The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 28, 1934, Page 5

O (Continued from preceding page) For the rights of Negro workers to all jobs at equal pay; against dis- crimination on relief, C. W. A. jobs, etc.; against discrimination of for- eign born in any form; (h) Special demands for young workers; women workers; ({) For the unconditional right to organize and strike, against | compulsory arbitration, against the Wagner Bill; (j) Against all forms of forced labor; the right to or-| for which the left wing must fight, | jobs, in C.C.C. against gangsterism and racketeer-| | ing, against high salaries for union | ganize on C.W.A. camps. On the basis of the policy of con- centration and a serious attempt to penetrate into the most important factories, building the trade unions and the Party on the basis of the factory, the Party must give special attention towards the preparation) ests of the workers, fight to build| for the coming struggle among the miners, steel and auto workers, marine workers, railroad workers, chemical workers, textile workers. WORK IN AF.L. UNIONS 3, The work in the A. F. of L, which in most districts is still prim- arily limited to the work in some sections of the building trade, must be extended to the miners, textile workers, and railroad workers espe- cially, as well as among the federal locals in auto, metal, rubber, ete. ‘The whole Party must be roused to the necessity of carrying on syste- ur Task, to leadership of the struggle. slogans and issues enumerated above are the central issues around which tion, persistent work in the fac-| the A. F. of L. workers can be mo- | bilized for struggle. Special em- | phasis must be given to the devel- opment of the fight for the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill. The} oppositions must also raise the ques- tion of democracy, the rights of the rank and file, elections for all post officials, for reduction of dues, ex- emptions to unemployed, etc. We must prove to the A. F. of L. workers that the Communists and their supporters fight for the inter- the union, for the unity of workers, while the bureaucrats are betraying the interests of the workers, plun- | dering, splitting and destroying the unions as instruments of struggle against the bosses. The Communists | in the A. F. of L. unions must put |forward in the interests of the struggle united action with the T. U. U. L. unions and other organizations. ‘They must defend the independent | unions before the workers from the attacks of the bureaucrats, expos- ing the bureaucrats as the splitters |of the workers. When the A. F. of matic work in the A. F. of L. unions, | L. union is a mass organization, and which have organized in them mil-|no other unions exist, the Com- lions of workers and today takes on! munists should join them, call upon greater importance than heretofore, | the workers to join them and fight because of the influx of new mem-| for the opposition program, In bers and the efforts of the govern- | general, however, the slogan calling ment to force workers into the A. F,| "Pon all workers to join the A. F. of L, unions in many industries, |°f L. is not serving the interests of Any underestimation of work in the |the Workers. Each union and each A, F. of L. unions is incompatible with the line of the Party. The suc- cesses achieved in the work of the oppositions (elections, leadership of struggle, support for workers Unem- ployment Insurance Bill, etc.), the general growing revolt against the bureaucracy and the sharpening sit- | uations on the questions of indus- trial _ unions, democracy, etc.,| through the pressure of the rank and file—all this shows the possibility of a rapid development of mass revolu- tionary opposition within the A. F.! of L. unions. | The Communist fractions must be | built in the A. F, of L. unions, and they must raise the question in each industry and in each locality of the building of broad left-wing opposi- tions and unite them for the pur-/| pose of establishing oppositional leadership to carry on the struggle on the broadest possible basis. The | character of th work of the opposi- | tions in the A. F. of L. unions and Railroad Brotherhoods must be rad- ically changed. In the first place, there must be a break with the le- galism that still dominates most of | the oppositions, preventing the de-| velopment of the independent strug- gles of the workers. Secondly, the oppositions must not remain merely on the top or be based on occasional local union meetings. be reorgani: factory.. Only in-this way will they be able to take up the independent industry must be examined before proper action can be decided upon. Building the Unions of T.U.U.L. 4.—The building of the T.U.U.L. unions must receive the greatest at- tention. Especially must we con- centrate on strengthening the work on developing of united front, implies not a weak- ening but a strengthening of the the development of the struggles of the workers, the exposure of the N. R.A., the incorporation of the A.F. of L. bureaucrats as the government agents in the trade unions, the T.U. U.L. unions, and especially in the basic unorganized industries (steel, auto( chemical, etc.) can play a de- cisive role and can experience a rapid development. The Party must conduct a sharp struggle against any liquidatory tendencies, and expose the slander and maneuvers of the renegades who call for the liquida- tion of the T.U.U.L. unions because they wish to strengthen the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, of which they have become a part. In order to take full advantage of the developing struggle the Communist fractions in the T.U. U.L. unions must call for the car- rying through of ideologizal and or- ganizational preparations in the The | They must insist on the carrying |of a representative committee em- | | and leadership of the Steel, Auto, | Marine, Textile and Miners’ Unions. | A decisive turn towards the work | in the A. F. of L., greater attention | to work in the independent unions, | | emphasis the| work of the T.U.U.L. unions. With| DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 28, 1934 through of the policy of concentra- tories, the strengthening of the lead- ership in some of the unions of the T.U.UL, and strengthening the leading committees of the T.U.U.L. on the basis of more collective work bracing comrades from the more important trade union organizations, the training and drawing in of new forces. The coming Convention of the T.U.U.L. must be organized on the basis of a broad mass campaign involving the largest sections of the workers in the decisive industries, Work in the Independent Unions 5.—The work in the independent} unions must receive regular and sys- tematic attention. The different ypes of independent unions re- | quire a different approach. The Communist must penetrate all of these unions, organize Com- munist fractions, set before them- selves the task of making these unions real class organizations on the basis of developing and leading the struggles in the defense of the interests of the workers, through constant enlightenment as to the lessons of the class struggle, by showing these masses in life the leading role of the Communist Party as the organizer of the fighting united front in their interests. We must strive for the unification of | the workers of these unions in each industry with the T.U.U.L. union in the same industry into one fight- ing class trade union. COMPANY UNIONS 6.—A careful study must be made of the company unions in the basic industries. Our policy is to expose} these organizations as instruments of the employers against the work- ers, to arouse the hatred of the workers against them, and to smash them. In order to achieve this, we should utilize every possibility for speaking to the workers wherever such meetings are called. To make proposals which will expose the com- pany unions and rally the workers for action, As part of this struggle and in general in every factory there must be carried on an exposure against the espionage system em- ployed against the workers. The fight fer shop committees elected by the will of the workers, for which we must fight in every factory, can in many cases be achieved through successful utilization of the possi- bilities for work in the company | unions. Since our object is to build | class trade unions in the factories, and since many workers are pre- judiced against all unions because of the betrayals of the A. F. of L. bureaucrats, we must carry on an exposure of the bureaucrats and | their policies, and present in con- trast the program, the leadership, and the organizational forms of the class trade unions of the T.U.U.L. FOR AN INDEPENDENT FEDERA- TION OF LABOR 7.—The fight for the unification of T.U.U.L. for the coming struggle.| dependent unions must be developed the revolutionary unions and the in- Unity League. immediately by beginning a mass agitational campaign through dis- cussion, through resolutions in the independent unions, through the work of unification of these organi- zations in the different industries. Already a number of left-reformists are conducting secret negotiations for the formation of an independent trade union center under their lead- | ership in order to block the forma- tion of a class independent trade union center. At the same time there is the danger that many of the in- dependent unions will be swept into the A. F. of L., through the man- euvers of the Socialists and rene- gades (shoe, electrical), unless we immediately raise the perspective of a class independent trade union center and conduct a campaign for its realization. It was the failure of the Party’ to recognize in time the forces making for the growth of in- dependent unions which made it possible for the Pearceys. Cappel- linis, Maloneys, etc., to mislead the leftward moving workers and rally them into independent unions of a reformist character. Similarly, our failure to carry forward throughout the fight for the amalgamation of the various independent shoe unions played into the hands of the So- cialists and Tovestonites, who at- tached themselves to the movement and continue to play an important role. The Party must understand that the independent unions left by Lead Rising Strikes; Defeat Roosevelt, AFL H WILLIAM Z, FOSTER, General Secretary of the Trade Union | | | | A, LOZOVSKY, general secretary |of the Red Trade Union Interna- tional. | themselves willbe. the prey of every reformist misleader, and will play into the hands of the bosses and the A. F. of L. bureaucrats. At the | same time, our perspective cannot | be the formation of a class inde- pendent trade union center whith will exist side by side with the T.U. | U.L. center and the A. F. of L Rather our perspective is that by fusing these independent unions with the revolutionary trade unions, we can develop in the United States side by side with a powerful opposi- tion movement in the A. F. of L. unions and the Railroad Brother- hoods, a relatively broad class trade union center. Such a center would support the struggies of the rank and file in the A. F. of L., would enter into united militant action with the revolutionary opposition in the A. F. of L. The Independent Feder Labor will not come mer nrough the change of name of the T. U. U. L. and through resolutions. It will come as a result of an ideological and organizational campaign in both the independent and T. U. U. L. unions, as well as among the un- organized. it must be based on the broade: jconceptions of the united front, cannot base itself on any compro- mise with the policies of class col- laboration. It can not occupy a “middle” position between a re- formist and revolutionary polic ciples of the class ruggle, and through its structure and leader- ship, be capable of organizing and leading the masses of the American | workers in struggle in defense of their immediate economic and po- litical needs, as well as against the capitalist efforts to get out of the jcrisis through fascism -and im- | perialist war. | WORK AMONG UNEMPLOYED 8. The trade unions have not yet been drawn in on a mass scale to |fight for the needs of the unem- At the same time, while | It must stand squarely on the prin- | stimulated f workers, 1 ployees, public works The members of fusion and unification ganizations of the unempl Winning Negro Workers, etc. 9. (a) Special measures must be taken immediately to execute the Party decision regarding the win- ning of the Negro workers for the trade unions. ed Page Five eads’ Strikebreaking! id to carry through the struggle t fascism and war. young workers revolution~ ‘ons and oppositions as etc., to meet the the young workers. must be adopt 2 H 1 needs of must be afforded full rights of organization and promoted to all leading posts in the unions, given They the T.U.ULL. or assistance and support in building in the A. F. of L. youth committees, sections, ete. The obligated to raise t Comm s must mobilize the their organization: unio! ght against the militar< constant fight for them. There must | ization of the youth in the C.CC, be no strike, no struggle in which |camps, demand for the youth re~ we fail to raise the general and special demands of the Negro work- ers. Similarly, these questions must be raised in every factory, in every }trade union. The revolutionary unions must set the example before the whole of the Negro masses in the struggle for the economic in- terests of the Negro workers. The | revolutionary oppositions in the A. | F. of L. must similarly show through | their deeds that their exposure of | the bureaucracy arch-chauvinists jis backed up the actual struggle | for the interests of the Negro work- ers. We must raise the demand fc the employment of Negro work on the basis of equality with the | white workers on all jobs and at equal wages. The Communists in the unions are obligated to carry on a struggle against all forms of dis- crimination practiced against Negro workers, and work for their election as | ployed and especially for unemplo’ to all leading posts. Nor must the ak insurance. Even the revolu-| revolutionary trade unionists limit tionary unions have not yet given | their fight in the interests of serious and systematic attention to|Negro masses to the fight for im- jthis task. The Communist frac-| mediate economic demands. We | tions in the trade unions must take | must fight for the adoption by the (steps to change this situation in| masses of trade unionists and by all the shortest possible time. The | workers of the full Communist pro- |Movement for social and unemploy- | gram for the Negro toilers, includ- jment insurance must unite in the|ing the fieht for self-determination | first. place, the full forces of the |; the Black Belt. As a step in the| revolutionary trade union move- direction of carrying through the ment and the mass organizations| above tasks, it is urgent to under- | of the unemployed. This is the|taxe a campaign of enlightenment | chief immediate demand of the en- | in the trade unions and oppositions | tire working class. Around these|.. to the Communist position on s e | : : ae Np eaers Ass etremiatbat o ad question, to phiaters ae lation. This fight must be devel- |i! ‘ade union conferences | of | oped on the basis of the united | White and Negro workers in the front to a higher level, including | TesPective industries and localities political demonstrations and strikes |f0F the Taising of these issues and | for the realization of the Workers’ |the mobilization of the white and Social and Unemployment Insur- | Negro, masses to struggie for their ance Bill. The trade unions must | Tealization. | be mobilized to play the central role| b) The Party must give more at- | in this struggle. | tention tc the work among ihe mil- | | The broadening and consolidation | lions of agricultural worke: Aside} of the mass orgartizations of the un-|from the strategic importance of employed must proceed upon the|these workers in capitalist economy, |basis of an intensified struggle for | Without organizing them, the Party cash relief from local, state and|Will be unable to establish the national governments; against all| hegemony of the proletariat in the forms of forced labor; for full trade | Struggle in the countryside, | union rates of wages on all civil and | ©) The development of fascism the lief, C.W.A. jobs, unemployment in- surance. ust be put to the liberal p n on child labor. Our fight is for venance for all child s who are thrown out of dustry and not merely the “abolition of child la- bor.” d) The fight for the women workers takes on added importance with the imminence of the war danger. The A. F. of L. unions have always discriminated against women workers. The opposition in the A. F. of L. has thus far not yet taken up this issue. The situation is not entirely satisfactory in the revolution unions. Even the Na- tional Textile Workers Union has only a small percentage of womer, although the majority of the work- ers are women. In view of the present situation, we must take de- cisive action to organize the women workers, and carry on a fight for their interests, giving special atten- tion to winning the Negro women workers. FOR REVOLUTIONIZATION OF MASSES 10. The Communists in the trade unions must undertake to bring the program and policies of the Party before the masses. A struggle must be conducted against all opportunist deviations, which wish to limit the struggles of the trade unions to purely “trade” questions. The trade unions as the basic mass organiza- tion of the workers must fight for all the needs 0° the workers. This, of course, cannot be achieved through a sectarian commandeering of the masses. The Communists must win the workers for such a struggle on the basis of utilizing every economic struggle for broad= ening the outlook and perspective of the workers to revolutionize them, and win the best elements to the Party. Especially is it necessary to win the workers for the struggle against imperialist war, against fas- eism, for the defense of the Soviet Union, ete. On the basis of the struggle for the pressing economic and political needs of the masses, mass campaign for unemployment insurance as contained in Bill. Solidarity actions of the un- employed organizations with Zz class {struggling for the wor! jing industry. At the same time, public works. All of these strug-/in Germany has emphasized before | coupled with the bold putting for- gles must be connected with the|our Party the burning necessity of | ward and explanation of the Party program, we must lead the masses the | youth, large sections of whom are|in struggle not only for their im- Workers’ Unemployment Insurance |robbed of the possibility of enter-| mediate demands, but for the over- | throw of capitalism, and the estab- the | the young workers in the industries | lishment of a Workers’ Government trade unions must be developed and! play an increasingly important role| (Dictatorship of the Proietariai). The Vital Need for Pre-Convention Discussion of Negro Work in the Trade Unions Party and Trade Unions Lag By JACK STACHEL We have again and again spoken of the weaknesses in our trade union work among the Negro masses. But thus far there has been but little im- provement. Every day new facts come to light that both indicate the general lack of attention to this problem and at the same time the dangers that we face in the trade union unless this is corrected at once. A typical case is the recent elec- tions for the company union in the Bethlehem Steel Corporation around Baltimore. Large numbers of Negro steel workers are employed here.! For a long time our work as a whole was very poor and this plant and the work among the Negro steel| * workers was neglected even to a greater extent. Recently, however, some steps were taken to work among the Negro steel workers. In one department the Negro workers who are almost exclusively employ- ed in this department, were able to gain certain improvement in their working conditions as a result of the activity undertaken by the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union. But the bosses were not slow to rec- dgnize the meaning of the growing solidarity between the white and Negro steel workers. Especially so as the fighting spirit of the workers in the plant is rising and the union recently made some important gains. There are now taking place elec- tions in the company union in this plant. Last week there were held the primaries for the nomination of representatives to the company union. The union carried on a fairly good campaign against the company union and in this instance adopted the policy of boycotting the elec- tions, The company union rules are that if a worker only takes the ballot in his hand, no matter how he votes, he is classed as a supporter for the company union. To boycott the elec- tion here meant to refuse to take the ballot. But in spite of all this, the workers overwhelmingly voted | Negro steel worker as one of the representatives. The bosses’ agents | made a speech, “insisting that the | Negro representative be respected.” The result was that the Negro work- ers in this very department where the Steel and Metal Workers Indus- trial Union has conducted a struggle | in the interests of the workers, the Negro steel workers voted for the | Negro representative and therefore | for the company union. Now, of course, the company men are busy agitating among the white workers against the Negro steel workers try- ing to create division among the workers. Lack of Fight For Equal Rights What do we see here? Why did the Negro steel workers participate in the elections? The answer is clear with the very asking of the question. Because our union has not carried on a fight to convince the Negro workers -that thru the S.M.W.1.U. they can gain equal rights. Because the Negro workers feared that they will be the first to be victimized if they vote against the company union, and they knew from past ex- perience that the white workers have not as yet put up a fight for them. The white workers, of course, can be mobilized for such a fight, but the Communists and the other members of the S.M.W.L.U. have not in all the years of the existence of the union in the plant made clear the issue. It is enough when we see that the company could utilize demagogically the issue of “respect” for the Negro workers as against the white work- ers, who evidently did not show such respect in the past as proven by the fact that even when the workers did participate in the company union elections, they never nominated and never fought for Negro workers as representatives, Thus by our failure to raise the issues facing the Negro workers, thru our failure to fight for the spe- cial demands of the Negro workers, | against the company union. In some| thru our failure to fight against the departments of a few hundred work-j existing discrimination practiced ers less than a half dozen voted the; against the Negro workers we are company ballot. The company fear-| Making it possible for the employers ing this boycott, is carrying thru the| to divide the workers and attack elections in three days so that if in| and defeat both the Negro and white the first two days the response is TS. insufficient to create the fiction of Uncelarity of Negro Question “democratic elections” then -the| Aside from the neglect of work company brings pressure to bear|in winning the Negro workers there thru increased coercion and intimi-|is here reflected something else. It bring the Negro workers up to equality with the white workers it equality that exists. This requires the raising of the special demands They do not see that in order to/is necessary to overcome the in-|for the Negro workers, such as the |be elected to all posi right to all jobs that are now closed | achieve this in the first place in! not merely from the point of view | | of the narrow economic struggle, but | to the Negro workers, the right to » and to the union itself. It also requires By EARL BROWDER NEW YORK. — The question of | getting adequate forces to carry out} the Party tasks, and the subject of the circulation of the Daily Worker were among the highlights in the! speech of Earl Browder, Secretary of | the Communist Party, at the Party District Convention held at the Harlem Casino from Friday to Sun- day. Of the Daily Worker, Comrade Browder said: “One of the prinicipal instru- ments we have to use for our mass work is the Daily Worker, In spite of all our achievements I do not think that we can talk of the circulation of the Daily Worker as being an achievement in this district. The circulation of the Daily Worker is scandalously small, “f can not understand how in the face of the small circulation of the Daily Worker we can achieve the things that we have up to now. I do not think that we can go further in our achieve- ment until we have a much larger circulation of the Daily Worker. In New York this circulation must be raised to 50,000 copies daily. Just spontaneously, the Daily Worker has doubled its small cir- culation. If we make a plan of activity around this work, we can talk of bringing the daily circula- tion of the Daily Worker to 50,000 copies not as utopian, but as a practical task for our Party. “This does not mean taking all our forces away from our other work. On the contrary, it means making the circulation of the Daily Worker one of our main instruments for strengthening our work in every field. If we con- tinue to think that if we do one thing we cannot do another, we will not accomplish much. We must Jearn the combination of tasks. dation. is the unclarity that exists among Here the company utilized a move|our comrades in the trade unions to try to split the Negro and white|on the Negro questions. The com- workers. For the first time in the 15|rades believe that it is sufficient years of the existence of the com-/to state that we are for equality, Otherwise we will continue limp- ing on one foot. We must have a Bolshevik approach to this ques- tion.” Concluding his speech, which was pany union the bosses nominated a| for equal pay for equal work, etc. received with great enthusiasm by ' The Planned Use of Our F orces the Party delegates, Browder stated: “One final word about the new forces that are developing. The brightest aspect of our Party work is that we have no shortage of forces anymore. Anybody that speaks about the shortage of forces is simply blind to the forces all about us. Our trouble isn’t the shortage of forces. Our trouble is learning how to make proper use of the forces that we have. The planned use. of our forces— that is the problem of our Party, in the unit buros, the Section Committees, the District Commit- tee and the fraction buros in the mass organizations. The planned used of forces is the product of leadership. “Planning is collective work, in the buros and Committees. “We must place this as a major task, to review carefully and seri- ously all forces at our disposal and to make plans not for a day or two but over a period of time, to bring forward these new forces, to make mass leaders of them, and to build the Party through them. “We Don’t Consider Literature A Separate Thing But Part of All “We have to learn the technique | of collective work, which means that | here must be | within the collective | individual responsibility for every | task that must be carried out; in- dividual responsibility means also checking up on the execution of this task, recognizing good work and criticizing bad work, coming to judgments coilectively, establish- ing our plans collectively and dis- execution of every pian that we make upon particular persons who ; are personally responsible to sce | that this work is done. | “Let us be fore stringent, more | ‘hard-boiled,’ in our demand for the thorough execution of the work Let us set higher standards for the work, and whenever the work doesn’t come up to that standard, let us develop collective criticism until it is brought up to that standard, tributing the responsibility for the} | that the Negro question be viewed in the broadest sense as the prob- Jem of an oppressed national group, for whom we fight, This fight takes the form not only in the struggle against lynch- ing, Jim Crowism, etc., but also for the right of the Negro masses for self-determination in the black belt, where they constitute the majority lof the toiling population. Here in | Baltimore, which is already part of | the South, and where the Jim Crow laws prevail even more than in the North, it is to our failure to ri and fight on these issues that ex | plains the situation in the elections. Weakness Not Local This weakness is, of course, not jlimited to Baltimore and to the | steel union. Notwithstanding some | progress in work among the Negro workers made by some of our | unions, such as the Marine Workers’ |Industrial Union, the Food Work- ers’ Industrial Union, the Needle Trades Workers’ Industrial Union, etc., this remains one of the weak- est phases of the work of the trade Other Activities” “This collective criticism is the| unions affiliated to the T. U. U. L. greatest power that we have for)and the rank and file oppositions overcoming every weakness in our| within the A. F. of L. and other re- By H. MITTLE Section No. 3, District No. 8 Section No. 3 used to sell an aver- age of $13 literature a month. $20 was a high mark one month. But in January we climbed to $39; in February to $43, and March will register still another increase. We did nothing sensational to accomplish these results. 1—We established two regular weekly periods when literature could be bought. This had never been done before. 2—A week never passes that we do not send a note to the units on literature. This brings good results. 3—We started discussions in sey- eral units on the Communist, which raised the sale in these units. 4—We publish a monthly bulletin showing what each unit buys and point out the weak units, 5—We have a prize for the best unit to be awarded May First. This seems to stimulate three units we know of. We haven't reports for all units, 6—All three members of the Sec- tion Secretariat continually interest, themselves in the literature depart- ment, guiding the work, ‘I—We have begun the visiting of mass organizations to establish literature tables. Results come at once, 8—We don’t consider literature as @ separate thing but part of all other activities. Literature is a weapon to fight capitalist ideas and to win the workers to Communism. According to the district literature agent’s report, our section is the best section of the city, considering number of members and sells the largest number of pamphlets re- gardless of membership. But all this is not enough. The average sale of literature per mem- ber per month is only 25c. This shows that we have plenty of room for improvement. We are always discussing methods of still further increasing sales. We challenge Section 2, 7 and 11, together, to equal our mark in March and April. These three sec- tions concentrate on the Stockyards. In February all three together sold only $24 worth of literature. We would like to get acquainted with one comrade in Sections 2, 7 and 11 that can talk to the workers in a way that will equal Comrade Ol- gin’s “Why Communism?” work. Collective planning, collective judgment and individual responsi- bility in the carrying through of this work—these will make us a mass party. This will open the way for making us a mass Party in the United States in the next period.” | formist unions, as, for example, fhe oppositions in the railroad brother- | hoods. In the case of the present taxi strike in New York we face the same problem. { | There is not a single one of the! T. U. U. L. unions, there is not a The Seattle, Washington, District of the Communist Party (District 12) has joined the ranks of the jother districts who have turned in their plans for the distribution of the special 24-page 500,000-copy May Day edition of the Daily Worker by setting as its quota the total of 13,000, the biggest ever or- dered by this Far West district. In a recent letter, the Seattle rep- resentative of the Daly Worker writes: “The District Bureau has set a quota of 13,000 copies of the special May Day edition of the | Daily Worker. The quotas have | y 2 sais s_ Seattle Sets Mark of 13,000 For Special May Day Edition already been distributed among the various sections and units in our district, and we are giving you the quotas of each section and unit where you may expect orders.” Seriously in Raising Special Demands for Negro Workers in Industry single opposition that is exempt from the criticism with regard to the work among Negro workers, or where there are not serious mis- takes in the approach to this ques- tio In the first place the respon- sibility lies with the Communist | fractions that are supposed to guide |the work in these unions, that are to fight for the correct line. Here jthe criticism does not fall merely jupon the lower organizations, but ‘in the first place on the fractions jin the leading bodies of the union and also on the fraction in the Na- {tional Bureau of the T. U. U. L. for lack of vigilance in the fight for the correct line and for the realiza- | tion of a turn in the work with re- |gard to winning the Negro workers, | As part of this question we must further state that in the Party as a whole there is insufficient clarity and underestimation of the role of the Negro proletariat in the whole the Negro liberation movement. leads to all sorts of wrong theories and false divisions of work. There is, for example, too much the idea that the Negro workers must be organized into the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, or per- | haps into the I. L. D., and resultant in laying the main em- is on the winning of the Ne- g proletarians for the trade unions, and the Unemployed Coun- cils, recruiting the most advanced of these to the Party, In the present discussion these issues have not been raised as yet very sharply. It is the task of the comrades active in the trade unions to give account of themselves on such an important question. And certainly the convention must put an end,to all these unclarities and eross neglect of work among the Negro workers in the factories and in the trade unions. If we do not |make a decided change in the ap- |Proach and increase our efforts to | Win the Negro workers for the trade unions, we will be surprised at the readiness of the Negro worker to fight shoulder to shoulder with the Then follows the distribution of | white workers and to join the trade the grand quota among the various | unions. It will hasten the winning sections and units. Three sec-|of the Negro workers for the Party, tions in Seattle itself will take give real direction and strength to care of 2,760 copies, and the rest/the national liberation movement, will be circulated in Rainier Valley,| hasten the revolutionary struggle Anacortes, Tacoma, Grays Harbor,|for national liberation of the Ne- Spokane, Bellingham, Portland, As- gro masses, one of the most power- toria, Coeur D'Alene, Eugene, Olym- ful levers for the proletarian revo- pia, Salem, Renton, Longview, Ev-/lution, which alone is capable of erett, Port Angeles, Roslyn, Yakima, | solving all the problems of both the Bend, Klamath Falls and Alaska.' Necro and white toilers,