The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 28, 1934, Page 3

j Jr — ‘Hand-PickedTour of -S.P. Leaders Is Move | To Split C.W.A. Men > . Lesser Fails. to Check Strike for CWA Jobs Thurs., March 29 (EDITOR’S NOT E—Norman Thomas and David Lasser, So- cialist leaders, in their personally conducted tour of Washington, D. C., with a handpicked delega- tion to “take up” C.W.A. jobs, ex- posed once more their disruptive, splitting tactics in the struggles of the unemployed for jobs and relief. ‘The following article, by one of the few elected rank and file delegates, as well as the speech of Gertrude Hearst, at the Madison Square Garden meeting, reveal that the Socialist leaders deliberately evaded basing the delegation on the mass activities of the workers, on the C.W.A. projects and in the neighborhoods. Lasser led the Socialist leaders and a sprinkling of renegades from Communism out of the united front conference of all un- employed in New York. They re- fused to endorse the Workers Un- employment Insurance Bill (HR 7598). They refused to en- dorse the fight for the Negro un- employed and fought against a resolution for defense of the Scottsboro boys. They came to the united front conferences as “observers” and fought against the program of struggle and finally withdrew and split away. They refused to participate in the one hour national strike to take place next Thursday at 3 p.m. for C.W.A. jobs, They refused to work on the projects to mobilize the masses of workers for struggle. As class collaborationists, who do not want to ruffle the feelings of the employers and their agents, Roosevelt or La Guardia, they fight against the united front of the workers, the united front from below. Lasser, like Panken, Thomas, and all of the Socialist leaders, politicians, careerists, renegates and lackeys of the bosses’ government, spoke of “a few of us sitting around a table.” This is their idea of a united front, This cowardly and traitorous role was fully exposed in Wash- ington, The workers in the dele- gation led by Lasser, Thomas and the renegades, who thought they were in a real fight for C.W.A. jobs, were excluded from the delegation which saw Hopkins. Thomas was forced down their throats without consultation or warning. The workers were not consulted, but the police were. Lasser and Thomas made it clear, while treating the workers with contempt, that they did not want to offend Thomas’ “good friend” Roosevelt. The march was directed and guided from beginning to end by the police. All militant dcmands or actions were silenced. The delegation led by Lessar and Thomas was worse than use- less. It was not based on elected Gelegates. It was not based on the fighting body of C.W.A. work- ers. It was a splitting delegation which was deliberately aimed to disrupt the Thursday, March 29 one-hour protest strike for C. W. A. jobs. It was aimed to split and confuse the workers, and dis- rupt the united front based on a program of struggle. The splendid turn-out at Madi- son Square Garden, the militant fighting spirit of the workers there, proves that these pussy- footing ex-ministers, these career- ists who look ahead to being American MacDonalds, did not succeed in their purpose. Thomas and Lasser displayed their con- tempt and fear of the fighting C.W.A. workers, they followed the line of the employers in trying to prevent struggle for C.W.A. jobs, but they didn’t get away with it.) go): 8 * (By a Worker Delegate.) NEW YORK—Two hundred and fifty-nine people, by actual count, boarded the “C. W. A. Special” at the Pennsylvania station Saturday morning in answer to the call of the Socialist-Lovestoneite leaders for a “mass demonstration” in Washing- ton against the discontinuance of the C. W. A. program. Joined in Camden, Baltimore, and Washington by reinforcements which perhaps doubled their num- . bers, the workers and their “lead- ers” marched to Administrator Hop- kins’ office, through the streets, the sidewalks, and returned to New York. A pleasant trip was enjoyed by all. I was elected by workers on my project to take part in the demon- stration as their delegate. It was| not, however, a delegated body which went to Washington. Any- one, who wished to buy a ticket at the excursion rate of $4, was taken along. From what I could gather in conversation with fellow-travel- ers, about a third of those who went were volunteers, a few others were delegates with their way paid by collections among the workers on their projects, while the rest con- sisted of well-known Socialist, Lovestoneite, Trotzkyite and free- lance “labor leaders.” Hand-Picked Committee. A battery of cameramen and one newsreel truck awaited the group as it alighted in Washington, to take | pictures of Father Norman Thomas leading his flock. A committee of 24, not even elected by the small picked group on the train, but selected in a series of “huddles” among the leaders, left the demon- stration as soon as the pictures were taken, traveled in taxis to Mr. Hopkin’s office, and then took in the White House on the way back, where they were received by one of President Roosevelt's secretaries. Strict orders against singing the “Internationale” were passed out be- fore the demonstration started, and even when some of the workers spontaneously swung into the sing- ing of “Solidarity Forever,” a “shushing committee” was speedily sent to quiet them. When the marchers passed within a few blocks of the Soviet Embassy, several Trotzkyites unsuccessfully attempted to organize booing. The steering committee of the demonstration politely co-operated with tke police when, in front of Hopkin’s office, the cops objected to the people standing in the street “impeding traffic,” by leading the marchers around the neighboring blocks, figure-of-eight style. Socialist Leaders Worried. After winding around the block in figures-of-eight and loops, the marchers finally assembled in snow and rain under one of the fire es- capes of a nearby auditorium to hear the report of their committee. It was here that the police told Atkins, one of the top-sergeants of the column, that they would not be permitted to march back to the sta- tion on the streets. “The police have just told us,” Atkins reported from the balcony, “in a very reasonable, polite way, that we will be blocking traffic if we march back through the streets. ‘We can go back in one of two ways, either in cabs, at a nickel a throw, or on the sidewalk. Which will it be?” “Cabs,” shouted back some of the small-fry leaders and white-collar demonstrators. “Sidewalks,” shouted others. “What if you haven't got the nickel?” queried a few of the work- ers in the demonstration, who really came to Washington to protest against present pauperism and threatened starvation. “Well, the police—” Atkins went on. He was met with a storm of booing from the worker-delegates. Sensing the spirit of the workers, Atkins veered around into the wind. “Of course, there’s a third pos- sibility. We could, if our numbers were large enough, and we wanted badly enough to do it, march back down Pennsylvania ‘Avenue, police or no police.” The cheers that met this sugges- tion from the working-class sections of the march clearly disconcerted him. “Now, just a minute. We've got plenty of time to decide. We'll do whatever you say; but we've got lots of time to think it over. I wouldn’t like to take the personal responsibility of counselling such action, but we've got to wait and hear the reports of our delegates, who, are now in with Mr. Hopkins.” Fifteen minutes later the group marched off, behind the police, down the sidewalks, oa Se A few sidelights of the train journey and the march— A worker in the front ranks started to sing the “Internationale.” He was shushed by his Socialist leader. “What's the matter with singing it?” he asked. “It’s a good proletarian song.” ‘The leader re- | these protest actions; ™ Y WORKER, NEW YORK, WED Nurses To Protest. $100,000 Pay Cut At City Hall Today Delegation Will Talk) to Commissioner of | N.Y.C. Hospitals | NEW YORK.—As a result of ac- tions taken by the Hospital Work- ers League, in resisting the wage cut | imposed by Commissioner of Hos- Pitals Goldwater, nurses throughout | New York City hospitals have been | turning to the nurses’ section of the | Hospital Workers League for guid- ance in their struggles. This has resulted in a series of meetings on @ hospital scale, as well as two large | protest meetings, since the $100,000 | Wwage-cut, was announced. It was pointed out yesterday that | the original announcement of chee] in wages affected the poorly paid nurses, particularly those in the $900 to $1,300 per year categories. The nurses are enthusiastic about they have de- clared their readiness to circulate petitions and have urged the nurses’ section of the H. W. L. to write to) the American Association of Grad- uate Nurses of Manhattan and the | Bronx, and other allied organiza- tions, to join in and support the stand of the nurses’ section of the | A large and representative com- | mittee has been elected from the city hospitals to see Commissioner Goldwater (whose yearly salary is $13,000) and Mayor LaGuardia at 2:30 p. m. today. At their interview with Gold- water, after the Commissioner was | told of the conditions of the nurses | as being among the most overworked and exploited among New York City’s employees, he stated that he knew all of this and that his sym- pathy was with the nurses but that | he could do nothing about it. When | the small committee told him that the least he could do, if his sym- pathy was with the nurses, was to take an open stand with them, Goldwater became confused and tried to excuse his action by saying that the ipternes were not paid at all. But te nurses did not swallow this excuse, declaring that they were ready to fight for the un- derpaid medical staff, but not at the expense of their own meagre salaries, All nurses who can, are urged to be at City Hall at 2:30 p. m. today when the delegation will meet Com- missioner Goldwater. The delega- tion will meet at 1:30 p. m. at 36 Union Square (16th St. entrance), before proceeding to City Hall. Young Workers Strike InN. Y. Buckle Shop NEW YORK—Twenty-four young workers of the Savoy Buckle Com- pany, 270 Lafayette St., are on strike under the leadership of the United Shoe and Leather Workers Union. The strikers are demanding the 40- hour week, increased wages and recognition of the union. This shop, which displays the blue eagle in its window was a veritable slave pen. The boss compelled the workers to work 60 hours for $8 to $13 a week, ment and Social Insurance Bill (H. R. 7598) were seen on the train. Socialist leaders constantly referred to this as the “Lundeen Bill.” When pressed for an opinion on it, they Tefused to endorse it, but admitted, point by point, that every one of its proposals is a genuine working class demand. I heard many argu- ments and conversations about this bill, and every time, the same eva- sions from Socialists and the same insistence upon calling it the “Lun- deen Bill.” About one-sixth consisted of Negroes. I noticed on the train, going down and coming back, that practically without exception they sat alone or with other Negroes. No, they were not Jim-Crowed. But there was no fraternization of white and black. For the most part, the rank and file of the Ne- groes was quietly ignored. T left my car and strolled down the aisles. Father Thomas is suf- fering the little Yipsels and Love- stoneites to come unto him. A snatch of conversation (I give my oath I heard it!)—‘Yes,” Father Thomas opines, “Yes, ‘Casey Jones’ is a good song.” plied something about “provoca- then back to the Union station, on tion,” and “disruption.” Copies of the Workers’ Unemploy- Again and again, I heard the reiterated conjecture “I wonder what will happen next week!” GOING TO ROOSEVELT’S C. C. C. CAMPS Eyes Right!—Army officers leading young workers to C. C. C. Camps, where they will be “fed and clothed”—ripened for the slaughter which is the next step after camp. IC. C.C. Boys Win 2. Weck Strike In Disease-Ridden Wis. Camp Spinal eningitis, Raging in Camp, Already Kills One As Scores Are Sick (Daily Worker Midwest Bureau) CHICAGO, March 27.—A vic- torious two weeks’ strike of C. C. C. members in disease-ridden Camp Rusk, Wisconsin, was reported here Thursday by a young worker who recently left the camp. The brutality of Chief Ranger Ringstead was the immediate cause of the strike, which broke out early in March, but the anger of the young workers had been roused be- fore by the rotten food, unsanitary conditions and exposure in bitter cold which had led to an epidemic of spinal menengitis, killing one perately ill. The strike was the climax of a long series of partial struggles against these conditions, against discrimination of Negro workers, and against the slave- driving, grafting tactics of army officers and rangers who bossed the camp. Ringstead, who was head slave- driver, had been vicious in his treatment of the workers. He called them bums and loafers, and on one occasion tried to refuse a group of workers gloves during cold weather. He had ben brutal in his treatment of a Negro worker, and had him demoted from a position as fore- man, claiming he didn’t drive the boys hard enough. However, his real reason was revealed when he said: “We don’t want any black men in this camp.” The young workers decided to strike for Ringstead’s removal. They went in the trucks to the jobs, but refused to work, and walked back to the camp. This continued for two weeks. They also sent mass protests and petitions to the Sixth Corps Area office, the Wisconsin Conservation Department, and other oficial bodies. Scabs were ostracized, until they also stopped work. About March 15 the authorities surren- dered and Ringstead was removed. Epidemic Still Raging The epidemic of spinal meinin- gitis is still raging. The first cases were reported in November, and several workers nearly died. Then a worker, Keith, was permitted to return home, although the officials knew the danger of the spread of the disease. After he arrived at his home in Gibson City, Ill, he fell sick, and the disease had progressed so far that he died despite injec- tions of serum. The government is trying to hush the case up by a quiet settlement with the family, but has refused adequate compen- sation. Forty Quarantined At present forty youth at the camp, near Ladysmith, Wis., are supposed to be quarantined as car- riers, in other words, infected with the disease though not ill. How- ever, this quarantine is a joke, as these boys eat in the same mess hall and use the same washing facilities as the other workers. Government officials try to put the blame on a girl who lives near the camp and knew many of the boys, but it is significant that she has not been quarantined. Really, the cause of the disease, as is cited by medical authorities in other epi- demics, is the unsanitary conditions in the camp. “Spinal meningitis,” the Encyclopoedia Britannica says, “is peculiar to military camps where bad sanitary conditions prevail.” The government has admitted its responsibility by condemning the AAA Proposes 10% Cut in Supply; Milk Trust to Profit WASHINGTON, March 27.—A program for destroying 10 per cent of the present milk supply of the country has just been proposed by the Roosevelt administration through the A.A.A., advices from the offices of the administration re- veal. The plan is to provide goy- ernment subsidies to large dairy producers to compensate them for cutting their milk production by 10 per cent during the cdming a The subsidies to the large dairy producers will come from another processing tax on butter and milk to be collected from the city con- sumers. The proposed processing tax will : Yaise the price of butter five cents @ pound and milk one cent a quart, the total to be collected during the year to amount to $165,000,000, the : Roosevelt Agricultural Adjustment - ; Administrator announces, Call for Resistance The Farmers National Committee of Action, a national organization : of farmers fighting against the load of mortgage debts, evictions and Destruction of Milk To Raise Prices Is New foreclosures, had issued a stirring appeal signed by Leif Dohl, assist- ant executive secretary, for mobili- zation in many cities against this new attack of the Roosevelt govern- ment on the living standards of the masses. It calls for a united struggle of the ruined farmers and the city workers against the Wall Street trusts who will benefit by the Roosevelt plan for milk destruction. “According to figures issued by the United States Children Bu- reau, the appeal states: “Seven million children in the | dairy cows in the country—an increase of 70 per cent over the present number. a “In the face of these conditions, which represent more human misery and want than this country has ever known in peace time, we de- clare that it is criminally inhumart to inaugurate a program designed to aggravate these conditions, “We declare that this program is purely for the purpose of preserving the present robber profits of the milk trust and to strengthen the relative eccnomic position of the Tich dairy farmers. “The proposed processing tax ort milk and milk products will only further decrease the market, causing additional hardships to both pro- ducer, who. will be further crushed by a cutting down of his farm plant, and the undernourished and starv- ing working class in the cities. “The proposals for milk relief to children and loan relief to Southern farmers are totally inadequate pro- visions and designed primarily to cover up the vicious nature of the milk reduction program and not to bring an end to the suffering in the cities or on the barren cotton plots of Southern share croppers. For Unemployment Insurance “In order to protect the interests of the small dairy farmers who will be further exploited under this pro- gram, the interests of the working class consumer who will be forced to pay for this program by a pro- cessing tax, and the millions of un- dernourished children in the coun- try it is necessary to launch an im- mediate and vigorous attack against this latest hunger provision of the Roosevelt government Roosevelt Plan FarmersNat’ICommittee Calls for Joint Farmers, Workers Fight “We call upon all workers and farmers to organize together and demand of the government that this vicious program be dropped at once and that a sum of $200,- 000,000 be immediately appropri- ated to purchase all so-called milk surpluses at five cents a quart from the farmer, to be distributed free of charge to the millions of undernourished families in both city and country. This fund shall not Come from a processing tax on Hers or milk products sold at ref “As a more far-reaching approach to the problem of mass undernour- ishment we call upon all our farmer and worker supporters to organize for the of the Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insur- ance Bill, whose provisions of $10 @ week for each unemployed worker and farmer plus $3 additional for each dependent, would not only wipe out all the present so-called surplus but create a demand that would give even a greater market for the exploited small producers.” jcamp and ordering it to be burned jafter April 1, when the present | crew's enlistment is out. | The youth were forced to work in 25 below zero weather last winter in summer clothes. Full winter equipment was not received until February. Bronchitis was common as a result of exposure. One of the first struggles of the ; |boys was for warm clothes. This took place in December and several | boys were dishonorably discharged jfor demanding protection against |freezing. Several other struggles | developed, such as demonstrations | worker and making six others des-|in the mess hall against the slop the officials called food, and the sending of grievance committees to the officers demanding improved conditions. Many concessions were |won. Captain Patrick, who was in | charge of the camp, once told such !a committee: “You guys are like a club over my head.” Graft in various forms was com- mon in the camp. One hundred and fifty dollars of the canteen |fund, money supposed to belong to |the men, was used to build a pri- vate toilet for officers, while the | workers had to use unheated toilets in sub-zero weather. | Lieut. Williams, a “Southern gen- tleman,” who had, with Ringstead been responsible for demoting the Negro foreman, was later discharged for grafting $50, part of which came |from canteen funds, for which he ;made no accounting. | Forced to Work for Big Companies One of the major grafts was the SDAY, MARCH 28, 1934 Page Three Cops Gas and Cub NRA Aids UMWA Head Against Union Autonomy Moves 1,600 in Cleveland Wool Mill Strike Young Workers Walk | Out in Lynn, Mass., | Against Sweatshop | CLEVELAND, March 27.—Police attempted to terrorize 1,600 strikers at the Cleveland Worsted mills here by numerous arrests. Pickets sur- rounded the plant where 20 com-| | pany union officials were locked in. | The cops escorted the scabs out through a rear entrance, and down a tunnel. | Clubs and tear gas bombs were | used against the strikers in an | effort to smash the picket lines. Dozens of strikers were beaten and arrested. | The strike spread ta Ravenna, | where 535 workers in the dyeing and finishing plant of the Cleve- land Worsted Mills joined the walk- out. Strike Against N.R.A. Sweatshop LYNN, Mass., March 27.—Fig! ing against sweatshop conditio1 which they declare worse than b fore the N.R.A. was passed, over 350 young women went on strike at the National Stay Company plant here today. They declared they were forced to work from 17:30 a.m. until 9 at night, without any let-up. The average wage in the plant is be- tween $6 and $7 a day. The strike began when piece-| work rates were cut four cents a yard, | Suet oa HAVERHILL, Mass., March 27.—| Over 6,000 shoe workers here en-| tered their fourth week of strike | today. The strike began on March | 5 for higher wages. | Mayor George E. Dalrymple, in an | effort to break the strike without | granting the workers their demands, | offered to act as “arbitrator.” | Dairy Workers Strike | For Union Recognition | NEW YORK. — Workers of the Strauss Dairy Co., 2131 Eighth Ave., struck yesterday under the leader- ship of the Food Workers Industrial Union. The strikers are demanding recognition of the union, shorter hours and a $5 increase in wages. use of the young workers on pri- vate lands owned by big timber companies. The C. C. C. boys were forced to add to the profits of these outfits by clearing land for them, sawing wood, and so on. | Accidents were quite common. Axes, admitted by the rangers to be badly made, were responsible for several wounds. The camp power buzz saw had no guards on it, and one youth was so badly cut that his leg muscle had to be re- moved. After being in the hospital over a month, he was put back to work, with a permanent limp. | the trial. Coal Operators Group) Holds Trial Against Militants GREENWOOD, Ark.—The fight for autonomy in the Ar- kansas-Oklahoma coal field has entered the second round. Lewis, through his appointee, David Fowler, has struck back. The latest move is the seizure of the dues check-off, which had been going to the newly elected official- dom since the revolt of the locals in this district. Previous to this the new officials had bee fore the N.R.A. labor bc with ever of laws of 1e OF lation of “the law The three men br board were Fre new presiden Montana, Ark., vice-presid Loudermilk, Greenwood, Ark., sec- retary-treasurer. The charge in part was for “defiance of U.M.W.A. contract, authority of the Interna- tional Executive Board and ruling) j of international Convention.” The decision is as _ follows: “Therefore it is considered, ordered and adjudged that the charges against said three defendants be, and same are hereby sustained in each and every particular and that any defense interposed by the de- fendants is hereby overruled.” Divisional Labor Board No. 4 is composed of the following members: Meade Johnson, government rep- resentative (brother of the gen- eral); Pete Stewart, representative of Arkansas-Oklahoma coal bureau; David Fowler, labor representative. Some typical Lewis-Fowler strat- | egy and tactics were used in the trial of the defendants in the above case. Bert Loudermilk, secretary- treasurer, the man who has the money and the man whom Fowler has acknowledged he feared was the only one of the three defend- ants notified in time to appear be- fore the labor board on the date of The other two received special delivery letters a day late, mailed so purposely. The purpose here, acknowledged so by Fowler to inner sources, was to isolate Louder- milk in his trial and by intimida- tion, or any other means possible, try to break his resistance to the Fowler rule. Fowler, at the hearing, in a very soft voice said, “Now, gentlemen, I know Mr. Loudermilk. He is a fine fellow and wouldn’t do anything wrong for the world. He just doesn’t know and he has been misled. Now I'll tell you what I am going to do. If Mr. Loudermilk will go back down to the coal fields in Sebastian County and tell the men that he has seen his mistake, I will with- a his charge.” Loudermilk po- y declined Mr. Fowler’s kind of- fer, and the trial proceeded. The move for autonomy, although a sort of revival of the old Alex- ander Howatt-John L. Lewis feud and led by “key” men, comes as a result of wholesale protest against the Lewis-Fowler burocracy. The new officials also have the support of the rank and file at present. Whether the unity of the movement will be disrupted by the capitalist Press and other agencies and by the miners’ illusions about law and order and legality depends largely upon the new officials, the leader- ship they offer and the operations they make to meet these obstacles, and the vigilance of the rank and file Fowler told the miners here, dur- i ne early stages of the form.a- © tion of NRA. that President Roosevelt was just getting the op- + erator’s name on the “dotted line,” then he would use the “big stick” on them and make them raise wages. Later, when the wages were not raised, but actually cut (by lessen- he uamber of hours) and the Iren came on sirike, Fowl2r tried to send the men to work, ai when they vot to stay on strik:, Fowler shouted: “If I can't make you work, President Roosevelt will.” Now Fowler tells the miners that “., . it will be my duty ... to see that the laws of the National Re- covery Act will be lived up te by the mine union . . .” and tried to Givide the men by stating further that “. . . this office will see to it that all men who desire to re- main members of our union will be given protection of the organiza- tion.” Fowler, in a desperate attempt to curb the mass movement of the miners against the lowering of their standard of living, thereby keeping the promise of the American Fed- eration of Labor to the government and the big industrialists to keep down the strike movement, forgets all about the supposed provisions in the N.R.A. for rank and file representation on labor boards and all the promises, both by himself and others above him, to give labor a New Deal. The rank and file miners of Dis- trict 21 must force the new offi- cials to expose the true nature of the whole N.R.A. government, BILL THREATENS FOOD COST RISE WASHINGTON, March 26. — A | further increase in the cost of liv- ing loomed today following adoption by the House of the conference re- port on the Jones-Connally Bill, adding seven agricultural products to the A.A.A. basic commodity list. Advertisement Advertisement Advertisement Advertisement It is a strike of decent working condi own choice. You are fighting porations, which are financial combines. No struggle agai can be won without the taxi companies. jackals, which make Plots which exist tion of the prostitute have been blazoned talist press—the boss’ press, openly controlled by the bankers, like the Times and the Tribune, to such papers which pretend to be the workers’ friends, like the Daily News, the Mirror, the World-Telegram, the Evening Post, etc., no slander has been too false and rotten for use against the taxicab strikers. You are in the midst of the second general strike of New York taxi strikers within a month. vital importance to you— and for all workers—because it is a struggle for tions, for living wages, and for your right to organize into a Union of your against forces with power- ful financial connections—such companies as the Parmelee, Terminal, and Radio Cab Cor- part of giant Wall Street nst such powerful forces militant action. You real- ize this, and you have adopted militant tactics to halt strikebreakers and thugs employed by Because of this a howl has arisen from the up what we call the capi- press, in short. From the only in the fertile imagina- hirelings of the boss’ press, forth in big headlines in their front pages—the News invented a fake bomb plot; the others falsified the facts and stated that the strikers had assaulted women, ete. These papers have devoted leading editorials in the past few days, inciting the public against your valiant fight for decent conditions and wages. The fact that the Communist Party supports the strike brought forth scare headlines in the prostitute press. Why are they howling against the Communist Party? Because the companies know that the Communist Party is the only po- litical party supporting the strike. The Commu- nists in the leadership of the strike are part of the united front of the striking workers of all shades of political belief—united in one com- mon purpose, as stated above. The capitalist newspapers not only devoted columns of news to inciting against your strike, AN OPEN LETTER - - - TO THE TAXI STRIKERS OF NEW YORK CITY but opened up full pages to the taxi companies and of advertising space the Yellow company unions. These advertisements, too, were devoted to the vilest of lies against This strike has taught the taxi strikers. you taxi strikers one valuable lesson, among others: that the daily press, with the exception of one paper, is always at the disposal of the class which exploits you —the boss’ class. The capitalist press is sub- sidized—bought, in plain words, by the bosses, including the taxi companies. One daily newspaper al has presented the strikers’ sents the side of the workers. the Darry Worker. one in New York City side, as it always pre- That paper is Its columns. day by day during the strike, have been filled with the inspiring news of your struggle. That news has been carried to tens of thousands of workers in all cities, who read the Dairy Worker. Its editorials have call ed on workers in all industries to support the taxi strike financially and morally. It has run no advertisements and will never run advertisements such as the boss’ press has run, attacking the strikers. It has exposed the strike-breaking agencies through which the taxi companies attempt to recruit their scabs. Distribution of thousands of copies of this fighting workers’ daily hay e taken place at mass meetings of the taxi strikers. The eyes of thousands of taxi drivers have been opened by the contrast in the attitude of the workers daily toward the strikers, and the attitude of the rest of the English daily press in New York. The Dairy Worker has proven once again, in the heat of a workers’ life-and-death struggle, that it is your paper, while the rest of the English daily press is the press of the bosses. The Damy Worker has been your only weapon in counteracting the poison spewed forth in the boss press—against the strikers. Taxi drivers, read and support the Damy Worker. You need this fighting weapon, PRESS LEAGUE FOR THE SUPPORT OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PRESS