE OF DEVELOPING WORK IN THE UNIONS, and con- necting up this work with the development of independent leadership of the struggles, on the basis of connecting up the opposition with the shop, mill, mine or dock. And finally, it proved beyond a shadow of doubt that the hiding of the face of the Party, the capitulation before | the red-baiting campaigns of the enemy, must lead to defeat, while the taking up of the bosses’ attack on the Party, answering all ques- tions to the workers, explaining to the toiling masses the whole pro- gram of the Party, leads to the very attack of the bosses, their hostile propaganda, being converted into a means of interesting new masses in Communism and winning them to our side. VIL. Tasks of the Party in the Developing Strike Struggles Most of the tasks which confront the Party in the developing strike struggles have already been stated clearly and sharply in pre- vious resolutions, especially in the resolutions of the last Party Con- vention. Here we wish to merely emphasize them by briefly stating them, while some of the tasks have es yettescaped our serious attention, Briefly stated, these main tasks are: (a) Basing ourselves upon the growing radicalization of the workers and taking full advantage of the spontaneous actions of the masses to everywhere more boldly take up, organize and lead the struggles of the workers for wage increases, shorter hours, against lay-offs and speed-up. THis, however, cannot be done by relying upon the spontaneity of the masses, but only through a firm course of organization in the factories and the trade’ unions along the lines of the Party policy of concentration in the main industries, districts and factories. (b) To everywhere where the workers are organized in the A. F. of L. unions develop systematic opposi‘ion work; to penctrate those unions in which we are still isolated; to fight against under- estimation of the dangerous mancuvers of the A. F. of L. officials in leading strikes in order to betray them; to bring all Party members eligible into the unicns; to convert the oppositions into fighting oppo- Sitions carrying through the leadership of the struggles of the workers connected up with the mines, mills and factories; TO FINALLY OVER- COME AND ROOT OUT ALL UNDERESTIMATION OF WORK IN THE REFORMIST UNIONS. front of all workers, orgenizea and in every struggle. the workers to the trade unions on ( (c) To strengthen the work and leadership of the T. U. U. L. and other independent unicns under our influence, and develop the united unorganized. (a) To organize the united front of all workers, in the A. F, of L, the T, U. U. L, the independent unions, Socialist workers, the basis of their immediate demands and through the struggle by step convince them of the necessity for uncompromising struggle against the bureaucrats of the A. F. of L. as a condition for victory 5 ON step (e) To develop systematic work in the company unions and win the basis of exposing the company unions through the putting forward of demands, participation in elec’ ions, developing the struggles in the shops, etc. The fight against company unions is one of the best issues for the building of the united front with the A. F. of L. and Socialist workers. fight all tendencies to neglect work in the company unions or to adopt an abstention policy in elections, ete. To mobilize the unemployed for active participation in the strike movement; to take up the struggle against lay-offs and speed- It is necessary to up, for relief to the unemployed ing of Congress. and for the WORKERS UNEM- PLOYMENT INSURANCE BILL that unites the struggle of the em- Ployed and unemployed workers, extend the movement for the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill in the A. F. of L. unions, the devclop- ment of the broadest campaign and united front around the Congress for Unemployment Insurance in Washington at the time of the open- (g) To raise special demands of the Negro workers in the shops, to fight for full rights in the trade unions, to develop Negro cadres; to take up the demands of the women and young workers; to fight against any discrimination against the foreign-born workers in the factories, in the trade unions, etc, solidarity, having in mind the poss! strikes, the General Strike, various (fighting against high prices, taxes, @ To bring all the vital po! () To bring to the workers i especially important in connection (k) . To give special attention who have until now be2n cntir. been shown in these recent strikes to" increase work among th? R. R. ) To develop mass defense protec:ion of the workers and their re workers’ organizations. every strike, into every trade union. ward such questions as the fight against war and fascism, the fight for the freedom of Thaelmann, the defense of the U. S. S. R., the work for the Anti-War Congress in Chicago, the election campaign, the fight against high taxes for the masses, etc. (h) To utilize every small struggle for the development of mass ibility of the development of mass forms of protest actions, solidarity actions; to mobilize supporting actions among the farmers and petty- bourgeoisie, linking their demands and struggles with those of workers rents, evictions, etc.). litical issues to the workers, in‘o In this connection to bring for- in the shops and the trade unions the work in the army, in the National Guard, who are used increas- ingly in strike and who are composed of workers and farmers; to give systematic attention to work among the veterans, whom the capitalists try to use as fascist detachments, but who, as the struggle in Portland showed, can be won to the side of the workers. This is with the struggle against fascism. to such workers as the teamsters, y neglected but whose role hes (Minneapolis, San Francisco, ete.); workers. against the fascist bands for the organizations. This is to be based on mass appeal and built around the factories, trade unions, and other (m) To develop the greatest activity in the present election cam- paign on the basis of organizing and leading s‘ruggles around the basic planks of the Party pla’form, covercoming the weaknesses, ex- posing the Democratic, Republican Parties, the so-called progressives (La Follette, La Gusrdia, Sinclair, the so-called non-political policy of the A. F. of L.), the various new groupings to the right (Liberty League) and “left” (Utopians, etc.), the Socialist Party; to bring for- ward in a language understandable to the masses the revolutionary way out of the crisis. (n) To everywhere undertake in connection with every struggle to build the Party and the Y. C. L.; to raise the level of the Party membership, to develop their initiative and prepare them to function under attack; to prepare the Party apparatus, the press, etc. to be able to work and be connected with the masses under the increasing fascist terror now developing the country over. In order to strengthen the fighting ability of the Party it is necessary to carry on a sharp | sruggle against all right opportunist and left-sectarian tendencies and to fight for the Bolshevization of the Party on the basis of the ex- perience of the struggles and the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Italian Socialists, | Communists Sign United Front Pact Prisoners (The following is the complete text of the pact of united action and Socialist Party of Italy, on he Communist Party of Italy and the Italian Socialist Party meeting to disouss pro- zed that on general principles We will/and on the estimation of the international situation there , methods and tactics which of immigrants and in order to s cure the defense of the immigrants through the native trade union and| political organizations. 4—That the two parties use their influence, within the limits of dis- cipline towards their respective in- ternationals, to smooth the way in every eountry for a policy of joint action, 5.—The two parties reserve their full and entire autonomy of func-| tion and theory. Each one of them is to continue its own specific prop- aganda and activities iling them- Selves of the incontestable right to express themselves with complete frankness on the differences of | theory and tactics which prevent as yet the establishment of a general | political front and organizational |fusion, and to do it in such a way as not to hurt or impede the de- velopment of common actions al- ready agreed upon. | 6—The two parties reserve the | Action on | attack tex Socialist Executive Postpones Lb Page Five R. I. Veterans Deny Aid to Gov. Green (Continued from Page 1) Saylesville and Woonsocket areas, got all equipment ready lined up with full batt! steel helmets, gas mas arms. Officers admitted to newspaper men yesterday that they were under secret orders from the central army command, While war-time secrecy pzevailed troops stood by here, at Fort Hame ilten, Brookiyn, Fort Wadsworth, Staten Island and Fort Totten, Whitestone, Queens. They are in command of Brigadier General John L. Witt and are part of the First Brigade, First Division. The men equipm s and s NEW YORK.—The entire U. 8. Army Aviation Corps at Mitchell Field, Long Island, has been mob- ilized for emergency duty and is ready to move to strike areas to ile strikers at an ine stant notice, it was reported yese | terday, full right to develop recruiting. The two parties in the course of joint action agree to abstain from all in- tervention inside the other party to disorganize the organization or to break its discipline. 7—The delegations of the two parties shall keep in contact with each other and shall be convened at the request of either one of the two in order to examine and con- eretize proposals for the realization of the present agreement and to in the spirit of the agreement, any point of difference which may arise. Communist Party of Italy, (Section of the C, L) Italian Socialist Party, (Section S. L. IL.) United Front NEW YORK.—The National Ex- ecutive Committee of the Socialist Party has decided to postpone con- sideration of proposals for united action between the two parties un- til its December meeting the let- ter of the Socialist Party to the Communist Party, states..The let- ter, made public yesterday, follows: Sept. 6, 1934. “The National Executive Com- mittee of the Socialiist Party real- izes the immense value to the labor movement of a united action of all elements against the danger of war, fascism, and continued exploitation. We realize that such united action on specific issues by no means re- quires organic unity of parties be- tween the Socialists and Commu- nists. United action does, however, require evidence of good faith and the intention to use any agreement which may be arrived at not as a maneuver for power within the la- bor movement but as an instrument in the struggle against an oppres- siive master class. No united action on specific issues is possible be- tween Socialiists and Communists except on a basis which also gives hope of ending fratricidal strife within the trade union movement. “On the basis of these principles, which are accepted by all Socialists, we have thoughtfully considered the proposals of the Communist Central Committee and the an- swers to questions given at our meetings by Robert Minor on its behalf. We have been particularly impressed by Comrade Minor's two statements. First: thet after a lapse of six years the Congress of the Communist International is shortly to meet; and second, that he could not speak authoritatively for the Communist International, which, as everybody knows, sub- scribes to the highly centralized “monolithic” theory of internation- al party organization and exercises rigid control over its various na- tional branches. The French Pact “We were also impressed by the fact that the very promising French agreement for united ac- tion has not long been in effect, and that it has not yet been du- plicated in any other country, Fur- thermore, while we have no desire to dweil on the past to the hurt of the future, we cannot accept Rob- ert Minor’s statement that since 1921 there has been an honest de- Sire in the Communist Party for a united front as something other than a ‘maneuver.’ “In every country and in every language the highest officials of the Communist Party times without number have specifically asserted that the purpose of the United Front was to destroy the Socalist Party. At one and the same time they have proposed the United Front and in the most unmeasured terms abused the party to which they proposed it and its leadership. They have dubbed Socialism “so- cial fascism,” that is, as the wit- ting or unwitting accompiice of the very thing which it is the purpose of a united front to fight. “Numsrous quotations could b2 found to prove this point. For in- stance: Stalin — ‘Social-Democracy is objectively the moderate wing of Fascism;’ the 13th Plenum’s decla- ration that ‘Social-Democracy con- tinues to play the role of the main social prop of the bourgeoisie also in the countries of open Fascist dictatership’; the editorial in the poe Fahne (July 5, 1932)—‘Our struggle for a red united front is a struggle against the Social-Demo- cratic politics, against the Sccial- Democratic party, and its represen- tatives’; the articie by Earl Brow- der in ‘The Communist’ of August, 1933—The united front is a meth- od of struggle against the Social- Fascists for the possession of the masses’; and the article by C. A. Hathaway in ‘The Communist’ for October, 1932—‘We have to get down to bed rock in our fight against the Socialists.” “Although Robert Minor said that only ‘irresponsible individuals’ had tricd to use the united front as a maneuver, we find in the offi- cial history of the first tem years of the Third International (I. Co- mor, ‘Ten Years of the Comintern’) —The main object of this tactic (the united front) is the exposure of the treacherous leaders and the liberation of the toiligg masses from their influence.’ Zinovieff at. the Fifth Congress, said, ‘We per- ceive these tactics as strategical maneuvers.’ Your official organ, The Communist,’ for April, 1933, says— ‘Does the Communist International manifesto mean a change in the basic line of the Comintern in re- gard to the united front? Of course not. ... These tactics, while chang- ing in form, do not in any way change the principal content of the tactics of the united front.’ “The official bulletin of the Young Communist League for March-April, 1933, speaks of the Young People’s Socialist League as ‘the most dangerous enemy in the ranks of the working youth.’ “In its editorial of Aug. 1, 1933, your official organ, ‘The Daily Worker,’ said, ‘On the eve of a new imperialist war, the Socialist Party is doing all it can to help the bosses by drumming up a chauvinistic spirit behind the Roosevelt slave and war program.’ And on March 30, 1932, ‘The role of the Socialist Party is to assist Fascism in place ing its iron ring around the necks of the workers.’ “All of these quotations are based upon the theory of :#ocial-Fas- cism,’ which, as any reader of your Newspapers can understand, is still accepted by the Communist Party of the United States. Postpone Decision “In view of these facts, we believe that the ultimate success of a united action movement will best be served if we postpone considera- tion of further negotiations be- tween our two parties until our next meeting about Dec. by. which time we shall have had op- portunities to observe the decisions of the Communist International Congress and the success or failure of the French agreement. We shail also have had time to get the ad- vice of the Labor and Socialist In- ternational to which we are writ- ing, urging that body again to re- new its attempt to find an honor. able basis for a reasonable agreé- ment. “Meanwhile we are aware that there are questions arising from time to time, mostly in the field of civil liberties, in which it is de- sirable that there shall be effective local action for the defense of workers’ rights. We are, therefore, drawing up a plan to govern pos- sible co-operation in this fleld. The success or failure of this kind of co-operation will do much to do- termine the nature of the action which we shall take at our next quarterly meeting. “Fraternally yours, (Signed) “CLARENCE SENIOR.” PHILADELPHIA, 1, PA. Soviet Movie ie: Russian Bazaar | Speakers Just Returned from Soviet Union A Night in the Soviet Union Friday, September 21st, 8 P.M. 1208 Tasker Street a Dancing Buffet z Admission 25¢ _ Auspices C.P. Bee. 1 Benefit Daily Worker THE THIRD NATIONAL CONGRESS Of The ¥ Workers’ & Farmers’ Co-oper- ative Unity Alliance is hereby called to take place October, 7th and 8th, 1934, starting on October 7th at 10 a.m. at the | Vasa Hail, llth St. and John Avenue, Superior, Wisconsin. The Third Annual Meeting will discuss and decide upon all mat- ters to come before the meeting specified in the constitution and all other matters that may be brought up by the constituent organizations. NATIONAL EXECUTIVEBOAR NATIONAL EXECUTIVE BOARD, WORKERS’ AND]. FARMERS’ CO-OPERATIVE UNITY ALLIANCE. i W. A. HAYES,