The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 2, 1934, Page 5

vE 'W YORK, MONDAY, APRIL 2, 1934 Page Five Youth Work, Winning the Farmers, Taken Up in Pre-Convention Discussion Clear Class Lines | Vital in Building | Farmers’ Struggle Solid Base Among Poo Middle Farmers an of Capital rest Farmers Will Hold d Isolate Influence ist Section By J. BARNETT | Yor weakness in our work among the agricultural workers and lack of proper orientation of the left wing farmers organizations upon the poorest strata of the farmers, are conditions which must be rap-| idly overcome if we are to carry out the line of the Open Letter and the struggling against exploitation. The fact that these farmers are now bemg ruined and under the crisis |are in a hopeless situation means |that we can draw many into our | | struggles and farm organizations at | the same time that we base our- | |selves upon the poorest farmers. | Finally, there has been too much } “... There is no way out of the general crisis of capitalism other than the one shown by the October || Revolution, via the over- || throw of the exploiting || classes by the proletariat, || the confiscation of the || banks, of the factories, the | mines, transport, houses, || the stocks of goods of the capitalists, the lands of the landlords, the church and the crown. |3 “ ... It is necessary to unfold before the toilers of each country a program which. basing itself on the experience of the great triumphs of the workers and collective Stalin and “iby Dimitroff “... It would, therefore, be a right opportunist error to fail to see now the ob- jective tendencies of the accelerated maturing of a revolutionary crisis in the capitalist world. But the presence and operation of these tendencies, both eco- nomic and political, do not imply that revolutionary development is proceeding upwards by itself, or un- hindered without resistance from counteracting forces. Revolutionary development is simultaneously hindered and accelerated by the f: cist fury of the bourgeoisie. The question as to how CCC Boys’ Protective League Represents Turn to Mass Work Fight for Betterment in Conditions Is Now Re- placing Old Sectarian Approach of “Smash the Camps” By A. STERN. ts of the crisis have made ves felt most by tt illion unemployed uth It is the youth who. oited section of suffer the gre hose who lose their jobs re certain benefits have accrued to lems that arose.” “It is true that the Army through its administra~ tion of the C.C.C. projects. Junior officers in particular have ob- tained valuable training in mobi- lization processes and in leader- Staffs have been enabled HE effec soon the rule of bankrupt ship. 13th Plenum in preparation for the| hesitation about carrying on the revolutionary battles which lie be-| fight against the influence of the fore us. | capitalist farmer. Even such farm- | The struggles of the farm work-|¢rs are being ruined to a certain | ers and the poor and middle farm-|extent. In one area especially we | ers. along with the city workers, is |,have had to fight against some ten- | calling out more and more repres- sive fascist measures in rural areas. The New Deal is openly preparing to force commercial crop and acre- age reduction, and to force the smaller farmers out altogether or onto subsistence farms, with a peasant-starvation existence. To turn the militancy of these farmers into conscious class strug- gle and revolutionary channels, and to split the farmers along class lines is not a simple or easy task. And we have the difficulty that some of our comrades do not see the neces- sity or do not know how to draw sharp distinctions between the capitalist farmer and the smal! and middle farmers, do not fully realize that our struggle must be based upon the poorest and smallest farmers. ce 'HE issues around which we fight will play a big role in orienting us and drawing to us the poorest sections. Relief is an outstanding issue. This has not been taken up |dency to orientate around these rich farmer and kulak elements. | Here recently a call for a tax con: ference called on all farmers to at- | tend the conference although it is | obvious that the small farmers will | demand that the big farmers be taxed heavily. We must understand that the capitalist farmer will be our main | | enemy among the farmers; our main \fight there must be against him | | and his influence, as well as the big! |landlords and estate owners. We must learn to recognize him. He works himself on his farm and has | a relatively low standard of living | and culture and in this sense is \a “dirt” farmer. But he usually! |hires several laborers and is really : }a capitalist farmer running his |farm by exploitation even though | Some of our organizers have regard- {ed him as a middle farmer. Some such capitalist farmers have crept into our organizations; they must be weeded out. The capitalist farmers constitute ; |one of the largest single elements in all sections due to a lack of proper class orientation. For in- stance, in some localities where there is left, wing organization some of the leading members of this or- ganization refused to lead or take part in relief struggles. These sec- tions were orientated mainly around middle farmers, many of of the bouregoisie. Here will be ai | basis for fascism in support of the’ |New Deal and capitalism. These rich farmers are calling for “forced” reduction which means support of the policy of eliminating small |farmers so that the large farmers! |ean monopolize the market at bet-j whom were, nevertheless, practically | ter prices. Capitalist farmers have ruined, without money, but who still | not been used to help break strikes. | hesitated to enter into relief fights.| They help to betray the interests Through the pressure of the Party | of the small and middle farmers in| relief struggles were taken up. And|the capitalist controlled coopera~- then these ruined middle farmers | tives, conservative farm organiza~ began also to take part, being en-| tions, etc. They will be interested: couraged also by the C.W.A. relief |in war, in which they can supply! becoming “respectable.” At the| grain at profitable prices, | same time the organization began| At this period of approaching war to be orientated more and more | and revolutions and of fascist ter- toward, and to draw new recruits|ror, the spltting of the countryside from small and subsistence farmers. | away from the influence of the rich | The fight for the cancellation of | farmers and reformists must be in- mortgage, rent and tax debts of | tensified. Class lines and the class | the small and middle farmers which | struggle must be sharpened so that was brought forward by the Party | farmers will know their friends and also turns the struggle in the in-| enemies. The alliance of the city: teresis of the poor farmers, many | workers and the agricultural work- | of whom are loaded with debt, at-|ers with the poorest and small tracts sections of the ruined middle | farmers, drawing in sections of the farmers, and draws the line against | ruined farmers, must be cemented! the capitalist farmer. In the south | together in the everyday struggles the demand for complete cancella-| around the immediate demands of | tion of the croppers’ debt has been’ these farmers. This means also raised. {that we must carefully explain the | Fundamentally the fight against revolutionary way out and popu- evictions and foreclosures draws the larize the accomplishments of the: battle lines between the exploited Soviet Union in agriculture and farmers and the banks, insurance industry. y | i ever, in some instances this strug- | | farmers on all fronts of the class struggle and socialist construction, should, while making allowance for the peculiar conditions of the different countries, show | Soviet what the Soviet Power will || give them country.” —From the 13th E.C.C.1, Plenum Resolution. in their own CP. Candidate Loses by 1 Vote MARKHAM, Minn.—tIn this little | farming community, the Communist Party candidate for township su- | pervisor was defeated by one vote | in the elections held March 13. | The vote was 82 for Henry Maki, | running on the Communist Party | ticket and 83 for the winner. There | were only two candidates, the local | politicians and reactionaries join- | ing hands to fight the Communist | Party. . | The results show that the farmers | look to the Communist Party as their leader. This is a result of the | many and determined struggles for relief and the other demands of the farmers which have been waged | here under the leadership of the Communists. Two years ago, the| Communist Party candidate for su- | pervisor received only 22 votes, ————————_—____. April Issue of THE COMMUNIST Is Now Out FROM THE CONTENTS The Role of the Socialist Party Leaders in the Struggle Against War and Fascism EARL BROWDER Lessons of the Austrian Revolt V. J. JEROME Pre-Conyention Discussion Articles The Work of Our Party in the Pittsburgh District JACK JOHNSTONE The Line Is Correct--To Realize It Organizationally Is the Cen- tral Problem. J. A. ZACK The Key to’ Our ‘tral Problem —The Winning of the Majority of the Working Class F. BROWN The Inner Life of Our Party and Its Work Among the Foreign- Born Workers J. ADAMS What Is Fascism?..L, MAGYAR Soviet China in Danger capitalism will be over- thrown by the proletariat will be determined by the fighting preparedness of ceive no relief, thousands jout of school | inside of a facto: | the terr |created an en less youth v to test in a practical’ way certain phases of theoretical plans.” HE Young Communist League in working out the best methods for he C. C. C. boys finds it home the co including Ordzonikidze, Voroshilo the majority of the work- ing class, by the successful work of the Communist Parties in undermining the mass influence of social- democracy.” —From the 13th E Plenum Resolution. * STALIN and DIMITROFF, seated amongst a group of comrades, | v, Manuilsky and Kaganovitz. “Daily” Published 100 Articles; Chicago Worker Pre-Convention Discussion End. Warned Not to Vote With the publication of several articles in this issue of the Daily Worker, the pre-convention discussion of the Party comes to a close. Since the beginning of the discussion seven weeks ago (Feb. 10th) over one hundred articles were published in the Daily Worker. In April Primaries | By Not Voting Can Sign Petition of Workers’ In addition, the April issue of the Party organizer carried cight articles | Candidates and the April issue of The Communist included four large dis- | cussion articles. (Daily Worker Midwest Bureau) Although crowded for space, the Daily Worker printed each day | articles in a special section devoted to the pre-convention discussion with the exception of four issues during the seven weeks. In the last few weeks the Daily Worker was printed in eight pages twice a week, in addition to the Saturday issues, to allow room for more discussion articles. The Daily Worker printed also four leading editorials on the convention, the XIIIth Plenum, and the C.C. Reso- lutions and editorial paragraphs urging the Party members and sympathizers to participate in the discussion, The “Daily” printed in full the report of Comrade Manuilsky, to the 17th Party Congress of the U.S.S.R. This report, on the activities of the Communist International, following the 13th Plenum, helped to raise the political | level of the discussion. During the recent period the “Daily” pub- | lished news articles, regarding the District Convention, and the opening of the National Convention, The largest number of contributions came from comrades engaged in national work. The districts which mostly participated in the discussion were 2, 6 and 8, where special efforts were made to organize the preparation of articles. Other districts participated poorly and some not at all. The topics covered in the discussion were many and varied. Basic mass work of the Party was discussed in general as well as in relation to work in steel and metal, mining, railroad, atflomobile, | textile, shoe, stockyard, and other industries. Articles on the work | in the A. F. of L. among foreign language organizations, farmers | soldiers, women, youth, and children were published. The Negro | question was treated in a number of articles. Unemployment, fascism, social fascism, war, the united front, fraction, the Party unit, sop work, work among veterans, the Daily Worker and literature were among the subjects covered in the discussion. A number of articles are still on hand which will be utilized later. —PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION COMMISSION. gle has been used to keep capitalist farmers on their farms. The milk strikes around prices contain enormous explosive ma- terial. These struggles themselves have been developed to a large de- Bree around middle and to a cer- tain extent rich farmer elements, companies, and large farmers. How- ey : “Mos 4 although small farmers have, espe- tially in some areas, taken a mili- tant part in them. The means of putting the price fights on a class basis and for turning them also toward eviction, debt, and tax fights are clearly indicated in the resolu- tions of the Extraordinary confer- ence, eee aes ARGE sections of the ruined mid- dle farmers are militant and we have taken up the fight with them. This is good. The danger has been that in most sections outside of the South, where we have a good organization among the croppers, we have neglected too much the fight of the small and poorest farmers. There is a danger that we may lose these middle farmers through the lack of a solid base among the poorest sections. The poorest and small farmers haye no outlook under capitalism. ‘The part farmer, part wage worker who was not able to make a living on the farm alone, and the small farmer who even during the past So-called prosperous times eked out & meagre living, continually falling deeper into poverty, whose economy is so small that ordinarily he does not need to hire any labor outside that of his own family, have a black ‘prospect under capitalism at its best. On the other hand a revolu- tionary workers’ and farmers’ gov- ernment will give them land, free them from rent and debt, and im- mediately improve their conditions, Whereas, the middle farmer al- though at present he may be busted and his situation hopeless, still has the type of economy which, al- though small, in ordinary times Yielded a surplus above a Jabor in case the family is small. This farmer was a middle farmer t Elementary Prerequisites” Should ‘ae B 6 Mass Basis for Common Struggle Often Neglected in Dealing With Individuals ganizations, national and local, Ne- | rally large sections of that organi- gro and white.” Difficulties were | zation for a united struggle. created right from the start by the CHICAGO.—A call to all workers j to abstain from voting in the Ohi- | cago city primary elections April 10 has been issued by the Communist | Party of this district. By voting in right to sign a petition to place the candidates of the Communist Party jon the ballot in the November elec- | tions. | A change in the election laws of | Illinois, making it more difficult to | | place workers’ candidates on the ballot, was also pointed out. | Communist Party,” reads the call | to all workers and working class | organizations, “wishes to ask you | at this time to abstain from voting in the primaries on April 10, These primaries decide only which of the capitalist candidates of the respective capitalist parties, the Republican and Remocratic, should elections in November. in the primaries you are depriving yourself of the right to sign a pe- tition to place the nominees of the Communist’ Party as candidates on the ballot in the Noyember elections, “The Communist Party will par- ticipate in the elections and will Place its candidates in the No- | vember elections. The Communist the primaries, the call points out, | workers deprive themselves of the} “The District Committee of the | be placed on the ballot in the final | By voting | , faced by the conceived 1d creste to set up a broad organi- would fight for the te demands of the young This is the C. C. C. Boy’s Protective League. 1 members whether for wer abroad | of the C. C. C.’s are eligible to join \ hing workers’ struggles at this org: ation, whose function is home mainly to fight for the improve- The Civil Conservation Corps was! ment of food, housing, clothing, set in motion about 1 year ago, soon | medical attention, as well as for |reaching 300,000 members in 1,500| higher wages. The basis of this camps. In the year that has passed | the growth of anti-working class |Mmeasures and tendencies on the |part of the C. C. C. administration has increased tremendously. In re- gard to the war character of these camps, we have to read the report of General MacArthur, chief of | staff, U. S. Army. Referring to the Cc. C. C.’s he makes the following j comments: | “Plans prepared for the emer- | gency of war were applicable, | after rapid revision of some of | their details, to most of the prob- | | Party will call united front eon ferences in congressional districts for the purpose of nominating the outstanding fighters of the work- ing class, as candidates. It is the policy of the Communist Party to place as candidates, not only members of the Communist Party, | but also revolutionary workers who through their activity showed their loyalty to the working class. Shortly after the primaries, the Communist Party will call such united front conferences and we ask you to already popularize this, and that the workers themselves, through representatives, place nominations for the Communist Party candidates and then de- velop a broad campaign to secure a sufficient amount of names on the petition to place the Commu- nist Party on the ballot. “The election laws of Illinois have been changed, which will | make it more difficult for us to place candidates on the ballot. While previcusly it was necessary to have 2 to 5 per cent of the total votes cast, now it will be neces- sary to have from 5 to 8 per cent of the total votes | it will be necessary to secure tens | of thousands of signatures \ “We are confident that every | worker will respond to the call of the District Committee of the Communist Party in this connec- tion.” asis of United Front ast. This means | | Social-Fascist Programs As Well As Social-Fascist organization in each camp will be camp committees set up by the boys themselves. The Y. C. L. will naturally play a leading role in building up this organization, in- volving it in the struggle against militarization and in support of the program of the Y. C. L. Some of the demands formulated by this organization are: Increased rates of pay to equal regular wages for type of work done. 50 per cent increase in food allot- ment. Removal of military officers and military discipline in camp. Against bosses’ war. The need for an organization of | this type has been evident for a considerable length of time and the |fact that they were unorganized made the ©. C. C. workers prey to the rotten conditions. This senti- ment for organization led the | authorities to launch a semi-fascist \organization “The Forest Legion.” for the purpose of preventing real organization and further strength ening their control over these young workers. The Joe Young | case was a milestone in the struggle to organize the C. C. C. workers in New York State. Joe Young, a |member of the Young Communist | League was twice discharged, and | court-martialed, for organizing and |leading strikes against bad condi- | tions. The ready.support which the | young workers gave in order to re- instate Joe Young showed that | they felt and appreciated the neces- |sity for an organization which would be their leader in the struggle against the bad conditions. |The support of the young workers {led to the formation of a loose camp committee which pushed the | fight for his re-instatement in the |form of petitions and protests. The first spontaneous reaction to | the condition in ©, C. C, resulted primarily in huge mass desertions which in the first term of enlist- ment numbered approximately 100,- 000. This made the authorities more careful, but the fact that no organi- zation existed, naturally resuled in |no specific gains for the C. C. C, | Those camps whose forces were de= creased by desertions, replace those who had left by workers of the immediate locality. They hoped that these local boys would not |react and resist conditions in the | way that the city young workers did. | * * * To ask Woll and Green to unite | By HARRY YARIS present pre-conyention dis- cussion period marks the passing of one year since the memorable United Front Appeal issued by the Executive Committee of the Com- intern last March. During this time our Party has had innumerable ex- periences in the policy of the United Front. It is “appropriate at this time, to examine the results of the application of the E.C.C.I. Appeal in the U.S.A. to estimate our achievements, to expese our short- comings and mistakes, and to draw some lessons necessary for future struggle. The conditions making necessary the setting up of the United Front struggle as pointed out by the E. C. C. I, are still present today in an even more aggravated form, Fas- cism, “which is unchaining all the forces of world reaction against the working class of Germany,” (Appeal of E. C. C. I, Daily Worker, March 18, 1933) is today spreading to all capitalist countries, taking its toll of working class lives and leaders. In the United States, the growing fascist trends in the government, the growth of fascist and semi- fascist moods and organizations, make more necessary than ever be- fore the establishment of a united working class front in the struggle against Fascism, in defense of liv- ing standards and working class or- ganizations. That our Party has had certain successes during this period in the application of the United Front tactic, cannot be denied, but that we hav’; not realized a broad united front between the Communist and Socialist workers, between the revo- ers in the reformist organizations, is sely evident. The chief reason for remains as before—the these reformist and social fasci® organizations, “their policy of collaboration with the bow »” which leads them to opp the united working class fro, vever, certain shortcomings mistakes of our Party have «dptributed to this. ds difficult, of course, from a vy so far removed from the center ( in which the writer is, to be able to fully judge events going on| throughout the entire Party and country, nevertheless I have certain impressions and beliefs which I be- jlieve it relevant to express during | this discussion period. The United Front tactic is linked up with the entire struggle of the Party to break down its isolation from the working masses, to win |the majority of the working class. | From now until the revolution this itactic will be one of the chief weapons to achieve our goal. In order to be successful in its appli- cation we must raise the proper slogans, which will answer the needs of the working masses, around which it will be possible to unite non-revolutionary workers in a common fight. Of necessity these slogans cannot be the general po- litical aims of the C. P. U.S. A, which are not yet the aims of the broad masses in this country, They ;Must be the chief “practical aims of the present class struggle,” (Kuusinen), In the Appeal of the E. C. C. I. it was pointed out that: “the negotiations between the par- ties concluding such an agreement. must be based on the most ele- mentary prerequisites for the com- mon fight” (My emphasis). The points proposed as a basis for agreement by the KE. ©. C. I. fell in two categories, both of them very simple and elementary demands. First the carrying on of defensive actions against the attacks of Fas- cism and reaction on the workers’ organizations, and secondly, organ- izing protest, strikes, demonstra- tions against wage reductions, worsening of conditions, and cut- ting of unemployment benefit. Around such demands it is possible to rally wide sections of workers not yet ready to support and even op- posed to the general aims of the Communist Party. * «@ Ho” was this applied in the U. 8. A.? The proposal for United Action issued by the Central Committee was sent and addressed not solely to the Socialist Party, but also to the National Commit- tees of the A. F. of L., C. P. L. A, T. U. U. L,, and all other “National jin the kind of demands we will] lishment of a united front. broad character of the appeal, mak-| around a demand to give “material ing no distinction in the demands | support to the revolutionary move- placed to the A. F. of L. and to an | ment in Germany,” which means organization which differs so radi- | aid to the Communist Party of Ger- cally from that body as the T. U. many, means immediately to ex- propose as a basis for a united front | A. F, of L, leadership is a part of to a political party such as the the American war machine. This A. F. of L. Instead of several simple ele- | | time of the Comintern Appeal to mentary demands propsed as 4 issue a proposal for united action basis for united action, there were | to this leadership of the A. F. of fully 25-30 demands raised, run-|L., in order to set up a united and some not so immediate de- mands. If we make proposals for a United Front to the A. F. of L. leadership then our demands, if we desire to be taken sincerely by the workers, must be of such a char- acter that it will be difficult for the A. F. of L. officials to refuse. Re- fusal on their part would expose their true role to the working masses. To the A. F. of L. some elementar# proposals, including a fight against wage-cuts, against forced labor, for Unemployment In- surance and similar demands should have been made. Around such demands, in the event of a re- fusal of the A. F. of L. executive, it would still have been possible to in_that organization. The demands in group 5 of the withdrawal of Japanese forces from China, for the defense of the Chi- nese people, for the stopping of munition shipments to Japan; against the imperialist war policy of Wall Street particularly now in the Far East and in Latin Amer- ica.), however, are not the most appropriate as the basis for such a proposal, they are not the “most elementary prerequisites for the common fight.” We cannot expect | many workers, who are still under | the influence of, and even bearers of |@ capitalist ideology, to unite with us on the basis of such highly Leaders Mus | "HE militancy of the young worker | 4 naturally resulted in numerous t Be Exposed | 2 | “political” demands as those in that | group. These same workers, however, demands of the class Raising those demands practical struggle. jing of the A. F. of L. rank and | file for our appeal. In the course j of common struggle we could con- vince these workers of the correct- ning the gamut of all immediate | front of struggle with the workers | ness of our other demands, even of | character of the leaders. | our ultimate goal, - | |_ Raising such demands objectively | bility for a United Front between | us and any of the organizations | addressed. As a result of this primary mis- | take certain other mistakes follow- | ed. In our efforts to set up some; form of united struggles, a ten- dency cropped up to form United) Fronts with certain individuals— some very doubtful “left” elements | in the Trade Unions and in the} Socialist Party — thus substituting for the United Front with masses of workers, the United Front with | individuals, who in many cases | represented “generals” looking for an army, ie., Matthews, Muste, etc. | Where these people have any fol- lowing they were very careful not struggles. However the League in | result, if the movement is not raised | the main was Aot a leading factor |at least one notch higher, then We | of them. This was mostly due to the have not moved forward. One bad wrong approach which was formu- U, L. There is a difference also | clude any possibility for the estab-| could be drawn into a common fight | effect that may result from such | joteq in the slogan, “Smash the Tho|for certain simple and immediate | United Fronts is the building uD’ o © ©.” Such a slogan, naturally lof these people into prominence | mot with little approval by the |and allowing illusions about them ' majority of the C. C. C. boys and Socialist Party, and to a trade |is a truth which all class conscious| made easier the rejection and ig-|to flourish, This is a step back-| in no way acted io smash the illu- union organization, such as the) workers, and many others have long | noring by the A. F. of L. leader- | ward. | ago recognized. Yet despite this it| ship of our United Front proposal j was possible and correct at We | and made more difficult the rally-| 46 reformist masses for united ac- | and thousands of C. C. C. workers sions in the Roosevelt government. Often in our endeavors to win| The fact remained that thousands j ti r v trated our ef- | did remain in these camps and fons a eat Soames ese from | faced all sorts of bad conditions |their leaders, It is insufficient to|and militarization, young workers, |merely point out the social fascist | whom we could organize behind @ This has | program of immediate demands as been done and should be continued. | Well as against militarization. We must further our criticism! The issuance of the “C. C. C. C. C. Appeal, (For the immediate | led to narrowing down any possi-| snowing the role of the very or- | Camp Spark” has advanced the work anization itself—pointing oi to | tremendously. This paper, which is the workers that the character and the organ of the C. C. C. Boy’s Pro- program of the organizations are |tective League, has won the iia social fascist. In exposing the role | proval of many of the C. C. C. boys of the leaders we must also show/| and it not only mobilizes them for how the very ideas and theories of | struggle for the demands above the organization are wrong and raised, but acts to offset the poison= anti-working class. Individual and | ous propaganda of “Heppy Days, even groups of rank and filers may | the official C. C. C. paper, as well as agree with our characterization of | to weld the unity of the C. C. C. the social fascist leaders, but still, Workers in every camp. remain separated from us by the| The development of this organ- ideology of the social fascist organi- | ization must proceed hand in hand zation—the loyalty to the organiza- | with the development of the utmost tion being stronger than the loyalty | initiative on the part of the young to the leaders, workers in each camp. This is We should carry on a broad edu- cation around those questions In Muskegon Heights, Mich. City Elections on April 2 for 3 Councilmen, City Treasurer, City Assessor Communist Party PlacesTicket which separate the Communist from the Socialist Party and other organizations. Through convincing the worker on the social fascist character of his organization, we make a step further toward working class unity, The worker must be called upon to draw the necessary conclusions from such beliefs. to involve any of their supporters | in the united front actions—not to | allow them to be contaminated by the Communists. On the contrary they utilized our meetings with our supporters, our journals and maga- zines, as a forum for spreading their ideas. The United Front consisted Solely of certain conferences and On April 2, there will be a city elec~ tion here for three councilmen-at- large, city treasurer, and city as- sessor, The workers candidates are: Leo Camp, Albert Lynn, and Her- bert Aldrich for city councilmen; D. F. Aldrich for treasurer, and Charles Evans for assessor, This is a “non-partisan” election; ae Communist Party has a full icket. In their fear that the workers the Party and its life, as the one Trade Unions and working class or- candidates will be elected to office, MUSKEGON HEIGHTS, Mich— the ruling classes here have put up one of their Negro tools for office. First they tried to get Robert Man- grum to run, but the Negro workers refused to sign his petition. They then enlisted the aid of Dr. Gar- Jand, who is popular in the Negro |churches and societies. His peti- ton was circulated in one of the largest factories here, the Camp- bell, Wyant and Cannon Foundry. Now it is declared that anyone working on C, W. A, will have to give up his job if he wishes to enter | the campaign. meetings with these individuals. It was never really brought down to the broad masses of workers in the form of united struggles. This is one reason why the organizations created by the conferences and the conferences themselves died so soon after birth, 1. e., Tom Mooney Coun- cils of Action, American League Against War and Fascism as a na- tional organization, the Cleveland Conference, etc. . 8 Ww have very little to gain One difficulty in reaching the workers under the influence of social fascism is a feeling of “dis- trust” on the part of these workers towards Communists. This is due jin part to past experiences, mis- takes in approach made by some Communist, but mainly to the in- fluence of social fascist leaders and ideas which aim to develop this “distrust” in order to keep the | workers divided. this feeling is so deep that it must first be broken down before any through United Fronts with in- dividuals. If no practical struggles | united action and struggles are pos- | sible. In some places} | Particularly so because of the tech nical difficulties involved in reach- | ing the C C. C. workers, since they are far from city centers and mail jis censored whenever any organiza tional activity begins. The over- coming of these difficulties, naturally is being tackled and will further require the utmost attention and initiative on our part. The Young Communist League must carry on its independent role as the leader of the young workers, raising the struggles to a higher Tevel, and particularly recruiting, constantly carry on agitation among the workers in the shops and trade unions, exposing the nature of the Cc. C. C. camps and mobilizing these workers in support of the demands of the C. C. C. boys. The le against war and fascism will have no meaning without the most in- tense work in the ©, C, C. We must turn the C. C. ©., through our daily work into strongholds of the workingclass in. the coming great struggles,