The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 26, 1934, Page 5

U a eee, e DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, MARCH 26, 1934 (Continued from preceding page) last year, has not discontinued its work for a single minute. Since the time when the fas- | the proletariat, shows what these classes will be capable of in the moment of war, by what| cist dictatorship was established, it has dis- | tributed about two million printed publications. monstruous iniquities they will try to main- tain their rule. What is happening at the present time in the fascist prisons of Germany puts in the shade all hitherto existing forms of white terror. The fascist Storm Troopers and their methods are an exact replica of the brutal whiteguard rascals and their drunken savagery &s displayed by Denikin’s intelligence service. During the so-called “national revolution” in Germany over 2,000 Communists have been killed, tens of thousands of workers’ houses have been sacked, hundreds of thousands of work- ers suspected of sympathy for Communism were deprived of work and relief. And under these conditions the German Communist Party has not only kept 100,000 of | Its illegal central organ, the Rote Fahne, al- though appearing irregularly, is read by a far | larger circle of people than at the time when | the Rote Fahne was published legally. (Ap- plause.) Tens of thousands of nameless heroes—Ger- | man Bolsheviks who risk their lives e minute—are printing and distributing leafiets, carrying on agitation in the factories which the Party has. now made the chief arena of its activ: People are dying for a free Com-| munist world with the same courage ¥ the Bolsheviks died on the fronts of the Ci ; War. In Thueringia an inco. self in his room, throws open the windows and transmits a speech from the Moscow radio be- | not ceased to appear. work employed by our Party when it was il- legal—the same urge towards the factories, the same ability to get hold of the most everyday needs of the workers, in order to put before| them the main questions of the class struggle, the same clear, precise and simple style of proclamations and articles, the classic masters of which were the Russian Bolsheviks, Dur-} ing recent times the active work of the Com-} munists has been intensified to an extraor-| dinary degree in the war factories. During Several years, despite huge losses, the central organ of the Party, Sckki (The Red Flag) has The Communist Party) publishes a paper for the soldiers, The Sol- Gier’s Friend, a paper for the sailors at Kobi,| LEADERS OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION its members but is growing still further. (AP-| fore the assembled crowd, until the fascist plause.) | beasts break down the barricade and murder Every Communist of such an illegal Party| him on the spot, represents pure proletarian gold. In the ' scales of history he weighs more than the tens! of thousands of those who voted until recently | for social democracy, All honor and glory to) the German Communist Party and its Central) Committee and to its leader Comrade Thael-| mann, -who have fostered such cadres! The} Communist International, comrades, already | has many tens of thousands of such Commun-| ists in the capitalist world. And these tens of thousands of Communist rank and file mem-| 1 bers, who will rally millions around them in Ue the process of the revolutionary battles, are) ~ more feared by the world bourgeoisie than the! millions of members which social democracy) | member of the Party, having barricaded = Under conditions of most severe “illegality the initiative of the lower Party organizations is being broadly developed, quickly and independ- ently reacting to every event in the country; | new Party cadres are growing, a fact which has permitted the Party on four occasions after great losses to replace the arrested com- rades by new ones. It is not a proof of the | Eolshevik stamina of the Party that out of | 60,009 Communists imprisoned in concentration camps in Germany, out of all the 150,000 | prisoners the fascist police were unable to find even one “witness” for the Leipzig trial and were | compelled to operate with pseudo-witnesses | @ model of mass Bolshevik work, reproducing hand of bortherhood and proletarian solidarity. down to the smallest details the methods of| (Loud applause.) Comrades, has not the well-organized and | Well-conducted transition to an illegal position of the majority of our sections during the last | few years been a Bolshevik test of the stamina | of the sections of the Comintern? But if the sections of the Comintern have stood this historic test, then it is just because they have learned from our great teachers, | Lenin and Stalin, and from the model Party, | the CP.8.U., to observe Bolshevik irreconcila- bility towards every kind of opportunist vacil- | jJation and deviation. ‘When a group of rank and file comrades in Germany meets in the woods some dozen times in order to satisfy themselves that no political mistakes or deviations have crept into a num- — ae i eS now has. The conduct of George Dimitroff has won the admiration of the world. (The dele- gates rise and applaud. Cries of “Brayo!”) The conduct of George Dimitroff is that con- duct worthy of a ‘Communist which in other and more obscure circumstances has been dis- played by thousands of Communist rank and file members in all capitalist countries, a con- duct which Lenin and Stalin have taught the Bolshevik Party and which other sections of the Communist International have learned from it, (Applause.) Is not the Hamburg worker, Luetgens, who died under the fascist axe with the cry: “Long live the world prole- tarian revolution!” a man of the same Bolshe- vik stamina as Dimitroff? The Bolshevik Stamina of the Communist Party The importance of the path travelled by the Comintern consists in the fact that the voice} of Liebknecht is not a solitary voice, as it was in 1914. Thousands of Liebknechts in the capi- talist countries are now holding high the ban- ner of world proletarian revolution to-day and will hold it yet more strongly to-morrow in the event of a new imperialist war. (Applause). And here, comrades, it is not a case of the testing of individual people. Whole parties have already stood this historical test. Is not the conduct and the work of the Communist Party of Germany under the conditions of fascist terror—is not this the truest test of the Bolshev.< stamina of the Communist Party of Germany? The Party, three members of whose Central Committee have been killed, every leading worker of which is virtually a “con- demned man,” more than 10,000 of whose mem- bers were arrested in one week in November Stress Work in Auto, Steel, and By 8. STOKES, Dist. 9 "The deepening of the general Portant? Why does this work become im-| First, it would be safe to say that. hired from the criminal world? (Applause.) Parties Fight Heroically for Internationalism Such a Party cannot but win the confidence of the workers, such a Party will gather mil- lions around it. And of those five million who, according to the fascist statistics, voiced their protest against the fascist government in No- vember of last year, the overwhelming majority are without doubt Communisis, for only Com- munists could be unafraid of receiving a fascist | bullet in return for their vote or refusal to vote. Has not another Communist Party which is playing an important part—the Communist Party of Japan—already stood this Bolshevik | test? During the nine months alone, according to the extremely incomplete figures which find | their way into the bourgeois press, about 8,000 Communists and Y. C. L, members were ar- | rested in Japan. And none the less dozens of new Communist forces are rising up in Japan to replace each arrested Communist. The Japanese Communist Party is training up a/ steel Bolshevik generation. | | Here is one example for you: member of the Y. C. L. who was subjected | to tortures for six weeks, not only did not give information but, to the astonishment of the fascist hangmen, did not utter a groan, | did not pronounce a single word. Only the Communist Party of Japan is con- ducting a courageous struggle in the country against the war in China under conditions of chauvinist intoxication, at a time when the Japanese social democracy is proclaiming that socialism is being built in Manchuria. It is giving to all sections of the Comintern a young girl, Applying Open Letter in Work Among Great Lakes Dockers yet very weak. | published at the Mits made some progress although as In the past some attempts were a peasant paper, all filled with correspondence from the factories, from the barracks and the Japanese countryside. A whole system of} splendidly organized factory newspapers com- pletes this picture of the work of the Japanese Communist Party. It is difficult, comrades, to read without deep emotion these papers in which every word breathes a spirit of pro-| letarian indignation against exploitation and of Leninist-Stalinist struggle against imperial- ism and war, One of these factory newspapers which bisi plant writes as fol- lows: | The Fight on igo ie unks Against Opportunism | “Those whom they. call Manchurian bandits are our brothers, Chinese workers and peas- ants who -are fighting against the interven- tion of Japanese imperialism. Japanese im- perialism is making an onslaught on the So- viets which have already been formed in China and plotting an attack on the Soviet Union—our proletarian fatherland. . . . But an attack on the country of Soviet workers and peasants means an attack on ourselves, the Japanese workers and peasants.” (Loud applause.) There are tens of thousands of such letters and articles. And this is the genuine voice of worker and peasant of Japan, to which the toilers of our Soviet country stretch out the is} | upon which the fate of the whole world labor | in Germany. The group picture of Lenin, Stalin and Kalinin was taken during the stormy days of the establish- ment of Soviet Power in the U.S. 8, R. ber of the newspapers which they are pub- lishing, such an action means something. | People fear a deviation more than they fear death. In the struggle against the Right devia- tion as the main danger, and against the Left deviation, the Comintern has grown, strength- | ened and become Bolshevised during the 15 | years of its existence and during the ten years since Lenin’s dath, Brockway of the I. L. P. reproaches the Comintern for the fact that the Oommunist Parties of the capitalist countries have fought together with the C. P. S. U, against deviations in our Party. But the questions which have been decided by this struggle were questions movements depended. In this struggle against deviations on two fronts the Comintern ‘has achieyed a rock-like unity and solidarity of its ranks which no power can shake. (Loud ap- plause.) Not one section of the Comintern wavered after the advent of the fascists to power Remmele and Neumann in Ger- many were unable to piece together a defeatist group in the ranks of the C. P. G. Guttman in Czechoslovakia was politically liquidated in twenty-four hours; he did not carry a single man with him after his expulsion from the Party. And this iron unity constitutes the great strength of the Comintern in the face of war, in the face of fascism, in the face of the Second | International, which is already falling to pieces even before the outbreak of war. Role of the Press, in Discussion in “Communist” and “Party Organizer” ANNOUNCEMENT With the pre-Convention Discussion drawing to a close and with many articles still on hand, and the space in the Daily Worker being taxed as it is, the pre-Convention Discussion Com- Only think, comrades, how the Comintern By (ex-Ford Worker) would look at the present time if we had per- mitted in its ranks freedom of factional group- ings and that “freedom of opinion” which was demanded at one time or another by Frossard, Trotsky, Hoeglund and others. The “Left” reformist leader of the English I. L. P., Brockway, in his correspondence with the Comintern also proposed that we form a new International and include in it the various renegade outcast groupings with whose help the bourgeoisie is trying to pulverize the forces of the working class. The path taken by these groupings leads into the camp of the bour- geoisie, and we do not need a new International, for we are not going to exchange Leninism for Brockwayism. (Applause.) The way to the unity of the working class does not lie in the creation of new, intermediate Internationals, but in the political liquidation of social democracy as the Party which betrays | the working class, and in the strengthening and consolidation of the Communist International. In this alone lies the salvation of the working class from fascism and imperialist wars. being convened this year must become a Con- gress of the gathering together of the revolu- tionary forees of the working class for the struggle against fascism, imperialist wars and capitalism. |Party of Lenin, Stalin Leads Masses To Soviet Power | Millions of the social-democratic workers, viewing with bitterness and anguish the bank- ruptey of their mass organizations, are asking themselves ever more frequently the agonizing question—where is the way out? And the Seventeenth Party Congress, the Con- gress of the leading section of the Comintern, to whose voice the whole world is listening, gives its answer to this question. Yes, comrades, | we know this way out, the way out of the threatening catastrophe. This way out was shown to the toilers of our country seventeen years ago by Lenin, who ranks beside Marx and Engels as a supreme genius of human history. This way out is October, it is the victory of the workers and peasants over the forces of the old world. We know the means, tested alréady by the experience of a great people, by which to put an end to wars ané@ fascism and to capitalism which breeds them. This means is Soviet power, the slogan of which is now, in ac- cordance with the decision of the Thirteenth Plenum of the E.C.C.I., becoming the central slogan of the whole mass work of the Com- munist Parties. We know the way which leads to victory. It is the united front of the prole- tariat under the leadership of the Communist | Parties in the individual capitalist countries, tt is the united front of the world working class under the leadership of the Comintern, the front which, in union with the U.S.S.R. and Soviet China, constitutes an invincible force. Taking this path, we conquered in October, because Lenin had forged a Bolshevik Party with which the world Party of Leninism—the Communist International created by now aligning itself. He not only armed this Party with the theory of revolutionary Marx- ism; he enriched and developed this theory for the new epoch of proletarian revolutions and wars. We conquefed because he fostered those Bolshevik cadres, the concentrated embodiment of whose best qualities may be expressed in the And.| the Seventh Congress of the Comintern which is | him—is | Page Five “Stalin Taught Bolsheviks F earlessly to Reveal Shortcomings, |, Thus to Raise the Quality of Our Work to a Great Height” one word—Stalin. rise.) We not only conquered, but we have main- tained and consolidated this victory, because the genius of Lenin guided the toilers of our country through the most difficult moments of our revolution, through the war against the ex- (Prolonged applarse. All piring classes whose resistance grows more frenzied as they perish, through the war of international intervention. But we have not only maintained and consolidated our victory, we have extended it, strengthening the pr dictatorship in every way and victorious ding the socialist society under the mas- terful leadership of Lenin’s successor, Comrade Stalin. Under the Leninist leadership of Stalin, the US.S.R. today, after ten years without Lenin, not only represents the armed section of the proletariat, but is armed moreover with the | most modern technique. Under the leadership of Stalin, the U.S.S.R. today is not only the state organization of part of the world prole- tariat, but also a state organization which by its vast might is shifting the levers of history and hastening on the downfall of capitalism. Under the leadership of Stalin, the soc: economy of the advanced detachment of the world proletariat has been built up in the US, S.R. Through the iron, inflexible will of Stalin and the Party led by him, a population of one hundred and seventy millions, who yesterday belonged to different classes and strata, is now | building a classless socialist society, fighting for the victory of the proletarian revolution throughout the world. Now, when the bourgeoisie is driving the world towards imperialist wars, when it is at- tacking the disarmed working class of the cap- italist countries, we can see with especial clarity what the theory of the building of socialism in one country represents for the world revo- lutionary movement. This was and is the theory of the most profound proletarian solidar- ity, of the supreme internationalism of the C.P.S.U. And the proletariat, armed with this | theo: is indefatigably paving the way for the victory of the proletarian revolution through- out the whole world. Lenin led the toilers in Russia to October. Stalin, following Lenin’s path, is leading them to victory throughout the whole world. (Ap- | plause.) His appraisal and forecasts have de- termined that path which the Comintern has travelled during the last ten-years without Lenin. He illuminated this path with the un- surpassed dialectics of Marxist-Leninist theory. His Bolshevik adherence to principle. hard as granite—and his revolutionary tactics—as pliant as high-grade steel—teach the Commu- nists of all countries to fight and to conquer. He taught them in the class battles to look vigilantly forward, to outline the direction of attack far ahead, patiently to accumulate forces, | and at the decisive moment to inflict upon the class enemy a crushing lightning-like blow. | That is why the toilers of all countries r gard our Stalin with such love. That is th | Communists in the capitalist countri: * look death in the face, knowing that the causé of Lenin is in true hands, that the cause of Lenin is invincible. That is why Dimitroff held so high the banner of the Comintern at the Leipzig trial. This Leninist-Stalinist breed of | men has grown up during the fifteen years of the Comintern’s history. It is they who will | head the batties of the international working Class, it is they who will lead them under the banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin to | final victory. (Loud and prolonged appiause. | All rise.) Pre-Convention Discussion 8. A. LORRIS, | lutionary slogans and ise in Auto Strikes Shows Growing Mass Radicalization banners to) shop. Let us not think that this is jthe center of the city celebrating! another document, but it is a mir- and raised erisis of capitalism, which brings closer the danger of imperialist war, makes it even more important for us to have a correct understanding of the 13th Plenum and the Open Let- ter in order to carry on our work in & Bolshevik manner. We can do this only by bringing forward our shortcomings and achievements in the pre-convention discussions and the convention dis- cussion itself. The Open Letter points out the importance of making a decisive turn in our work in order to root our Party in the basic industries (mining, steel, marine, etc.) The Draft eRsolution to the 8th Con- vention correctly states that this turn has not yet been made. The draft resolution however fails | to mention the importance of the work in the marine industry on the Great Lakes. 75 per cent of the new maierials (iron, ore, etc.) used in the steel mills are transported via the Great Lakes, and with the approaching is more important than the steel | industry? | Secondly, there exists at the pres- jent time only two organizations of | men in Buffalo and Duluth, with a | vast amount of sailors, ore and coal dock workers, elevator men, etc., that have no organization whatever. It becomes the duty of the Party | and the revolutionary trade unions | to root itself into this mass of work- ers who have special grievances be- cause of the work lasting only seven months a year and for five months they are on relief. Furthermore, no attempts have been made to organize Opposition | | groups in the LL.A. unions, with the | exception of Duluth where we have | imperialist wars what other industry | | any size, T.L.A. unions of Longshore- | made by the M.W.1.U, to organize the seamen. However, with the lack of proper guidance from the Party the comrades were either taken away from that work and put into another field without replacing them, or eise they became demora- lized in one way or another and left, mainly due to the lack of food, and to this date we have no tabs on them. Our task must be to correct our tactics at once. With the opening of navagation | the bosses and shipowners aim to | put into effect the NRA slave codes. | These codes will mean a wage cut of 20 per cent and over to the sea- men, longshoremen, coal ‘and ore dock workers, etc., employed on the lakes. | The duty of the Party members must be to mobilize all of the work- ers to fight these attempts of the bosses, and the only way it can be mission decided to utilize the pages of the April issues of the “Communist” and the “Party Organizer” as well. Both of these issues are being rushed through the press so that they may be made available before the opening of the Convention. Literature agents should order extra quantitues of the “Com- munist” and the “Party Organizer” in advance, The April “Communist” will carry the following articles by Comrade Jehnstene on the Pittsburgh District; Zack, on Trade Union Work; Adams, on the inner life of the Party and Brown on winning the majority of the workers. The “Party Organizer” will include the articles by comrades on Marine and Steel in Baltimore; Roman, on language work in Youngstown; Feld, A. F. of L. work in Cincinnati; Weinstein on Railroad work in a Chicago section; Gebert on work in the Chicago stockyards; Shear, on work among women in mining fields; and on unemployed work among Negroes. —PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION COMMISSION. done is by organizing the unor- ganized longshoremen into the Jongshoremen section of the MWIU, build strong opposition groups in the ILA. build a strong MWIU among the sailors and in this way will we be able to strengthen the Party. It is a crime to underestimate the| radicalization of the masses and the | desire of the workers for organiza-| tion. The strike struggles and mass| demonstrations against wage cuts, | speed-up, hunger and starvation, for | higher wages, unemployment insur-| ance, and for betterment of the gen-| eral conditions, proves that the) workers are ready to organize and | fight. Struggles in Detroit We, here in this gigantic proleta- rian city, have witnessed heroic strike struggles of Briggs, Motor Products, Hudson workers, against wage cuts, and other grievances in the shops. During the course of these strikes Ford, fearing the strike in his plant, dashed down and lock- Red May Day, their voices against Yankee Imperialism. Next month following, 25,000 workers marched on Ford's. In spite | of the terrorizing efforts of Ford and| the government such as having cap- italist newspapers warning the workers not to respond to the rall of the Reds for the second Hunger March to Ford's, and jailing militant workers who dared to come out to distribute leaflets for this purpose, | having stool-pigeons going around to the workers and telling them if they come out they will be shot down by machine guns, like Joe York and the other comrades on March 7, 1932. On June 5, 1933, 25,000 workers came out in a solid body and fased the thousands of Detroit, Dearborn and Ford cossacks. ror in which we can see every point of our decisions. Let us keep this mirror before our eyes and not in the desks, We must check up on every point, and carry it through. District Organizer and the Org. Se retary, must have a copy of this plan, check up on it every weck, see to it that the work is carried out by the District Organizer, by the Section Committee of Ford concen- tration and street units and by all the other sections where Ford wors- ers are living. If not carried ~on, | find out why? Arrange meetings jand discuss details with them and |help to carry them out. | If we do not take seriously the | problem of organizing the Ford | workers then our application of the Open Letter will be wrong. Fifty ed out the workers to prevent the) Guard Against Remnants of Social thousand workers are working at strike reaching his sheps. On May 1, following these strikes, | 65,000 workers from two concentra- tion points marched with their revo- Must Face Broadest Masses With Program of the Communist Party By A. FRASER (Agitprop, Sect. 1, Dist. 8) The Thirteenth Plenum of the E. . C. I. in its resolution raises very sharply the necessity of our Agita- tion and press being addressed to the broadest strata of the toiling masses. Here is what it says: “The content and language of agitation and the press must henceforth be addressed to the broadest strata of the proletariat, and the toilers, showing the face of the Communist Party, both in agitation and in mass action.” For many months the Section and the units have been discussing this question. But so far we have not been able to transform our discus- sion into action. And we must say | that we have not reached the “broadest strata.of the workers.” It seems to me that we are afraid to talk to the workers in the name ° j C. P. in the background. And when ; we are found out, we apologize for | the Party. Comrades in the Party | need no apology. We must boldly | bring forward the program of our | Party and at the same time thor- oughly expose the role of the re- formists and reactionaries—(the So- cialist Party, A. F. of L., etc.). The political understanding of our comrades as yet is at a very low level (altho we can record some im- provement). Let me state one ex- ample: A few days ago the com- rades in Unemployed Council Branch No, 66 arranged a debate between an ex-Wobbly and Com- rade E—— on the following sub- Ject “Resolved: That Communism is a hindrance Rather than a Help to the Labor Movement.” Fortunately, this state of affairs was brought to the attention of the leading com- rades and the debate was cancelled. of our Party. We always keep the Imagine a comrade having to take the “defensive” at a time when Communism is decisively on the up- grade, in eyery country in the world. And also a debate with a free-lancer who has absolutely no following whatsoever, Without a clear understanding of the Policy of our Party we cannot attempt to win the majority of the workers. There are many ways to clarify our comrades. The Daily Worker is not appreciated to the fullest extent by many of our com- rades. In my opinion steps must at once be taken in the section and units to see that every comrade reads the Daily Worker or his language paper, if he cannot read English. Raising the Political Level At no time in the history of our Party have we had such: an ex- cellent selection of books and pam- phlets on the labor movement and Communism as at the present time, Do our comrades take advantage | School is good, but this alone is not of this opportunity? They do not. It is almost as hard as pulling teeth to convince some comrades to study @ pamphlet at a time like this, when thousands of new workers are join- ing our Party, we have the respon- sibility on our shoulders of educa- ting these new comrades. This can- not be done in a mechanical way. ‘We must patiently talk to each new comrade and explain to him the role of the Party and convince him of the value of systematic study by each comrade—to spend one hour dally in study of revolutionary literature. I am sure the cry for more cadres would be at least par- tially solved. We cannot minimize the import- anze of schools and classes. sometimes think that if each unit sends one student to the Workers’ School that we have done our revo- lutionary duty. = The? workers’ We} enough. I believe that the first task of every new member should be to attend a “New Members Class” and eyen this is not enough. There is no reason why each section should not have other classes, such as Principles of Communism, Party Organization, etc. We must remem- ber that only a small percentage of our comrades can go to the workers’ school. Wherever possible classes should be arranged in the sections. Then comes up the question of instructors. If a class for instruc- tors could be arranged, where lead- ing comrades from the sections would be instructed in the best methods of conducting classes. In this way this question of instruc- tors can be solved. We cannot un- derestimate the value of study cir- cles. Only one unit in our section has as yet become interested in study circles. This unit had con- ducted a study circle for some time. ‘The response is good. Some six or | sire to organize, yet, that they are} eight non-Party members as well as the Party members attend. This is a shop unit, although not in a basic industry. Political Discussions in the units also play a great role in clarification of the comrades. District outlines have been utilized for some time.) ‘We call comrades together — who are capable of leading discussions, and go over the outlines with them. In this way we are reasonably sure that discussion is carried on in the Unit. At this time, when we are ap- proaching a revolutionary situation, | and stickers on the street car junc- | when we are accepting thousands of | tions where Ford workers change) workers into our Party, we must exert every effort to raise the poli- tical level of the comrades. Only in this way can we develop cadres. Only in this way can we reach the broadest masses.of workers. Democracy in Our Ranks We broke the terror in Dearborn. We established union headquarters | there. We have Party shop units in | the shop. But, all these are not suf- | ficient to carry out our aims in the | Ford shop, unless we fight against | the Social Democratic tendency of | some of our comrades towards shop | work. This tendency was and is | that the Ford workers have no de- | afraid to join the Communist Party. | The above given facts and the pres- lent reports from inside the shop | that the workers are booing and dis- | Obeying the foremen and superin- tendents, places the important task before us of exposing these Social- Democratic right opportunist ten- dencies. ‘We must work day and night to help our comrades in the shop, to organize more Party units, union groups, anti-war groups, and against wage cuts, by selling the “Ford Worker” and distributing leaflets |cars. The “Ford Workers” must | come out regularly and every copy of them must reach the Ford work- ers. | Recently we worked out a plan of work for our activities in the Ford | River, Rouge Plant. One who doesn’t | understand or overlooks the serious- ness of organizing this gigantic army in a basic industry like the | automobile, neglects the value of the | Open Letter. One who understands |and carries out the Open Letter by | organizing the Ford workers, can see what a political effect it will have on the world if there is a strike of 50,000 workers in the Ford shop. There Is Ground for a Strike | We must prepare to have a strike | in the immediate future in Ford's by | systematic Bolshevik work in and | around the shop. There is mass dis- {content of workers against low wages and other grievances. Lead- |ing comrades who are assigned to | work with the groups must attend | their meetings and carry out their | tasks. A systematic check up shall take place on them. Other leading comrades in the District and the sections must visit the street units | and take up the problems of getting | groups of Ford workers together Doing so, we will be able to strengthen the Party units and Union branches in Ford’s and or- ganize and lead the strike in Ford's. Let us work with more Bolshevik energy and we will get very good results. | Workers are ready to organize and fight. Let us give them leadership.