The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 2, 1934, Page 4

Page Four Uni Fusion De WeakenUnited Front AFLOppos Lew Political Leve By RENRY CUMMINGS question of united front in connection with opposition work im the A. F. of L. is a most im- portant problem. The attitude to- wards this has in the main b asay from the shops. It directed it- spit chiefly to the various groupings amd grouplets in local unions. And even im the latter regard, it has been the shortcoming to deal only or primarily with the top leader- ship of these groups instead of to the broad rank and file following. Individual negotiations have been practiced. And for the sake of w certain comrades called “united front” the clear-cut rank and file line of certain opposition groups was dropped and the opposition groups followed at the tail of fakers. These fakers won over many workers be- cause of opposition to the existing administrations. But these fakers were not exposed on the basis of bringing forward a real program of struggle—not merely for leadership, | but for improvement of conditions on the job. Dwe to the fact that cestain comrades in a New York midinery local did not carry through certain instructions, we were routed im a recent election. This is the pen- | alty for confusing fusion with united front. Comrades must understand that united fronts are made on the basis of struggle. strike, stoppage, demonstrations, protest’ and con- demnation of actions of the ma- chine, eve., not on the basis of gen- tlemen's agreements. United fronts must be made on the basis of fight- ing for improvement of conditions and for the elimination of bureau- crates from power. Without this we cannot call the convening of rank and file groups with other group- ings im locals a united front. The proper carrying through of work in the shops, with especial ref- erenee to united front struggle ini- tiated by rank and file militant} groups, depends on the functioning of the Party fraction. The Party fractions in New York are chiefly narrow trade union organs. That is, | they function as a trade union lead-| ership without politicalizing their to the various trade and craft problems. The fractions, too, narrow the scope of activity to the local union, and do not, in the main, properly understand the carrying through of the united front. Dis- | cussions at fractions are mechani-| cal beeause the problems of the | trades and crafts are not tied up} with the revolutionary struggles go- ing on throughout the entire coun- try. There is st#l a tendency to un- derestimate the radicalization and revolutionization of A. F. of L. mem- bers, as part of the general de- veloping revolutionary — situation throughout the United States. The campaigns of the Party are not | of Fractions Often Loses the Leadership of Rank and File Spontaneous Resentment Against Bureaucracy | als on Top ition Work slight ex develope there is arising a new army of functionaries. the growing struggles.in v cals, a corps of lead and already winn of the membership. essary is to give leaders that ta’ \ them po ically, the initiative for the question of c the show work has that dence n confidence to these they are able to main- | and to strengthen | We must not kill truggle by posing jective as that of This the case with cer- leading the work in jes, building the red trade unions. icula is tain cor the needle INQUESTIONABLY the rank and file oppositions must fight| against discrimination of rec trade | union members by the joint effort of manufacturers, A. F. of L. lead- | ers, Lovestoneites in scame unions and Socialists. But this is to be accomplished through the fight for the immedjate burning needs of the | A. F. of L. rank and file. And} through this struggle the Commu-| s must revolutionize the rank} file, bringing them ever nearer | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, APRIL 2, 1984 ted Front in Unemployed and Union Work i to ranks of the Party, the program of and into the Not only must this struggle be oriented to the shops, to the job. It is the task of the rank and file, and especially of the Communists in the A. F. of L. rank and file| movement to organize the opposition | movement in the decisive industries | of American capitalism: marine metal, mining, transport and ra’ road opposition work, which is led | ae by the Railroad Unity movement).|"THE Feb. ad Gleveland District It is particularly in these industries|# Plenum, upon thorough exami- ere we find that the racketeering | nation of the concentration work in bureaucracy rules with a mailed fist | Youngstown since the unsuccessful in order to smash the living stand-| Republic chippers’ strike Oct. 15, ards of the membership and pre-|found that for three and a half vent their struggles against the | months there had been a total col- bosses. The officials know very well | lapse of the concentration work. Not the need for protecting the biggest |only was the reorganisation of the imperialists. They know very well| union inside Republic not carried that struggles for improving condi- | out, but no serious sustained efforts tions by the workers in these in-|in that direction had been made. dustries would result in dealing|There hed been'no mass campaign smashing blows against the rule of | against the mass layoffs in Novem- finance capital in the U. 8. | ber. During that period not a single In spite of steps taken in the union leaflet had been issued in Re- direction of carrying through the|Publle. There had been no sale of decisive work, some of the chief|!e union paper or the Daily tasks confronting the A. F. of L.| Worker at the gate. Not a union By BD. Program for Building Broad Mass Basis For Steel Union in Youngstown Plant © By bringing out clearly and sharply the class program of the S.M.W.I.U. we have decisively de- feated reactionary elements who tried to turn the National Sanitary Local (Salem) of the S.M.W.L.U. into an independent union. We can also record new ife in the She- nango-Penn local im Sharpsviiie, where the men are getting ready for a fight for higher wages and a union agreement. But as for the main question, ac- tual building of the union in Re- public, we must record entirely un- 2 Districts, New Jersey and jSatisfactory rate of progress. The | work is better-planned and exe- |cuted than before, but there is still | too large a gap between correct de- | cision and fulfillment. |among the unemployed youth as well as starting some work among the young steel workers of Republic. All units have been visited by Bu- |reau representatives and have dis- cussed the District Plenum, the 13th |Plenum of the C. I. and the draft |resolution of the Highth National | Convention of our Party, discussing ‘especially in relation to the prob- | while opposition work in New York are mass meeting was heid in Youngs- town for three months. The Party as follows: 1) Concentration in the | units which ele a ete bone basic industries—marine and metal. | Nebraska Hold Convention a a 2) Politicaiization of the fractions, | eMtrate on Republic were not con: 3) The setting up of a collective leadership which wifl engage ac-| tively on all fronts. 4) Re-orient- | ing the work of the oppositions and | local unions following the opposition | line towards the shops. 5) Winning | over the Jim-Crow and mixed locals centrating, had received no direc- tives from the Section Bureau (or union fraction) for concentration work. In fact no planned work was |carried on by the units, the frac- tions in the mass organizations, the | union or the section leadership. The Reports of two noteworthy and | enthusiastic district conventions of the Communist Party come from Among the workers from the { shops were seven textile workers, | seven metal workers, and six who two districts as far from each other| are active in the American Federa-| Sure on them to attend union meet- | | as Omaha, Neb. (District 10), and| tion of Labor. The composition of|ings until they are ready for it. | Newark, N. J. (Distriet 14), pointing! the convention, according to all re-| The second problem—volunteer or-| to a definite nationwide advance in| prts, was a great improvement over | ganizers—is lems of the section and the par- | ticular unit. . ae 1 ‘© decisive problems which we | are only in the process of solu- | tion are lack of confidence of the workers in us, and development of corps of volunteer organizers of the union. The first problem arises out of years of spasmodic and often| bad work on our part, the loss of | the strike, etc. We are trying to break it down by our mass agita- tion, by showing that we're on the/| job reacting to every event, and es- | pecially by means of frequent per- sonal contact with individual work- ers, discussing, arguing, convincing, showing them that our method of organizing semi-secret | department groups is designed to {protect their job. Sometimes, in |some cases, we allow these workers to pay dues at their homes, get their reports from the mill and give them leaflets to take in, literature to read, etc., without putting too much pres- | employment Councils proceeded to CW n Pre-Convention Discussion oie 4 Workers Will Join United Fight On Unemployment AMIN program By HERBERT BE of the bour; consequent p) | the workers, t | where these w against i We direc permit ing point between u. d Jers on these jobs. But we failed at the same time to stress that our ob- | jective m be to as quickly as | possible bring these workers into the general united front movement | against unemployment (the Unem-| | ployment Council), This was en- | tirely avoided in the practice of our| organizations in many centers (es-| pecially New York). Instead, our comrades of the Un- put on various political disguises and to make a virtue of nonaffillation and relationship with the Unem- pldyment Council. Independent or- ganizations were built up in the various, and sometimes in the same localities (sometimes even on the same jobs since workers on the same job sometimes lived in different lo- calities and neighborhood: when it became necess: these organizations t united action with each other and with the unemployed who were or- ganized in the Unemployment} Couneils, we had to begin to speak | for and in the name of the organ- ization whose face we had concealed because by implication we agreed that it was not a united-front mass organization, but a “Red” or Com-| munist organization. | Why should such a tactic be nec- Here were several million 's affected by a common prob- lem. The Federal government was| |establishing a nation-wide system of relief work which at the same time concerned the workers of the) entire country, those who got the| jobs and those who remained un- employed. The temporary character | of these jobs; the wage-rates, and all other general conditions were be- ing determined in Washington for all the workers. not at least try, even while our best approach may be on the basis of a concrete grievance on a likewise important | Republic shop unit hadn't had a to the program of the opposition | 4m meeting m months. The Party center. 6) The building of Commu- brought forward to the masses of | nist shop nuclei and the mass re- | organizer had been criminally irre- the spirit of the Communist Party] ports was a great improvement over on the eve of its Eight National) which was held im July, 1932. Convention, which opens in Cleve- Discuss Silk Strike Lessons | the A. F. of L. rank and file. There| is a woefully weak co-ordination of | shop concentration of Party sec- tions and unite with that of the opposition groups. Even where we have Party members in A. F. of L. shops in which rank and file opposi-_ tion members work side by side with them, there are very little efforts | made in butiding shop nuclei. i fractions, while in all cases nominaity at the head of the| rank and file opposition groups, in| very few cases give real Communist | leadership to the groups. In the! first place, there is the already men- | tioned negieet of a bold orientation | to shop struggies. From this fiows a | bureaueratic attitude towards rank and file critics of inactivity. Groups | are too often strangled by personal} squabbles. Fractions are at times | criminally divided—sometimes as a result of political differences; at | sponsible politically, orgenization- ally and financially, and yet up to two weeks before the Plenum not a member of the section committee | |had come forward demanding his |immediate removal. The union leadership had been “busy” doing | everything except concentrating on | Republic and building the union. |The result was a decline in the |union throughout the district, a de- cline in the Party, a generei atmos- phere of demoratization in the Party ranks and no faith in the} leadership on the part of the rank} cruitment into the Party as a result | of the work of the Communists in| the A. F. of L. Foes of Negro Masses Active in Their Ranks By J. J. SOLVENT jand file comrades. S A delegate to the Party con- | The reasons for this scandalous | vention of District 16, I came| situation were, in brief: (1) an op- away feeling that the discussion was| portunist surrender before the ter- a splendid one, many problems were| Tor and difficulties following the | made clearer and I had a distinct | lost strike; ;(2) am opportunist feeling that there would be a very/ drifting with the current (“driven good turn in our work in the dis- | by events”) as a substitute for triet. | planned work and strict Bolshevik checkup; (3) bureaucratic methods other times of tactical differences, | the Central Committee made a very | brilliant analysis and returned home Fractions that act as Communist | with more clarity and confidence | fractions, politically discussing the| than ever beft relationship of their shop problems | Tey in the light of the crisis of American | capitalism, discussing the actions of | the trade union officials in connec- While walking home with the sec-| I thought that the comrade from | of work on the part of the leader- ship (shown especially by failure to draw into the leading work more of the local comrades due to lack of faith in the ability of the Party membership, given proper leader- | of about 20 buses from New York tion organizer, we noticed a strin; : : . ship and assistance, to change the jand New Jersey and we proceeded . jto find out why they came to the membership, will be able to over- | Bridgeport and where. if We found come this situation. |the place and soon learned that This lack of politicalization has/there was a Father Devine meeting especially affected our fight for the | going on. We stayed a while, look-| tion with betraying the interests of Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill. Comrades felt that the raising of this slogan was too far distant from being seriously consid- ing around to see if we could find our Negro comrades and sympa- thizers among the audience of four hundred Negroes and a few whites. ered by their local union members,| Meanwhile we spoke to some of| In certain instances there was pri- the people there and in response to| marily raised the question of how to| Ur questions as to why they came create more jobs, control of job dis-| © Bridgeport, we got the answer tribution by the rank and file. Thus| at wherever Father Devine was the comrades aid in fostering the il-| they would come. This clearly in- lusion that such measures can solve | Uicated “that this movement had a the question of unemployment. | tremendous influence on the Negro situation. The Plenum took necesserily sharp measures, removing the Party section organizer and voting for his expulsion, and giving the Party fraction leader in the union until the District Convention to make a change in the situation or be re- moved, IX weeks have gone by. What are the results? There has been a definite improvement in the work, a definite, though insufficient turn from the miserable pre-Plenum sit- uation in Youngstown. The Party units are more stabilized, four new | land today. ‘The Omaha convention, held last week-end, aceording to one delegate, “was the best one ever held in our district, The discussion was better than we've ever had at any plenum or district committee meeting. Prac- tically all of the comrades in their discusston were concrete and spe- cific, “Fifteen elected delegates were present,” this delegate reports fur- ther, “and 20 invited comrades. The average age of the delegates was 33 years, and the average length of time im the Party was nine months. The average length of time in the Party of both the delegates and the invited comrades was twenty and a half months. Four Farmer Delegates “Four of the delegates were farm- ers; three were packing house work- ers employed in the district concen- trating plants in Omaha. One dele- gate was a miner from Arkansas, seven others were unemployed or CWA workers. There were four Negro delegates and one farm work- er.” The discussion centered about the concentration industry of packing, in which much progress is expected within the next period. Three dele- gates were chosen from this district convention to attend the Fight Na- tional Convention of the Communist Thirty-one comrades participated | in the discussion, In addition to the report of the district organizer, there was a special youth report. The convention discussion centered around the lessons of the general silk dye strike in Paterson, the prob- lems of concentration, the growth} of fascist organizations and how to combat them, and the politicaliza- tion of the work of the Party units and committees. The achievements noted in the distriet were especially in the silk| dye concentration in Paterson as) the basis for the leadership in the} strike, the development of the united | front from below in the struggles of the silk workers, the increased recruiting and Party growth, espe- cially in the Paterson, Hudson County and Newark sections; the consolidation of the Party in this district and the growth of the num- ber of shop nuclei, the marked im- provement in the composition of | the new recruits in the Party, par- ticularly workers from the shops, textile and metal workers and mem- bers of the A. F. of L. The weaknesses stressed were par-| ticularly the failure to follow a consistent and firm policy of con- centration, especially in the steel and metal industry; the failure to develop a broad rank and file op- position movement within the A. F. of L. textile union; the high fluctua- Party m Cleveland. tion in Party membership, the slow pene reaction to political events, weak- nesses in the development of new forces in various sections. New Jersey Convention The New Jersey District Conven- | These problems have been dis-| cussed with various fractions. former orientation is gradually shifting. The rank and file move- ment in its present stage of affilia- tion with an A. F. of L. rank and file center is only a few months old| and a certain re-education is needed | before we are able to start in the| full swing of leading independent | Struggles over eials. We are going through this | process now. | There is st#ll the problem of the | Objectives of the rank and file op- position groups. There has been am open and concealed units have been organized. In the process of “controlling” the mem- bership several former members have been won back into the Party. One new mill unit has been orga- nized. Recruiting of employed mill workers has put us on the point of organizing two new mill units in Youngstown, one shop unit in a large metal plant outside of Youngstown with possibilities of immediate organization of a new mill unit in another town in the section. The Daily Worker sub drive masses, discussion at the conven- Negro problem, of course, liscussed at great length. But ne mentioned the enemies of Negro within their ranks. How we hope to win the Negro ses, if we do not combat such luences as the Father Devine vement and others ‘ike it. We st not only fight the white Jand- is and imperialists who exploit crush the Negro masses, but the rmists and revivalists and the ir ™ m a ra tion, held on the same week-end, was attended by 30 regular and 21 fraternal delegates, with Max Be- dacht present as the representative of the Central Committee of the C. P.U.S.A. Of the regular delegates, five were Negroes, 17 workers from shops, 11 unemployed, 11 function- aries and one housewife, guard of the revolutionary this class with the whole of italists within the ranks of the Toes. Vere it not for the fact that we has netied 106 subs to date (March 20). Twenty-six new members have been recruited into the Party. A tendency | acd&dently walked Ly this Father|Y.C.L. unit has finally been estab- among industrial union comrades to Devime meeting. we would not haye| lished and is doing some good work claim that the chief task of the reali@ed the size and the rapid} opposition growps is to build the revolutionary unions. As against | such a line, we must emphasize the | following: That the work of the) rank and file oppositions is to lead | gror we take plan on hy of this movement. Of course, e in Bridgeport are going to this problem seriously and assign forces to concentrate ro work, taking into consider- raise were left out of the discussion at our district convention and be- cause there is a possibility that other districts do not pay serious and if it can imbue this class and these masses with complete confidence—only leading the proletariat in the most ruthless, determined and final struggle against all the forces of capitalism. “On the other hand: only under the leadership of such a Party can the proletariat develop the whole might of its revolutionary “Only the Communist Party, if it really is the van- best representatives of that class, if it consists of fwly class conscious and devoted Communists, educated and hardened by the experience of stubborn revolutionary struggle, if this Party has managed to link itself in- separably with the whole life of its class and through The discussion on Negro work and the struggle against white chauv- inism was an important part of the convention. The convention elected a district committee of 17 members, and a Bureau of seven, to guide the Party's activities in the New Jersey district during the coming period, class, if it contains all the the masses of the exploited, such a Party is capable of onslaught.” the struggles of the A. F. of L.| ati, workers for better conditions and | | not only the enemies from ‘out, but also from within. attention to these problems, I bring it to the attention of the Party against. their betraying officials, The | I i. ecause these problems that I through the Daily Worker — From the Resolution of the Second Congress of the Communist International, | This week we are having the fi {of a series of weekly meetings with a group of about six of them. i] TASKS NOW What are the tasks now? (1) Great increase in the tempo of the work, the quantity and quality of | the mass agitation: the amount of slow but imperative work of visiting | workers in their homes and con- vineing them not only of the cor- | rectness of our program but how they, without too much risk of their jobs, can take part in building the union; (2) as a result of this, and prompt reaction to all grievances, establish . department organization in three important departments | where today we have connections | and members, but no real organiza- | tion;, (3) establish in Republic a delegated executive committee con- sisting of representatives from each department organization as a means of (4) restablishing the Re- public Local of the union as a mass, legal organization; (5) recruit for Party and Y.C.L. in the mill, defi- nitely establish the Party unit and its paper and build a Y.C.L. shop ‘unit; (6) develop our work among both Negro and white steel workers in such a way (fight against chau- vinism, fight for the special de- mands of the Negro steel workers) as to win the confidence of the Negro steel workers and recruit them into the union; (7) develop the general Party fraction in the union in Youngstown as the respon- sible political leadership of the union with the collective task of building the union; (8) increase ef- forts for united front with the A. A. members while increasing the work that has been begun within the A.A. lodges; ;(¢) development of a mass movement of C.W.A. workers and unemployed . steel workers; (10) give real leadership to the language fractions so that they can make the turn away from sectarian na- tionalism to mass work among the workers of their nationality for the building of the union and the Party; (11) through personal atten- tion from the bureau, circuit classes, ete., develop the out-of-town units (and especially the shop units) so that they can independently lead the workers of their mill and ter- ritory. All of these tasks can be carried out by the forces here in this sec- tion. The last six weeks have proved this. More attention to developing these forses, better training (the- oretical and practical), more per- sonal leadership (including leader- ship by example), continuous fight against Right Opportunism and its twin, “left” sectarianism, and for the Party Line, stricter checkup on the execution of decisions and, above all, realization of the period in which we are working and the de- sire of the steel workers to fight— with these the turn in Youngstown Aim of Wagner loca under a single national leadership? Why not make clear from the out- who get the jobs and those who re- main unemployed? Why not ex: | plain to these workers the role of the Unemployment Council and the fact that it is the National move- ment through which they can be| most effectively united with C.W.A.| and unemployed workers in other | sections of the country? THE failure to do these things, we can attribute the fact that we | have not been able to develop suf- | ficient resistance to the present pro- | gram for the liquidation of the] | qui | “For one Why then shall. we | en job or) , to organize these workers) set. the common interests of those/| Tendeney to Hide Face of Unemployment Couneil Resulis in Danger of Splitting Struggle for Unemployment and Social Insurance our fight to get jobs for the millions who registered but were never placed, and our fight for relief for and for the workers who ar being laid off. Objectively, mistake nov s in this instance served the aims of the Roose’ vernment for splitting and divid- ing the ranks of the unemployed by of C.W.A. jobs, and thus kening our fighting forces. is not flexibility! This, when carried to its logical conclusion is ation! Such opportunism professing to aim at broadening of our movement, re- ts in sectarian isolation and in devitalization of the united ont movement we have developed several years. For it condones and supports the attitude of our the enemies who declare that the Un- employment Council is to he re- garded as a narrow organization of only Communist workers. If this were the only instance of such an attitude, it would perhaps not be necessary to deal in such detail with it. But the examples i above and some of the mis- takes that were made in our United Front with the Musteites, prove that we are dealing here with a tendency which manifests itself quite fre- ently. We are too prone to assume that any organization under our leadership is not a genuine united front and that we can and must build new organizations, with new labels at will. Tt is doubtful whether any more ,| Workers were organized by us in the various relief workers’ organizations than could have been organized as integral although autonomous units | of the Unemployment Council. It is a fact that those organized are not as well prepared for the struggle as they would be if their organization was .based on a correct relationship ‘with the Unemployment Council. if we are serious about our stogan, united unemployment | movement,” we will fight for that slogan and attempt to make every organization we build and influence an active unit of this unified move- ment, In such an effort we must be not only flexible but persevering and consistent fighters for a Bolshevik line. In the course of the struggle which must now be developed to re- sist the liquidation of Civil Works jobs and the further extension of Roosevelt’s forced labor and hunger program, these errors must be cor- rected. The C.W.A. workers who are being laid off and threatened by | lay-offs, can see clearly the need for united action in the fight against unemployment. They can be con- | vinced of the need for a determined fight around the program of the Unemployment Councils and espe- cially for unemployment and social rance, They can therefore be drawn into a united front and even- tually merged into the permanent united front movement against un- employment — the Unemployment Councils, This we must do without loss of time. The Eighth Congress of our Party must, and surely will, also serve to correct and further clarify the en- tire Party on the manner in which we may conduct the fight against all varieties of opportunism which ham- per the development of our strug- C.W.A. jobs. This also has weakenedgle and movement, Workers’ Struggle Bill Is to Weaken , Bill Dunne Shows (Continued from page 3) under the guarantees given General Johnson to the employers: “Their interests are your interests,” The Wagner Bill fits perfectly in- The bill itself is @ combination of the Lemieux Act of Canda and the Watson-Parker Railway Act. to this mosaic. vith the Watson-Parker law fea- tures bulwarked by the Emergency Railway Act, were noted by Otto Beyer, former efficiency union ex- pert for the Baltimore and Ohio Railway and now labor expert for Railroad Co-Ordinator Eastman, in his testimony here. He said, ac- cording to the press, that the Wag- ner Bill contains no new or un- Emergency Railway Act of to prevent unfair labor practices. Beyer, and of the Wagner Bill, dif- fer widely. What is the present status of railway workers who have been under the beneficent influ- ence of the Watson-Parker Law and the Emergency Railway Act. since May, 1926? The railway mag- nates are loud in their claims that railway workers have received only a 10 per cent wage reduction dur- ing the crisis. This is formejly true, But what has become of 4pproxi- mately 1,000,000 railway ‘workers formerly employed? Around {August of last year, for the first time since 1888, there were less than 1,100,000 railway workers employed 0 the railway systems of the United States. Between 900,000 and 1,000,- 000 railway workers had been squeezed out of the industry, by labor-displacing machinery, nie w equipment, speed-up and the de- crease in traffic. \ According to Mr. Otto Beyer, an the provisions of the Wagner B: can and will be made. | this statement. The Watson-Parker Act features of the Wagner Bill, | tried provisions—only the amplifi- cation of labor provisions of the last June which, he said, has operated Our definition of “unfair labor practices,” and those of Mr. Otto} and its percursor, the Railwa Labor Act, the railway companies had been prevented from indulging in unfair labor practices, but they | have destroyed the labor market for this vast army of railway workers. The figures in the monthly bulletin of the Department of Labor for February of this year fully confirm The records of the | hearings on the Black Bill also con- firm it. Neither has the Watson- Parker law prevented the main- tenance of company unions. Wil- lliam Z Foster, in a pamphlet writ- ten in 1927 on the Watson-Parker Law, accurately predicted this de- velopment. In regard to the operations of the Lemieux Act, one should start with the question: Why, if laws provid— ing for collective bargaining be- tween workers and employers through arbitration, conciliation and government supervision, have been in existence for 27 years in Canada, and these measures do for workers what their proponents claim, are not the wages, working and social conditions of Canadian workers far above those of Ameri- can workers, They are not, but in some cases are lower. The answer is, of course, that these measures are not introduced to strengthen workers’ organizations but to im- pede, confuse and weaken them. As business agent of Local 213 of the Brotherhood of Electrical Workers in Vancouver, British Co- lumbia., as an officer of the Van- couver Trades and Labor Council, as a vice-president for three terms of the British Columbia Federation of Labor, and later as vice-presi- dent of the Pacific District Council of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers for the Pa- cifie Coast District, which included British Columbia, I had much ex- perience with the operation of the industrial disputes act, called for short the Lemieux Act by those who lets it, and the “Lemon Act” by labor, (Zo Re Continued Tomorre=) , 1 |