The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 26, 1934, Page 4

' | ' ' Eee ha i Manuilsky’ s Report of. Activities of CL. We publish here the cauaatae portion | of the masterly report on “The Advance of the Revolutionary Crisis,” made by Comrade DB. Manuiisky to the 17th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The first portion dealing with the maturing of the crisis of capitalism & revolutionary crisis was printed in Satur- day’s Daily Worker. (In the introductory note it was erroneously stated that the speech was made at the 13th Plenum of the E.C.C.1.) Im this report Comrade Manuilsky, in his brittiant fashion, deals with the decisive ques- tiens of the rise of the revolutionary crisis and the tasks of the Communist Parties. In view of the forthcoming 8th Convention of world into owr Party, a study of Comrade Manuilsky’s gpeech will help greatly to clarifying our Party, on the struggle for the masses, the struggle for Soviet Power. The comchuding section of the previous in- statment dealt with the Second Interna- tgonal—the main bulwark of world reaction. Comrade Manuwileky dealt with the decay and growing disintegration of the Second Interna- thomal. In the present concluding installment, Comrade Manuilsky shows that this decay in the Second International does not operate automatically, but that it is the untiring task of the Communist Parties to rally the forces of the workers for a united struggle to give the death biow te capitalism and its bulwarks and achieve Soviet Power. Comrade Manuwilsky makes a detailed study of the shortcomings of the Communist Parties and the specific deeds necessary for | their overcoming. The rich experiences of the | Commanist Parties in all countries treated by | Comrade Manuiistry will be of the greatest | hetp te owe Party Convention. Every Commu- | nist should make these experiences his and | wtilime them for raising the political level of ow Party and of our forthcoming Conven- ton. * * * (Gonciwded from Saturday's Issue) Roosevelt's programme is my says the Second International. Roosevelt's programme is the programme of Ttalian fascism, answers Mussolini At the present time the immediate question ig not one of reforms but the question of power, threatens the Second International. We are ready to take power if the President of the Republic calid upon us, answers the French socialtst party. (Laughter). We are for the building of socialism in one country, but not unless it includes the Congo, proclaims the party of Vandervelde in Belgium. The Beigian de Mann adds: We differ from the Bolsheviies in advocating a N. EB. P. under capi- talism. We are in favor of the N. E. P. before the seizure of power, under the reign of the| Belgian king. (Laughter). And finally, the English Laborites declare We are for socialization, but we will not en- croach upon the prerogatives of the King of England. (Laughter). III. The Condition of the Comintern Sections Comrades, the confusion and crisis of social| ‘democracy are not proceeding automatically like the operation of the blind forces of de-| caying capitalism, but in an untiring daily | struggle of the Communists for winning over| the majority of the working class. The crisis| of social democracy is above all the result) of meny years of struggle on the part of | the Comintern and its sections against the| Second International, | And nevertheless, if the Communist Parties| have not yet downed social democracy in the| present conditions when the era of social re-| forms has cont to an end, when bourgeois democracy in Germany has proved bankrupt,| when there is an intensification of world re-| action and when an imperialist war is im-| minent, then this shows the weak work of the| Communist Parties, who have not taken ad- vantage as they should of the world economic) crisis to undermine the influence of social | democracy and to consolidate their positions in the world labor movement. If the Com- munist Parties had not lagged behind in the winning over of the majority of the working} class, the tempo of the development of the world revolutionary crisis at. the present time) would be different and the whole course of events in Germany and throughout the world would have been different too Comrade Stalin has taught the Bolsheviks fearlessly to reveal all shortcomings in order | thus to raise the quality of our work to al great height. Both at our Plenums of the} ¥.C.C.I. and in all our daily work the Comintern| subjects the weaknesses, errors, shortcomings, and blunders of its sections to the most merci- Jess criticism. It is true that the Communists| have been the inner driving force in all revo-| lutionary movements, that they have been the| only Party which has headed the movement of the unemployed; they took upon themselves the volleys of fire at Geneva and the whole| weight of the repressions which have been | dealt out after the movements. But it is also true that the Communists fre-| quently have not led these movements, and the reason why they have not led them is be- cause they have not previously carried on day-| to-day routine work in collecting and organ- izing the forces of the working class for great} mass movements. Great events have frequently | taken the Communist Party by surprise. In al number of cases the Communist organizations | have been reminiscent of the first aid ambu- lance which rushes in hot haste to the spot | where the proletariat needs help. When the movement is over, the ambulance has driven | away, and the influence of the Communist) Party which has grown in the process of the| movement has not been consolidated in an or-| ganized way. programme. | into the masses of working youth. | | Lack of Mass Work in Trade Cen | | What Comrade Stalin has said about the | views of certain Communists regarding the spontaneous victory of the revolution just hits} the nail on the head in the case of some com. | rades in our fraternal parties. And in the/ sections of the Comintern there are some Com- munists who are no strangers to such sins as those of the “honest chatterboxes” whom Com- Yade Stalin has castigated here, This sin makes ! to tens of thousands of workers in open Bol tional | have proved their absolute devotion to the cause | | Communists. | with the most sincere organic hatred for social | how to communicate this healthy revolutionary | consistency from the social-democratic workers STRUGGLE FOR MASSES IS DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, MARCH 26, 1934 STRUGGLE FOR SOVIET POWEF appearance with special frequency among of Communists of the Latin coun- | suffer from great organizational its a num Ma: to die h Communists are ready at amy minute on the barricades, but they and the heroism of everyday t is easier to mobilize them for ng than to compel them to work from day to day in a reformist or fascist trade union, when they have to carry on a prolonged siege rather than a sudden assault, ally cannot an For years the Comintern nas been battling with the Italian Communist Party in order to break down the resistance of the Italian com- rades to work in the fascist trade unions, and it has not attained a complete change in this vf now. Only with great pressure Possible to get the Chinese com- es to work in the yellow Kuomintang trade | unions. The young cadres of the Communist Parti refer the most severe conditions of illega’ to being in one hall together with a fascist commissar and breathing the same air | as he. They find the atmosphere stifling in a ist trade union, for there it is necessary | to dissimulate with the fascists, to observe the of conspiracy, to resort to maneuvers in order not to let yourself be seen through at once. They have not mastered the secret of using that language of Aesop which, without | | diminishing its revolutionary class content, may | | stir and capture the imagination of the work- ers. Such language seems to them degrading, unworthy of that Party which not long ago during its period of legality was still speaking | shevik language. In countries where the Com- munists have their open or semi-secret organ- izations, they prefer to shut themselves up in them rather than to go into other organiza- tions in order to spread the influence of the Party. After all, organization it is easier to work in your own where everyone is like-minded; here you have your own Communist environ- ment, here all are “our own people,” here the position is clear, here is a definite line of demarcation between the Party organization | and the non-Party masses. Here no one is | watching to entrap you, to hunt you down, trying to compromise you in the eyes of the workers as political opponents do in an alien organization. In France the Communists have not yet pene- trated into the reformist trade unions. In Spain after the formation of the All-Spanish | Confederation of Red Trade Unions the work of the Communist Party in the reformist an anarchist trade unions has considerably weak- | ened, | [Need for: ‘Fundamental Discussions P. Workers | | 1 | | Let us take our Young Communist Interna- | For a number of years the Young Com- | munist International, under the leadership of | the Comintern has trained a splendid genera- tion of young Bolsheviks who more than once of Communism. But it has not penetrated deep | Nor has | social democracy got this youth behind it. The youth in the capitalist countries are embraced by the million-strong sport organizations cre- ated by the bourgeoisie, by its military staffs, by its clergy. In Germany a certain section of the unem- | ployed youth have gone into the fascist bar- racks. But the Y.C.L. members have not fully | grasped this lesson. They have fought cour- | ageously against the fascists in Germany; in | a number of countries they are déveloping quite | good work in the army, receiving sentences of many years’ hard labor for this work, but they find it as difficult to enter, let us say, a Cath- olic sport organization, where there are tens of thousands of working youth, as it would be for the Pope to join an atheist league in order | to carry on propaganda in favor of Catholicism, (Laughter.) But then the members of the | Communist Party and the Y.C.L. are not bound by considerations of prestige similar to those of the Vicar of Christ. The Communist and Y.C.L. organizations must be mobile; they must be everywhere where there are workers, they must be in the sport organizations, in such organizations for workers’ reaction as the Dopo Lavoro in Italy, in the forced labor camps, but | above all they must be in the factories. | During all the 15 years of the Comintern’s existence the years of the crisis have been the hardest years of work of the Communists in the factories. The employers have taken advantage of the crisis in order to rid the factories of And despite this, during the past year the Comintern has achieved great success in work in the factories in Germany and Japan. But this cannot be said of other Communist Parties, which have not yet overcome their weaknesses in this sphere. And, comrades, we must bear in mind that there is no place like the factories for undermining the influence of social democracy and winning the majority of the working class away from it. But/even in those places where the Communists are wag- ing a struggle in the factories for winning over this majority, they are not always do- ing so satisfactorily. The Communists are filled democracy as the agency of capital within the labor movement, but it is necessary to know hatred to the social-democratic workers. It is necessary that the treacherous role of social democracy, which is clear to the Com- munists, should be clear to the social-dem- ocratic workers also. For them this is not yet an axiom, but a theorem which has to be proved We must not talk to them in the language of our theses nor in polished ready-made for- mulas; it is often necessary to explain the most elementary simple things, doubt in which would cause Homeric language at one of our Party meetings. The honest Communist worker is revolted at the idea of having to refute the’ villainous sophisms of social democracy; he has refuted them long ago in his class con- sciousness, but he demands the same resolute too, who are only just beginning to waver. He knows that waverings are impermissible in the Party, that they are nothing but mani- festations of opportunism, that waverers in the Party must be exposed as persons who retreat from Communism; it is difficult for him te ong agama ae 5 Sage | democracy, | tion, and in carrying out the tactics of the Delivered at 17th Congress of C.P. of U.S.S.R waverers beyond the bounds of the Party, or those who are only just coming to Communism, to make them strong, reliable adherents of the proletarian dictatorship and the Communist Party, adherents who will never waver. And in the shape of social democracy we are faced by a cunning and insidious foe which has at its disposal a whole staff of parliamentary orators, crafty journalists, lawyers skilled in verbal duels, who are ready to prove any piece of sophistry and with an oratorical tremor in| | their voice, to represent the most supreme vil- lainy a8 the height of virtue. In Norway, for example, Tranmael, the leader of the so-called Labor Party, is pressing our honest Norwegian Communists hard with “Left” phrases and pseudo-oppositional manoeuvers in relation to the Second International, while our | Communists in Norway allow the feeling of| indignation to overcome sober political judg-| ment. In France the Communist workers only | spit in the faces of the social-faseist provoca-| teurs and vow to hang them when they in- sinuate that the Soviet Union is betraying the cause of democracy by prolonging the trade agreement with Germany in 1933. Manseunres of Social Democracy Require Persistent Exposure rae Our Communists are not always up to the subtleties of the artful manoeuvers of social especially its so-called “Left” sec- united front they often fall into the trap which has been laid for them. The French comrades, for example, fell into such a trap at the be- | ginning of 1932 when they engaged im nego-| “We conguered because Lenin fostered those Bolshevik cadres, the concentrated em- bodiment of whose best qualities may be ex- tiations with the Blums regarding discussions on the abstract theme of “unity” instead of realizing this unity of the working class in actual fact in a common struggle of the work- ers of all tendencies against the offensive of capital. The French Communists did not notice that by these negotiations they were weakening the Party’s onslaught on social democracy, and that at the moment, when German social democracy had opened the doors wide for fascism and when the whole Second International was in a/ state of utter confusion. If the Geneva or-| ganization of our Swiss Party has not been able to consolidate its influence among the working masses, which has grown as a result of the Geneva shootings, it is because it did not give a timely rebuff to the line of the Right | opportunist, Humbert-Droz, who was dragging the organization towards a weakening of the) struggle against the “Left” social democratic Nicole. But this Right opportunism represents the main danger all the more at the present time because the “Left” groups, who have branched off from disintegrating social democ- racy, are trying to hold up the revolutionizing of the social-democratic workers with “Left” reformist, intermediate platforms, such as that of the English I.L.P. member, Brockway. The Communist Party of China | And if the present crisis of social democracy has not taken on sharper forms today, that is because in the spring of 1933 after the bank- ruptey of the German social democracy the sections of the Comintern did not go over with sufficient energy to an offensive against the) Second International, because they did not take sufficient advantage of the rejection by social democracy of the Comintern’s proposal of March & in order to rouse a wave of indignation i Wok. aatitehes among the workers of all countries, who are longing for unity in the revolutionazy struggle against capital. But, comrades, these Weaknesses cannot eclipse those achievements which the Com- intern has attained since the time of the Six- teenth Congress during the past three and a half years, in broadening the mass basis of its sections. First place in these achievemenis belongs | without doubt, after the C.P.8.U., to the Chinese Communist Party, whose fighting activity is playing a very big part in ay a the the majority of the working olass but also the majority of the toilers of the Soviet districts, Its influence in the non-Soviet districts over the proletariat of industrial centres and over the peasantry is growing with every month and every week. This growth of Communist influ- | ence in China has found its expression in the numerical increase of the Chinese Communist Party which has grown by 120,000 during one year and numbers at the present time 416,000 members. (Applause.) Comrade Wang Ming, the representative of the Chinese Communist Party, will speak here and tell you about these successes in greater detail. I will only mention that the circula- tion of the central organ of the Chinese Com- munist Party, which is published in the central Soviet district and reprinted im other Soviet districts and also illegally in non-Soviet China, has frequently, as Comrade Wang Ming has toki us, reached the figure of half a million copies—(applause)—a oixeulation which was never dreamt of by the fascist Angriff or the | Voelkischer Beobachter in Germany. The Com- munist Party of China in the non-Soviet dis- tricts with fts 60,000 members is at present the : Pees pressed in the one word—Stalin.” —Manuilsky. Drawn by Morris Kallem most powerful underground Party excepting the German Party, and has grown. by 40,000 mem- bers during the past year. (Applause.) This Party is already governing a Soviet State which comprises a territory of 700,000 square kilo~ meters—more than that of France or Germany, or of any other imperial power with the ex- ception of the U.S.A. Ht has at its disposal an armed force in the shape of the Chinese Red Army which numbers 350,000 fighters in its regular detachments—(applause)—and about 600,000 in armed guerilla detachments. (Ap- plause.) This army which, according to the confession of its worst enemies, is the best army in China, consists of 30 per cent work- ers and has 50 per cent of Communists in its model detachments. (Applause.) At the present time the Young Communist Party of China is growing into one of the best sections of the Comintern for the further reason that both it and its Red Army have gone through many years of the schooling of civil war, during which time they have forged both strong Party cadres and a whole pleiad | of talented war leaders and military command- ers. (Applause.) Having become hardened in civil war, the Red Army of China has already repulsed five campaigns of Chiang Kai-shek. During the last, fifth, campaign in which 87 picked divi- sions of Chiang Kai-shek were operating against it, including landlord punitive detach- ments and kulak bands numbering about 600,000 bayonets, it utterly routed 17 divisions, re- pulsed the attack of 40 divisions, took prisoner about 80,000 men, and from January to April, 1933, captured 140,000 rifles, 1,390 light and heavy machine-guns, 20 wireless sets, six air- planes from the enemy and occupied 79 new districts, Such an army and such a Party, comrades, is already a powerful factor in the correlation of forces in the Far Fast, At the present time this army is repulsing sy sixth campaign of Chiang Kai-shek, in which it is having to fight against superb forces of the enemy, operating according to a plan drawn up by General Seeckt and possessing the most up-to-date military technique, American | airplanes, English tanks and armored cars, and French artillery. But the only result of this campaign so far has been that the Red Army has occupied 15 new districts in Szechwan, and the Chinese comrades are convinced that this campaign will end with the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek and the technical re-equipment of the Chinese Red Army at the expense of the enemy. (Loud applause.) 3 will end with the defeat of Chiang Kai- Shek because the Communist Party and the Chinese Red Army is equipped with something the enemy has not got—namely, the all-con- quering power of Communism and the self- sacrificing support of the totling masses of China. (Prolonged applause.) In the districts where the most stubborn fight- ing is taking place the Red Army is supported and cared for by the whole population—work- ers, coolies, peasants, commercial employees, fishermen, the poor of the street, women and children. “At the first glance,” said Chiang Kai-shek in one of his interviews, “it might seem that there are no patrols around for a distance of @ hundred li, but im actual faet the whole locality is bristling with them, a one-legged beggar—a@ perfectly harmless personage, it would seem—actually has the task of trans- mitting secret signals and messages. A peace- ful angler sitting on the bank of a pond suddenly turns out to be an armed partisan.” The guerilla detachments envelop the enemy on all sides, carry out diversive actions, per- form reconnaissance work, disorganize the en- emy's rear; those fighting against the Red troops are surrounded by a fiery ring of revolt. “One of the difficulties about fighting the Reds,” writes an American newspaper pub- ished in Shanghai, “is that it is impossible to distinguish an honest peasant from a Com- munist. (Laughter and applause.) It some- times happens that a detachment of gevern- ment troops falls in with a group of p-asants and, taking them for real peasants, permits them to enter the territory occupied by the troops. Suddenly, at a given signal, the peas- ants are transformed into Communists and open fire on the soldiers. The government troops have more than once suffered defeats as a result of such treachery.” (Laughter.) They will continue to suffer defeats in the future, too, because the broadest masses of the toiling population of China are already seeing the advantages of the Soviet system by the conorete experience of the Soviet districts. The Chinese Communist Party has won over these masses by carrying the agrarian revolu- tion to its completion, confiscating the land and stock of the landlords, gentry and kulaks for the benefit of the people, by doing away with that ulcer of the Chinese countryside, the usurer, by strictly regulating trade and handi- | | crafts without, however, socializing them, by | organizing state and public aid for the peasants who have no cattle or seed, by developing in- dustrial and credit cooperation, by raising edu- cation and health protection to a level un- precedented in China. The Communist Party of Germany This is that Party and that power for which the Chinese coolie and the Chinese peasant has been waiting for thousands of years, This is not yet a proletarian dictatorship, but it is a@ special form of the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peas- antry during the epoch of the general crisis of capitalism, It is a dictatorship carried out under the hegemony of the proletariat and with a@ monopoly of political leadership by the Com- munist Party which is carrying the bourgeois- democratic revolution to its completion and carrying out a number of measures of a so- cialist character during its process; and all this taken together insures the rapid growing over of this revolution into a socialist revolution, provided the power of the Soviets is extended over industrial centers. The Chinese Bolsheviks are teaching a lesson to the European proletariat, and especially to the Spanish workers, on how to carry out the bourgeois-democratic revolution, eliminating the economic basis and political power of the counter-revolutionary classes, who, unless this is done, will eventually come in fascist garb, as the experience of Germany has shown. Next after the Chinese Communist Party for having made a step forward in winning over the majority of the working class, comes the Communist Party of Germany. Never before has the German Communist Party approached so closely to the social-demo- cratic workers as at the present time. Never before during the whole post-war period of development of social democracy have the work- ers devoured every Communist leaflet with such eagerness as now, Never before in Ger- many has there been such a profound urge towards the united front of struggle of the working class as there is today. And this has enabled the Communist Party of Germany to spoil the plans of the faseists for capturing the trade unions. Thanks to the rebuff they have received from the working class headed by the C.P.G., the German fascists have not been able to base themselves on the reformist trade unions, nor to create their own trade unions as the Italian fascists have done. The fascist factory organ- izations hastily created by them have either turned into opposition centers of struggle against the employers and fascism or they are in the process of complete disintegration. The law just passed in Germany on the abolition of trade unions and factory commit- tees, creating as it does a regime of serfdom for the German workers, is tearing the mask of social demagogy from the face of the fas- cist counter-revolutionary gang. The increased influence of the C.P.G. permitted it, after the blow sustained in March, to go over as early as May to a type of scattered demonstrations which the fascists answered with a new wave of terror and public executions. In August-September the revolutionary trade union opposition developed a series of success- ful strikes in the Lower Rhine, in Haagen, in Duesseldorf, Remscheid, Wuppertal, Solingen, and other places, In November it headed a demonstration of German workers comprising 5,000,000 people, 1 according to the figures given by the fasci: who either voted against fascism or refrain from voting in order to express their prote against the fascist dictatorship. | The Condition of Other Communist Parties The Communist Party of Poland has ai: made progress in winning over the majo: of the working class. This fact has four expression, firstly, in the numerical g¢: the Party and the Y.C.L., which now @s many as 30,000 members, i. e., as mar. the legal Polish Socialist Party (PPS. ondly, in the independent organization a dependent leadership of a series of powe: strikes. In France, after a number of years of stan still and even of a certain decline in the numei ical growth of the Party and the Red Con federation of Labor, the last year has bee marked by a definite shifting in the directic of the further increase both of the Party, whic now numbers about 40,000 Communists, ai of the Red Trade Unions, which at the preser time number about 275,000 members, In Czechoslovakia, despite the fact that th Party has been driven underground, it numbe> 56,000 members at the present time, togethe with 90,000 members in the Red trade union The heroic workers’ Party in Bulgaria hi won over the majority of the working cl in 1932 it captured the municipality of Sofia which brought in its train the cancellation o elections and a rabid wave of repressiora’ |against the Communist Party. Great successe's have been gained by the Communist Pa of Spain, which has grown from 800 fessbedl three years ago to 30,000 at the present tims whieh is leading about 300,000 workers organ- ized in trade unions and which received abow 400,000 votes at the last elections. (Applause.) The Young Communist League is growing anc numbers 15,000 members at the present time; its influence is growing in the army and thr influence of the Party over the peasantry il y steadily increasing. : At the present time there is hardly one section of the Comintern which has not broadened. itf mass basis during the past three and a half years. The American Communist Party har doubled its membership, numbering at the, present day upwards of 20,000 members. An especially sharp upward curve is to be seen in the numerically small Communist Parties, such“ as the Dutch Party, wHich has doubled and trebled the number of its members, These Parties are already becoming serious antagonists of the big social democratic parties; they are now not afraid of great tasks, they boldly trate into every mass government; thi snatching the leadership of these mov out of the hands of the social democra Comintern now numbers 860,000 Communi: the capitalist countries. But it is not question of the numerical growth of the Cc munist Parties; it is also a question of growth of their influence. Such a small as the Communist Party of Australia, which only a thousand and a half members, to have its second secretary elected e secretary of the All-Australian Federation o Miners, Three thousand five hundred Com munists in Belgium impress the striking miner: of Borinage by their courageous bcha L more than does the party of Vandervelde with its many thousand members. The English Communist Party has hardl! increased numerically during the last few year But if the students of the two most aristocrat: universities — Oxford and Cambridge —- strike | horror into the whole of the English bourgeoisie by passing a resolution that they will not de~ fend either king or country in the event of war, that is the result of many years of anti-~ war agitation by our Party. If the workers o: the Independent Labour Party are now knock-' ing at the doors of the Comintern, despite the’ Sabotage of their leaders, that is, above all © thanks to the consistent Bolshevik line pursued: by English Communists. The Difficulties of the Homsterirery | i Struggle E Meanwhile this growth of the influence of the Communist Parties is going on in a situation | where the overwhelming majority of the sec+ tions of the Comintern are already in an illegal : position, and only fifteen sections, including 4 Soviet China, are still able, to a lesser or | greater extent, to carry on open work. In the majority of the capitalist countries the Communists are working under conditions / of the cruellest persecution, going far beyond the repression of tsarism. During eight months of 1933 alone 238,000 members were arrested, 46,000 killed, and 160,000 wounded and maimed. | Hundreds of thousands of Communists are | imprisoned in capitalist jails out of whom a , magnificent fighting Party consisting of the — most devoted and well-tried fighters of the proletarian revolution could be formed in twen-~ ty-four hours in any individual country. In Germany alone about 60,000 Communist workers are incarcerated in concentration camps. The illegal Communist Party of Poland numbers 15,000 Party members who are at liberty, while the number of its active mem- bers who are in jail reaches the figure ot 10,000. There has been a marked growth durin! recent years in the number of those killec!! without a trial in comparison with the number’ of those condemned. In China Communists who fall into the clutches of Chiang | Kai-shek are beheaded on the spot. Hardly a day passes without the Comintern sustaining ¢ a new and severe loss in some capitalist country t or other. In the so-called “advanced” bour- geois democracies such as the U. S. A, Com- munists are shot from ambush by hired bands. In the Southern States, in the “black belt,” they are subjected to lynch law. The leader, of a strike in any capitalist country lives under | the menace of being struck down by the bullets. of fascist scoundrels. There are some P: in which the whole active has been physically exterminated, as for instance in Bulgaria after the September uprising in 1923 and after the’ explosion in the Sofia cathedral. In the colonial countries Communists are kept in cages chained to an iron post, just as the Roman patricians chained their runaway slaves. The burning of the Reichstag by fascist pro- yocateurs shows to what depths of villainy the expiring classes descend in the sti against | (Continued on Next Page)