The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 14, 1934, Page 8

THE DAILY WORKER REPRINTS FULL STATEMENT OF BAUE “LEADERS SOUGHT TO PACIFY WORKERS--PARTY WARNINGS DID NOT Bauer’s Statement Reveals Treachery of S. P. Leadership in Trying to Stab Uprising in the Back DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 1934 Full Story of Austrian Betrayal As Told by Otto Bar We are reprinting on this page in full the statement of Otto Bauer, Austrian Socialist leader, as it appeared March 10 in the Jewish Daily Forward. Extraordinary NEW YORK. — We re- in full the article ten by Otto Bauer for the Jewish Daily Forward, New York leading Sociali dai s it appeared in the Forward of March 10. Bauer, called by the For- ward the “generalisimo of the Austrian working ives in his article a count of the role aders in the recent of the Austrian working class. It is a do- cument of historic impor- tance. It reveals the his- toric treachery of the Aus- trian Social Democratic leaders. We give it in full. All emphasis in article is our —Editor. Bauer’s It bl tria dy events that occurred ir But we can already say a words as to the circum- ch 7, 1933, when the - Fey government carried the counter-revolution, the Democratic Party the very utmost ical c: to a ional solution. mths Social Democ- reatest self-control. | h violent resist- to nol | and decided to pay its wiges. | named by the Heimwehr, and to ex- | ister, Fey, arrested the leaders of The Socialist New Leader has answered the charges of the Daily Worker based on the state- ments of Otto Bauer to the press with distortion and slander. “The Daily Worker lies,” it declared “about the proletarian dead and the living fight- ers. Jt was nearly a year ago that these Social Democratic leaders prepared the Social Dem- ocratic workers for this conflict ...” The New Leader takes refuge in slander. thinks it can deceive the Socialist workers into accepting slander for serious political argument. It writes: “The Communists continue their barrage of lies about the ‘treachery of the Austrian leaders.’ The tenor of all these statements is the same; the Austrian leaders had misled the workers and the workers had gone over the heads of their leaders in the battle they were staging.” The Socialist New Leader has ignored the political analyses of the Daily Worker on the se- rious political issues involved in the Austrian sit- the peaceful negotiations and must} e all means to come to an under- ding. DURING THE LAST MONTHS,/} HOWEVER, IT BECAME MORE| AND MORE DIFFICULT FOR THE} PARTY LEADERSHIP TO MAKE} CLEAR TO THE EMBITTERED) WORKERS WHY THE PARTY WAS COMPELLED TO EMPLOY ‘CH PATIENT TACTICS. In the last week before the insur- rection it became clearer and clear- t the government was prepar- © deliver a decisive blow against he democracy and at the working The constitutional minister, Dr. Ender, let it be known that Austria must very soon obtain a “transition constitution” which must amount practically to a dictatorship,” that a Parliament with general franchise rights must not be included in this constitution. The Social Minister Schmitz also let it be known that in the “New Ly b Austria” there must not be free uation. It has taken refuge in ignoring the ex- iota Mata de eatin aS) tremely significant statements of Otto Bauer, formed into “semi-state organiza- ‘3 7 tions”; that the workers can no leader of Austrian Social Democracy. It has longer have the right to strike and that all differences as to wages must be decided by the state. The Heimwehr organizations were turned into a government police auxiliary. The government armed it failed thus far to meet the challenge of the Daily Worker that it reprint these statements in full. These revelations of Otto Bauer have been avail- able for more than two weeks. But the New Leader has not given one single word of them! The Daily Worker charges that the policies of the Austrian Socialist leaders, as well as their actions, have led the Austrian proletariat into At first this was put through in Tyrol, then in other sections of the country. The leaders of the Heimwehr were ordered to depose the constitution- | ally elected provincial governments, | the trap of Fascism. The Socialist New Leader ignores these charges and distorts them to read that the Daily Worker has charged the Austrian leaders with “selling out.” Let: every Socialist worker read Bauer’s statement on this page. Let him compare it with the analyses of the Daily Worker and the “re- plies” of the Socialist New Leader. Let him ex- amine. all the evidence for himself in the light of recent events. The Daily Worker believes that only in this way can every Socialist worker see for himself where the truth lies. The Daily Worker points in full Otto Bauer’s statement. Why is the New Leader apparently afraid to’print Bauer’s statement? Let every Socialist worker read and study the statement of Otto Bauer reprinted in full on this page from the Socialist Jewish Daily For- ward. He will see in it the terrible history of the treachery of the Austrian Socialist leaders as told in their own words. He will see in it the same path that is now being followed in this country by the Socialist leaders, Norman Thomas, etc., who form “united fronts” with such enemies of the workers as Matthew Woll, LaGuardia, etc. Let every Socialist worker raise the question in his local organizations—why is the New Leader silent on Bauer’s statements? In every Socialist organization let the work- ers raise this question, why is the New Leader silent on the way the “united front” has been practiced in Germany and Austria? What are the lessons for the united front in this country? Is not a United Front with Woll similar to the dis- astrous path trodden by the Austrian Socialist leaders? and to put in their places ruling} lies whose 1 ara ; ponies: seine Meeker rate 2 PS This is why the Heimwehr wanted to arrest the leaders of the Schutz- lude i |the Republican (Schutzbund) De- clude all Social Democrats. Pua RACE’ Heke ORL) mecaneacae The Heimwehr on their part de-| fense Corps in Vienna and in other He seized the ance to the closing of Parliament and uration of the dic- rrschen) of the | cial Democratic Party in all munici- | pal bodies in which the Social Dem- ocrats had the majority. They open- | ly threatened to take over the gov- ernmental buildings and city halls,| |if their demands were not carried | through by the Dolfuss soveryanent.| It tolerated the dissolution of | the Republican (Schutzbund) De- fense Corps and a series of other ropressions aimed at the constitu- tion, which robbed the workers of roe speech, free press, and of nu- merous other liberties they had wen in Austria. | Neither did Social Democracy oppose the government when it robbed the Vienna Social Demo- It became clear that the fascist begin its final struggle and to seize | | power. wehr organizations put forward) | their demands, the Heimwehr min- | |manded the dissolution of the So-|cities and towns. On the same days as the Heim-| munitions which the Republican Schutzbund had stored in Vienna and around Vienna’ of which the Police had any knowledge. This, naturally, made it clear to the workers that at the same mo- ment the Heimwehr had carried through its attack against the De- reason it wished to take away from the workers and the Schutzbund their arms in order to render them helpless. Party; it aimed at disorganizing the workers and to confuse the defend- | ers of the Democracy. That this was the plan of the fas- cist conspirators is proven by the provocative pproclamation which | lic on Saturday, Feb. 11, 1934. spiracy which the cratic criminals’ had prepared against the Austrian government, and as proof of this he told about the stored arms which the police “Social-Demo- | the Vice-Chancellor Fey made pub-| the arms and explosive materiat | In his proclamation Fey spoke | Goering made use of the Reichstag | counter-revolution was prepared to| mocracy it would also attack the| about the Marxist-Bolshevist con- | fire in Germany. | workers’ organizations, and for this} had confiscated from the Schutz- the organized workers and the So- bund. In the proclamation he also|cial Democratic Party. stated that the government would in| ey, of course, knew well enough a few days be forced to take ener- getic steps against the “conspira- tors.” BECAME clear that the Vice- Chancellor Fey had “discovered” near Vienna and used this just as| Like the fire of the Reichstag, so the confiscation of the arms ‘and ex- plosive material near Vienna became the excuse for the beginning of the fascist counter-revolution against| that the workers had stored their arms in these places since the 1918 revolution, that they had never used them, and kept them only in case they would need them to defend the Democracy from a fascist attack. The policy of the Vice-Chancellor made it clear to the workers that the enemy was preparing, under pressure of the Heimwehr, to an- nihilate in the next few days the Provincial governments, the munici- pal administrations, and that Fey Was preparing an attack on the So- cial Democratic Party; that he had Bauer Himself R FROM JEWISH DAILY FORWARD HELP,” BAUER BEMOANS fi “Tried to Reach Peaceful United Front With Dollfuss Against Naz Declares in is,” Austrian Leader Justification already prepared the fascist consti- tution which takes away from the workers the franchise, the right to| strike, and that he was plotting to} destroy the free working class or- ganizations. In this situation it became clear to the workers that they must not wait any longer; that they must not aliow themselves to become disorganized through further ar- rests of the leaders of the Repub- lican Schutzbund; and that they must not allow themselves to be disarmed through further discov- eries of their stored arms. The workers well knew that if they did not begin their struggle in the next few days that they would be- come incapacitated for struggle because they would not have arms with which to make a stand against the fascist conspirators. AND YET, NOTWITHSTANDING THIS, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LEADERS DECIDED TO CON- TINUE THEIR PREVIOUS TAC- TICS. THEY HELD IT IMPERA- TIVE THAT THE WORKERS SHOULD WAIT UNTIL MONDAY, FEB. 13, 1934, AND SEE WHETHER, THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN DOLFUSS AND THE REPRESEN- TATIVES OF THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS AS TO THE DE- MANDS OF THE HEIMWEHR WOULD NOT RESULT IN SOME- THING SUBSTANTIAL, SO THAT A STRUGGLE MIGHT BE AVOIDED. The Social Democratic Party de- cided to wait until one of the four terroristic acts would be carried through by the Dolfuss regime. The leadership of the Socialist Party did not want to take the responsi- bility for starting the attack. It desired that when the struggle should break forth, it should be a defensive struggle to protect the ae order, and not an at- ack. EVEN AFTER SUNDAY, FEB. 12, THE REPRESEN- TATIVES OF THE PARTY LEADERSHIP SOUGHT TO PACIFY THE INDIGNANT WORKERS, AND SOUGHT} TO HOLD THEM BACK FROM BEGINNING THE STRUGGLE. BUT THE ANGER OF THE MASSES eratic municipality of its income, thereby driving it to severe bank- | ruptecy. Social Democracy bit its lips and was silent when the work- ers were deprived of a whole se- ries of other hard-won social-po- ii 1 rights, On the contrary, it always, until the very last moment, did all it could to negotiate with the Dolfuss government, and with the non-fas- | cist wing of the Christian Socialist Party, and with all its efforts sought | to reach a peaceful understanding with them in order to form a united front against the National Social-| ists (Nazis). UT these peaceful and patient pol- icies of the Social Democratic Party had the opposite effect on the Dolfuss-Fey regime. The Dolfuss-| Fey regime undertook with greater | boldness new and hostile steps| against the working class, and against the Social Democratic Party. All attempts to reach an under- Standing with the government were| Fejected arrogantly by Dolfuss to the| last day On the other hand bitterness gtew among the workers at the way Dolfuss lorded it over Aus- | tria. This bitterness grew still stronger when Minister Schmitz announced his dictatorial decree | against the unemployed. This decree prohibited all orga- nized workers who belonged to the | free (Social Democratic) unions| from working on government build- ings as well as in private industries which had the slightest connection with the government. This decree said plainly that all| these projects could emplpoy only| workers coming from the labor bu-| reau of the Christian-Socialist un-| ions and from the Heimwehr (fas-| cist-police organization). | The workers correctly considered| this decree as an attack on the un-| employed and as a terroristic means} for dragging them into the Chris-| tian-Socialist unions which until then controlled only a very small| Portion of the organized Austrian workers; or for driving them into| the Heimwehr organizations. | THE BITTERNESS OF THE WORKERS GREW CONSTANTLY STRONGER AGAINST THE TQO- PATIENT POLICY OF THE LEAD- ERS OF THE SOCIAL DEMO- CRATIC PARTY. LARGE SEC- TIONS OF THE PARTY MEMBER- SHIP DEMANDED WITH IN- CREASING FURY THAT THE SO-| CIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY SHOULD BEGIN THE STRUGGLE. Despite this, the party leadership came forward in autumn at the Party Congress with a statement| that the party must maintain the Previously accepted tactics, and these tactics meant that the party| may give the call for a general| strike. under extraordinary circum- stance, It can give this call only (1) when the government had put through a fascist constitution; (2) when it would overthrow the constitutional | Province-governments; (3) when it} would overthrow the municipal gov- ernment in Vienna, and (4) when it would dissolve the Socialist Party and destroy the free trade unions. As long as the Dolfuss govern- ment d' not carry through any one| of these four acts we must continue/ “Mass Anger Reached a Pitch That Party Warning Helped No More”—Bauer RREAKING through Bauer’s own words we see a remarkable picture of the Austrian proletariat, men, women and even children of the Austrian working class, burning with hatred of Austrian fascism, ready and eager for the call to struggle, waiting vainly for their trusted lead- ers to rally them for class struggle against their advancing fascist enemies. But his own words also give us a picture of a social fascist leadership rotten with treachery and the poison of class collaboration, grovelling for “unity” with fascist-capitalist military reaction, stabbing the Austrian proletariat in the back. Bauer’s own words give us a picture of the leadership of the Austrian Socialist Party, striving to numb and paralyze the revolutionary resistence of the Austrian prole- tariat by seeking to blind it with illusions about the “democratic re- public,” by seeking to chain it in support of Dollfuss and his Heim- wehr-Fascist allies. The line of the Austrian Socialist leadership, it is glaringly revealed, in the confession of its own accepted leader, was a consistent counter- revolutionary line. It is not that Otto Bauer and his social fascist colleagues were guilty of certain “mistakes” or “errors” in judgement. Bauer’s statement makes it brazenly clear that every action of the Austrian Socialist leadership flowed inevitably and logically from its basic objective—to avoid at all costs any resistance of the Austrian proletariat against the steady advance of Austrian fascism headed by Dollfuss. This objective, this purpose, which is at the heart of the social- fascist treachery of Otto Bauer, is repeated again and again in Bauer's historic confession. In his own words he tells us how he sought to allay the class hatred of the Austrian workers, which was bursting into flames against their class enemy. Time and time again he tells us how he sought to console the Austrian proletariat at the steady and shameful policy of retreat which the Austrian Socialist leaders were riveting upon the Austrian working class. And in the end, he confesses, with- out a trace of shame, how he and his colleagues were finally swept aside when “OUR WARNINGS WERE NO LONGER OF ANY HELP.” It is a picture of a proletariat, the best organized and most class- conscious in Europe, straining to destroy its hated Fascist enemies, trapped by a leadership terrified by the prospect of the revolutionary eagerness of the masses whom it has so long and so terribly deceived. Bees Ge ‘HAT was the illusion by which Otto Bauer trapped the workers into the Fascist ambush? It was the fundamental fraud which Social- Democracy secks to foist upon the masses—the illusion of the “lesser evil,” the illusion of “united front” with capitalist parties “in defence of democracy.” Bauer bound the Austrian proletariat to the arch-agent of Austrian Fascism, Dollfuss, by defending the support of his government, “united front” with him on the “issue of democracy,” as a “lesser evil” compared with Nazism. To the very end he pleaded to the Austrian workers for a “united front with Dullfuss against the Nazis.” It was by this tactic that Otto Bauer and the Austrian Social- Fascist leaders blinded the workers to the sinister reality that Aus- trian Fascism was swiftly maturing in the very heart of the Dollfuss government itself! By depicting the menace of Fascism as coming solely from the Nazis, Bauer successfully masked the advance of Fascism right at home, and successfully paved the way for its ad- vance, while the Austrian proletariat was being hoodwinked by the Social-Democratic leaders into considering Dollfuss as “a defender of democracy.” It was by concealing from the Austrian proletariat that the struggle between the Nazis and the Heimwehr was, not a struggie between Fascism and “democracy,” but, rather, a struggle between two equally reactionary Fascist-imperialist groups struggling for the right to plunder the Austrian masses, that Bauer trapped and be- trayed the Austrian proletariat. He spoke to the Austrian workers of “united front in defense of democracy.” But this was a “united front” with Dollfuss against the bitter rage of the Austrian masses rising against Fascist reaction. It was a “united front” that robbed the workers of every gain and concession that they had wrung from the capitalist ruling class. It was a “united front” that was based upon the disarming of the Aus- trian proletariat, a “united front” that found its final embodiment in Bauer's infamous offer to support Dolifuss in an open government by dictatorial decree, if only he would permit them to save the formal rags of their capitalist republic. AN EDITORIAL AUER tells us, how at the very end, faced with the “fury of the workers at the too-patient policy of the leaders,” he promulgated his notorious “Four Points” which he laid down as the pre-conditions for his calling a general strike against the Fascists (not an armed struggle, notice). We reprint these “Four Points” on another part of the page in Bauer’s own statement. What is the central motive of these “Points?” It is to postpone as long as possible any revolutionary action by the working class. Bauer sets up four obstacles in the way of revolutionary working class action. He tells the Fascists that he will call for a general strike but only after the Fascists have already vaulted these four pre- conditions and have deprived the proletariat of its weapons! He will call for strike—but only after the Fascists have already encroached deeply into the power of the workers, terribly weakening the fighting power of the proletariat. Step by step, day by day, Bauer sounded the call to retreat. Step by step, day by day, he gave the Fascists another concessién, another weapon to strengthen themselves. He permitted them to dissolve the armed Republican Schutzbund. He permitted them to search the workers’ quarters for arms. He called upon the workers to yield, to submit, to retreat, And the folly, the hypocrisy of threat of the “Four Points” is re- vealed by the way Bauer himself restrained the workers from any action even long after his own points had been violated by the Fas- cists. His threats against the Fascists were hollow lies. And by this very token, Bauer encouraged the Fascists to spread and strengthen their violence, while he counselled patience and submission to the workers, Germany—1933 And now, he, who seeks to cover himself with the eternal glory of those workers, whom he betrayed into the hands of the Fascist murderers, adds insult to his infamy by speaking of the futility of the Austrian armed uprising. He, who disarmed the workers, now speaks of the “superior” arms of the State power. The leadership of Social-Democracy has revealed itself as not only incapable of leading and preparing the working class for revo- lutionary struggle against capitalist exploitation and Fascism. It has revealed itself as the agent of the bourgeoisie whose aim it is to cripple and demoralize this struggle. The working class must go forward under the revolutionary lead- ership of the Communist International, under the banner of Lenin and Stalin. The path of Bolshevism, the path of proletarian dictator- ship, and Soviet Power, is the true road that can bring the masses victory in the struggle against the monster of Fascism. The road of the Austrian proletarian heroes must now be the road, in the words of the Austrian Communist Party, the road “from the February uprising to the Red Bolshevist October Revolution!” * The article of Otto Bauer gives an unwilling confession of the monstrous treachery of Austrian Social-Democratic leaders. But this same article also gives a justification of this treachery and a program of further treacheries. In subsequent issues we shall submit his theories to fuller analysis. Austria—1934 Two historic photographs showing the two ruiers with whom Social- Democracy in Germany and Austria formed “united fronts” against Fascism. Hindenburg, who was the Socialist Party candidate for Pres- ident in Germany as the “defender of democracy against Fascism” is seen shaking hands with Hitler congratulating him on his accession to power. Dollfuss, whom the Austrian Socialists supported as the HAD ALREADY REACHED SUCH A HIGH PITCH THAT THE WARNINGS OF. THE PARTY BLP ANY SHIP DID NOT HELP ANY MORE. Early Monday, when the police in Linz began anew to seize the work- es’ arms and to arrest the leaders of the Schutzbund, the workers of t Linz started to fight. This was two ; days after the Heimwehr troops in af Linz had threatened to liquidate with force the Social Democratic municipal government. Also in Vienna there was great unrest among the workers early Monday, and this because in the Floridzorf, the industrial section of Vienna, Comrade Schtockhammer, a Tepresentative of the workers, was arrested. Early Monday, the work- ers in the Ploridz factories demand- ed a call for a protest strike against Schtockhammer’s arrest. While the workers in the fac- tories were still discussing this, #. became known that in Lins street battles had already begun. This turned into a signal. The workers could no longer be held baek. The workers in Vienna felt that the workers in Linz and in upper Austria, who had already gone out in struggle, could not be left alone to their fate, that they must be helped and that this help must corffe from all Austrian workers. If the struggle were allowed to go on in separate places, it would not take long for the Austrian working class movement to be destroyed piecemeal. After the workers were defeated in one place, the workers in another section would be at- tacked—and when the government felt that the workers’ movement was already incapacitated for struggle, it would carry through its counter- revolution as it had planned in the f first place. ‘ fel sw op | head IF THE party leadership had succeeded in carrying through its line to the last minute, the strug- gle would in all probablity not have been avoided. The fascist enemies of the workers sought with all means to force the workers to begin the struggle if they did not intend to e!- low themselves to be suppressed and j to voluntarily accept the fascist re- 4 gime. But when the struggle had broken ‘ forth and if the leadership of the Party had agreed to this, then the fight would have been better orga- nized because the broad masses would have better understood it. But we cannot wholly blame the workers because they no longer had the patience to wait. Since the be- ginning of March, 1933, the workers lived through one persecution after another, and when all at once came the provocations of the last days, before Feb. 13, the workers’ patience burst, and they stepped forth into } open resistanee. j The workers cannot be blamed for deciding to fight, after mass ar- \ rests were carried through and their { arms confiscated. The workers feared that through the fascist at- tacks they would become altogether helpless and would have nothing with which to defend themselves at the moment of the fascist counter- revolution. No one doubted that the military forces of the government were much stronger than the power of the workers and that the workers could not succeed in struggle against the government. A government which does not stop at shattering with artillery the most beautiful and largest buildings of the capital can and will annthi+ late the workers’ battalions with the same ferocious means. The workers’ battalions are of necessity much weaker than the government troops, they cannot be as experienced, and cannot have as much ammunition as the government, let alone armored trucks, howitzers and other cannon. The workers knew this. They knew they could not win. But this did not stop them from giving open battle. This did not stop them from offering themselves as sacrifices for liberty and democracy. The Austrian workers, and espe- cially the fighters of the Republican Schutzbund, are liberty-loving men who do not allow themselves to be enslaved, and knowing that they are weaker than their enemies, do not surrender, notwithstanding the op- Position. Heroic was the struggle of the workers of Vienna and Linz, of Bruck and of Eggenberg, of Yuden- berg and Steyr. ’ Even the blackest reactionaries who opposed the workers and car- tied through their bloody butchery had to marvel at their heroism. They had to feel admiration and respect for the men and women who with old guns in their hands and with emptied cartridge belts stood against cannons, machine guns of the aaa of the working class and azainst the enemies repul lberty. of iblican. ‘The brave heroic fighters defended the rights of the workers to the last bullet; to tue last moment that they were ab) And because of this they won th cecognition, the enthusiasm and tic aNniration not only of their frier 4s but even of their enemies, Ay . they well deserved this recog- y.cion and admiration. It is not eoiie ae Lae the struggle ended or the time being s thea, if so tragically ane But no! The fight is far from ended. It goes on, and will go on until the workers will regain the “defender of the Republic” against Nazi Fascism, is seen congratulat- ing the Fascist leader of the Heimwehr, Prince von Starhemberg, y Positions they lost. OTTO BAUER