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Ln Page rour DAI LY WORKER Atiempi to Set Crushed by Told Workers Prol Unnecessary; Established ‘“‘Democracy” third of a series of This is the pamphlet of a leading of the Com- menist In the the- ories of Austrian Social-Democr In the second article, Manuilsky discussed how Ausirian Social- Democracy set up a bourgeois de- Mocracy, instead of a Soviet gov ernment in 1919. Ry D. Z, MANUILSKY Part 3) summing wide impo: Russian and fr of developn U.S. S.R. fully comp! Plan, and ing of a c ond Five 2 Class of the P. § crushin; all elements, tion of the wi tions of so Stronger 4 And what about Its of ived from Austria has’ the path of democracy led the y fourteen yea: a classes” it has ste Ps dipped into fascism. “Democracy” Led to Fascism From where did fascism Fascism is arrive? not a natural calamity like the Bla Death in the Middle Ages. It is a social movement in- cluding part o Why did the he oppressed classes. poor and the yoke of capitalism, c under the leadership of the prol ‘iat, while In Austria a id le part of them flock fascism, de- S up to monor the whole pos! ar Policy in social-democra drove th into the arms of fascism. The experience of the world work movement teaches | us that w alism becomes v which must lism does oric mission, then arise which will try in in a capitalist way, other force: their own to solve the tions of the capitalist 5 S the case in Italy, when a rev jonary sit- | uation was allowed to In the summer of 1920 the workers the government was utterly helpl blow on the part of the proletariat Would have been enough to anni- hilate the fascist government. But there was a Communist Party, while Ita 1 like Austrian an democracy in 1919, f letariat at the de was the tr the social- democrats that rise to the vic- tory of fascism in 1922. Fascism in Austria because it was hel to grow by Austrian social - democracy, which surrendered one position of the work- ing class after another without a Struggle, calling on the workers to refrain from resistance to the offen- ;| the Cai ssed by the | ty | 2 slip by in 1920, | , and one serious | It | grew precisely | Up Soviets {ustria Leaders | etarian Dictatorship | gz replaced the nentary coali- paved the nk the vigilance | lass to sleep—and | them with accom- | Havin; exit policy of July 20th is not only e of German social-democracy. | social-democracy is also| 1e workers to it—through a of little preparatory | It was not “socialism | which social-democracy | but “fascism by de-/| this penetrated into the | italist democracy, s to the entire post-war policy | Austrian social-democracy. | Betrayed—By Whom? Austrian proletarian looks | with a feeling of pro- xity, of infinite bitter- With sadness he asks himself: 918 I had arms, I was a menac- e for the ruling classes. I dictate my will to the class But I sacrificed all this on altar of ‘democracy above classes.’ where is-this ‘democracy above s?’?” In reality this is capital- nocracy of the Rothschild sub- sidy, under which capitalism and exploitation are left untouched, un- | der which crisis and unemployment “I was told in 1914 that I ke a gun and go to fight in rpathians or I should be en- ved. But has this capitalism en- slaved me any the less than in 1914? I was told in 1918 that the proletarian revolution would b-ing me starvation; but never did the Austrian worker, his wife and children, starve as they e starving now. In the Vienna lodg- ng-houses for homeless people there were 427,000 persons in 1927 and over 700,000 in 1931 “Ever since 1918 they have been | ‘ing me with the story that in ria, as in Hungary, a proletarian | revolution would lead to the defeat ‘ing class and the triumph But the Austrian work- is now sustaining blow after out fighting back against Ss enemy. Fascism is growing, coming nearer, because of this very policy of retreat.” | The proletariat feels that the gains | which it wrested from the bourgeoisie | during the revolution of 1918 are now | being filched one after another, that the party which, after the event, de- | clared these revolutionary gains of the working class to be the result | of its reformist policy, has surrend- ered these gains one after another to the bourgeoisie. The proletariat feels that it has | been betrayed quietly, imperceptibly; some diabolical hand seems to have | cunningly and capably led it up to | this unhappy. position.. And it asks | itself in distress, who is to blame for all this? And in its head another question is clamoring for an answer: | Why does the Russian worker have no unemployment, no fascism, when he went boldly along another path, the path of establishing and consoli- dating his own revolutionary dic- tatorship, alone against all the bour- seoisie of the world and against in- ternational social democracy? And this is a question with which hun- | dreds of thousands of social-demo- | cratic workers at the present time | are racking their brains, (To Be Continued) whole July 2 The e must | ing | blow, w the |for a 3714-hour work week and § |minimum for Workers of Two Textile Unions Unite and Win Demand in Weitzner Silk Shop © | i} | File Delegates on White Goods Code (By a Needle Worker Correspondent) | NEW YORK.—On Feb. 8 at Coove: Union a protest mass meeti: called by the officials of Loc 62 of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union against the pen: code for the White Goods Industry. The code cells for a 40-hour work week and $13 minimum. In this industry the union has an| agreement with the manufactur overators, and $17 minimum for examiners and vressers, which was gotten as a result of a general strike in September, 1933. However, the officials of Local 62 never enforced the agreement, and the workers only recsived a 10 ner cent increase immeditely over the wages received before the strike. The most of the shops. Mary Goff, organizer of the union, opened the meeting an hour and a half later than scheduled, Sensing the unrest of the workers, sky, president of the I. L. G. W. U. After his speech, in which he said nothing, Dubinsky was not inter- ested to hear what the workers had to say; he took his hat and coat and left. The next speaker was the manager of the local, Brother Shore. Brother spoke solely about the code. He read a resolution to be sent to P: Roosevelt and the N. R. A. adminis- tration, appealing to them to secure a decent living wage in the code and a 25-hour work week. At this point @ worker demanded to know more definitely the minimum wage, and another worker insisted’ upon en- forcing the agreement. A worker made a proposal that & rank and file deegation be elected to accompany Mr. Shore to Washington to combat the code. The workers cheered and supported the proposal. The so-called ushers and other offi- cials attempted to intimidate the workers, but all rallied to the defense of the worker making the propsal and demanded that she be heard. Miss Goff claimed that since there were only 3,000 workers present and 14,000 in the trade, it could not be acted upon, although it was enough for Mr. Shore’s resolution. ‘Thereupon she declared the meet- ing was adjourned. Not one worker left the hall, but all insisted that the proposal be acted upon. Brother Shore had left the meeting as soon as he saw the determination of the workers. The officials turned the lights out and called the cops. and yet the workers remained. The worker who g | the salaries avereyed from $10 to $15 in| she | pleaded for quiet and order, where-| > upon she introduced Brother Dubin- | the Premler Art Flowers, 53 E. 14th | St. | j better than before. We workers did | minutes, but we stopped at 5:30 p. m. | week instead of 5%. Shore did not mention the trade, but | | improvement, and I was answered dent | that this “miracle” was performed by |the famous N. R. A. of tional and A. F. of L. Members Force Boss to Fix Belt Drive | . NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1934 By a Textile Worker Correspondent PATERSON, N. J.—The workers in the Weitzner Silk Shop were just ab fed up with certain conditions| in the shop. The main belt drive was nd doing damaze to the work- tions. At the shop meeting at which most of the National Textile Workers Union members as well as minority A. F. of L. members ent, they desided to demand | in belt drive and a help-out es. a new I on smash The shop committee went into the| fice prompily at 9 A. M., and placed the demands of the workers. The boss threatened to fire the committee. The committee gave the boss until 12 noon | to decide. At this time, the Shop| Committee went in and again re-| minded the boss. The boss told the! committee nothing doing. | The workers in the shop were imme-| diately instructed by the Shop Com- mittee to strike. Each and every craft struck like one man. This was} too much for the boss and he gave in to the demands, These workers} did not wait for the Arbitration Board but did just as the Nationsl union instructed. The A. F. of L. workers united with all the National members. Continuous struggless of this kind will help in the formation | of one industral textile union. | PAY DAY UNCOVERS MEANING OF N.R. A. By a Needle Worker Correspondent NEW YORK.—After two years of wandering around the streets, look- ing for a job, I went back to work at my old place where I worked before, I found the conditions there not start to work at 8 a. m. any longer, but at 8:30. We did have jone hour for lunch instead of 45 as before, and worked five days a I asked what was the cause of this Swell, I ex- claimed. And I thought of those reds who are never satisfied. Oh, aren’t the reds wrong in putting up a sharp criticism against the providential N. R. A.? Do you workers think so? No? Well, neither do I. Only the bosses think so! So let me finish my re- port. Remember, I got the job three weeks ago. I started to work. The first week was over and it was pay day. We went to the office to col- lect our wages. What’s the minimum wage of the N. R. A.? Twelve dollars, isn’t 16? Well, I got $10. But I was partly disappointed by the N. R. A. even before it was pay-~ day. We had an hour for lunch only the first day we commenced to work, but on the second day we were forced to take only three-quarters of an hour. Thus the day gets longer made the proposal with the support of every worker in the hall insisted upon being heard, and not until she announced that they would go by one-quarter of an hour. We didn't| get paid for the shortened day of the week, Saturday, and the speed- up system predominated in the factory. ‘They want us to press 75 gross of paper flowers a day, and to press all that number of flowers one has to kill himself. So, I asked for a raise in my wages and I got—the air to- day! So workers, what do you think of the N. R. A.? War Vet Tells = Why He Reads “Daily Worker” By a War Veteran CHICAGO. Ill—As a patriot and| disabled soldier of the world war, Ij must describe how this great country treats its heroes. The hos; out in the open country, where very few people go to see them. We see something about these unfortunates in the capitalist press once a year on Christmas Day, all smiling, smoking cigarettes given to them by the American Levion and the great Dauthters of the Republic. But the remoininy davs of the year we have to face the doctors and the verson- nel of the veterans’ administration. Every time that they call me for a physical examination, I’m force’ to go throuvth a so-called mental test. “Whet is your relition?” “But you were born in a Catholic count: you are a Catho'ic beversro” « tT have changed my religion, I am an Atheist.” “That’s enough. Take him to the psyconathic department. Men- tally deficient.” I am a totally disabled man. My end is verv near. But I would like to give advice to those who are yovng and willing to give their lives for democracy. Morgan is leading us directly into another world war, and they will again say it is the last war, —G. C. 1. Miller Shop Now A Prison By a Shoe Worker Correspondent LONG ISLAND CITY, N. Y. — In the I. Miller & Son Shoe factory, the workers look like they are in a prison, ‘They cannot speak to each other. As soon as the foremen see workers talk- ing he stops them. ‘The workers are not satisfied about the Boot and Shoe Union there. The) union does not take the part of the worker. The bosses want to charge for the damaged shoes, and the work- ers do not want to pay. The shop chairman works in favor of the bosses, Whenever workers are not satisfied with something, the chairman helps the boss fire them. See what kind of a union the workers are forced to have. The Boot and Shoe Union is an agent of the bosses. ‘The workers appeal to all depart- ments of I. Miller & Son to do some- thing to get some results. through with the plan at another meeting, did the workers go home. —A Group of I. Miller Workers. vance for the overthrow of the capi- IT am here to confess that the first few pennies which I invested for the Daily Worker in the year 1923 is the only investment of my money that has not gone into bankruptcy. All the other so-called. safe institutions have failed. The Daily Worker really is the in- ternational illuminator. The Daily Worker did open my eyes and I can claim it made a new man out of me. The Daily Worker is the real guid- talist system for which I hope now more than ever before. It is the capitalist system that has robbed me of my health, my wealth, deprived me of my real liberty and my joy of life! Please send me a copy of the Daily Worker for one year. Here is $6. NOTE: We publish letters from textile, needle, shoe and leather workers every Wednesday. Workers in those industries are urged to write us of their conditions of work, and of their strugcles to organize. Get the letters to us by Saturday of each week, Every new subscriber you get for the Daily Worker means winning another worker to the revolution- ary struggle against exploitation, war and fascism, 0 Gin ssew BY be BELEN LUKE TEXD< were just on the the decisive importance i verge of q & passage in the | ning of power by the ea "The eee oapter (Women. arriage and difference must be sharply. em- Su from Ch s “Remin- phasized, so as to get the women into Is¢ences of Len: hen the bell the ri olutionary class struggle of fang for the end of round 2. So | the proletariat, It is essential for the ere it is, and it’s good medicine for those radical husbands who think dish-washing is beneath them. Lenin remarks: “Must I again swear to you, or let you swear, that the struggles for our demands for women must be bound up with the object zing power, of establishing the proletarian dic- tatorship? That is our Alpha and Omega at the present time. That is clear, quite clear. But the women of the working people will not feel irresistibly driven into sharing our Struggles for the sta*e power if we only and always put forward that one demand, though it were with the trumpets of Jericho. No! No! The Women must be made conscious of the political connection between our demands and their own suffering, Needs and wishes. They must re- ‘ plize wha* the proletarian dictator- ship. means for them: equality with man in law and prac- #ice, in the family, in the state, in society; an end to the power of the bourgeoisie.” Clara Zetkin: that.” “Soviet Russia shows " “That will be the great example in our teaching,” Lenin continued. “Soviet Russia puts our demands for | Under the | dictatorship those de- | women in a new light. ands are not objects of struggle be- wy the proletariat and the bour- ' geoisie. They are part of the struc- ture of Communist society. That in- dicates to women in other countries Young Pioneers f of America i} Presents the Final Performance of y, Feb. 25, 7.30 P.M. y College Auditorium St. and Lexington Ave, complete | Communist Partics, and for their triumph, to rally them on a clear understanding of principle and a firm organizational basis. But don’t let us deceive ourselves, Our na- tional sections still lack a correct understanding of this matter. They are standing idly by while there is this task of creating a mass move- men‘ of working women under Com- | munist leadership. They don’t un- derstand that the development and | Management of such a mass move- | ment is an important part of entire Party activity, indeed, a half of gen- |eral Party work. Their occasional | recognition of the necessi’y and value | of @ powerful, clear-headed Commu- | nist women’s movement is a platonic, | verbal recognition, not the constant | care and ob'igation of the Party. “Agitation and propaganda work | among women, their awakening and | revolutionization. is regarded as an incidental matter, as an affair which only concerns women comrades. They | alone are reproached because work |in that direction does not proceed | more quickly and more vigorously. | That is wrong, quite wrong! Real | Separatism, and, as the French say, |feminism a ta rebours, feminism upside down! What is the basis of the incorrect attitude of our na‘fonal sections? In the final analysis it is | nothing but an under-estimation of woman and her work. Yes indeed! | Unfortunately it is still true to say of many of our comrades, ‘Scratch a | Communis* and find a Philistine.’ Of course, you must scratch the sensi- tive spot, their mentality as regards woman. Could there be a more | damning proof of this than the calm acouiesence of men who see how women grow worn out in the petty, Monotonous household work, their s‘rength and time dissivated and wasted, their minds growing narrow and stale, their hearts beating slowly, their will weakened? Of course, I am not speaking of the ladies of the bourgeoisie, who shove onto servants the responsibility for all household | work, including the care of children. | What I am saying applies to the overwhelming majori‘y of women, to shattered before they can understand and assimilate our program as a | practical program. One of these illu- |sions 1s that you can’t fight the gov- ernment. Another is that intensified | war preparations will be beneficial to them because they are in a war in- | dustry. Now these are practical problems that must be met. But in all its political material—and there is a great wealth of political~material in this first issue—the pape: does not mect these two burning problems squarely. In fact the question of war is dealt with in two articles—in analyzing the Roosevelt budget and in analyzing the imminenze of war. In both of these the first approach | should have been this very natural | desire of an unclass-ronscious worker jin the yards—an expanding arma- |ments building program, in order to get more work. We must show them that the claim that war will bring prosperity to the war-production workers is a myth. With all the in- creased activity in war production, there have been very few workers added to this production apparatus because of the speed-up and wages have been cut again and again. Our fight must be a strong organization to fight speed-up and wage-cuts, The Anti-War Campaign We will never rally these workers to an anti-war program by talking first to them about five years of crisis, and saying “our bosses are looking hungrily to war, to a new world slaughter, as a way out.” If you are to handle at all the question of war as the capitalist way out of the crisis, it must be dore adequately, explaining how the bosses find war the only way out. You can take nothing for granted. When you tell them that “war is part of this sys- tem,” and bring up such a class con- cept, you must be ready to explain how it is part of “this system,” and what “this system” is. You cannot take for granted that they even know there is a system. Then what is the paper telling these workers who are producing war armaments, to do in the anti-war struggles? The article says: “Our first method of fighting against the war makers is to demand the elimination of the 15 per cent cut. Our wages have been cut so that more money would be spent for war materials, instead of wages. By demanding that the huge war budget be turned over for unemployment insurance, we fight against war and struggle for insurance for the inevitable day when we are tossed aside like an empty can.” What are we doing here? We are the wives of workers, and to those whp stand all day in a factory. { (To Be Continued.) telling the workers that if they get for armaments. Is that what we tell the Brooklyn Navy Yard workers is their duty in helping to against war? This problem of drawing workers on war production into the anti-war campaign is not a simple one, and we must be very careful what kind of slogans we fling among them. | The important thing, together with rousing their hatred against war, and | together with developing their class solidarity, is to show them that if we build up a strong organization in the plant, that in itself will help to postpone war. For then the bour- geoisie will know that it cannot rely on them during war time to manu- fight facture material with which to mangle and murder their class brothers. That is the strategic step |in any war munitions plant—strong organization, We must begin to prepare these strategic workers for our slogan of turning imperialist war into civil war. ‘The way to prepare them is to arouse their class consciousness and their class loyalty. Building the Union One of the basic tasks of the “Yard Voice” is to help to build up an adequate fighting apparatus of the workers inside the Navy Yards to get better working conditions. The unit editing this paper, however, seems to regard the paper as a political sup- plement to the Union paper, without realizing that the Unit paper itself must be a Union organizer. The paper does not show the workers how to struggle for better conditions. It does not explain how to build up any kind of shop organization. It does not mention the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union anywhere except to support its program on one issue—the restoration of the wage- cut. It outlines no program of im- mediate demands. It says nothing on how to build up opposition groups in “The Yard Voice, issued by the Com- munist Party, Navy Yard Unit, Vol. I, No, 1, February, 1934. No address, Reviewed by GERTRUDE HAESSLER For several months the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union has been issuing for the workers in the Navy Yards, a paper called the “Yard Worker.” It is issued from outside the yards and is building up union organization in the shop. There is a Communist Party unit in the shop, which is taking the lead in building up Union organization to fight for better working conditions. The unit, however, found that it was impossible through this Union paper to bring the broader political issues affecting the working class adequately from the inside, in their own name— the Communist Party Unit in the Navy Yards. The Union leaders will soon find this paper one of the most powerful means for mobilizing the workers for correct militant tactics in fight- ing the employers (in this the United States Government), And of course it will be the most ‘m- portant means for opening the eyes of the Navy Yard workers to cless- consciousness, and rally them fo: the final aim of the Communist Party— the overthrow of the capitalist system, and the establishment of a Soviet America with all that this implies, But to become such an effective wewon to lead the workers in their economic struggles and their final political aims, the “Yard Voice” in its future issues, must stzike a better balance. The first issue tries to ac- complish this all-comprehensive task, but betrays a certain amount of in- experience. It tries to accomplish the whole Communist program at once, and giv’: the workers too much to digest in one dose. The yard workers cre suffering from certain illusions which must be the various A. F. of L, locals in the Yards, or how the members of these locals can fight the leadership of the Metal Trades Council, which has a strangle-hold on the organized work- ers there. It does not tell the un- organized workers how they can struggle. It doesn’t even mention the word “united front” under such a complicated organizational situation. It does, not explain the role of the company union. Even in its intro- ductory article, telling what the Com- munist Party stands for, it says nothing about the Communist Party championing the workers in their day-to-day struggles. Basically what is the shortcoming of this paper? Th-ugh it is a shop paper, it does nc: uandle the problems of the shop adequately. It takes up only two shop problems—the restora- tion of the wage-cut and the status of the apprentices. The article analyzing the set-backs received in the struggle for the restoration of the wage-cut is good. It exposes the anti-employee, and pro-employer tactics of the Metal Trades Counril, and how it stifled the mass action of the yard workers, and how the A. F, of L. leadership as a whole stifled the mass action of al federal employees. Here was a good chance to combat that illusion the workers have that you can’t fight the government, for actually the federal employees did fight the government were partially successful, for they including the Yard are on their way to getting back part of more of the war appropriations for their own pockets, then less will go a before these wd kers. They therefore undertook to ?'jue their owa paper their cut. Now the paper, aside from endors- isenibicie Ni Se RNR Ried NS hlaicel nib aGAN Rd Sc ing the program of the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union, should have outlined concrete organi- zational proposals for the immediate future, to realize this program. This was overlooked. The C. P. cannot content itself with merely endorsing the program of another organization. It must lead the way in establishing machinery for realizing this program, On the question of the apprentices, the paper shows its alertness on the question of the problems of youth in industry but only from the stand- point of the youth. It has fallen into certain dangers. Its formulations would tend to bring about a schism between skilled and unskilled work- ers and thus play into the hands of the employers who constently use this method of splitting the ranks of the working class. The question of apprentices supp'anting mechanics at apprentice wo7es, is hendled only the point of view of the appren- the mechanics is ignored. Still they| eall for support from the other workers in the yard for their demands | without showing those workers why this act of solidarity is necessary. | And without showing any sympathetic understanding of the problems of the adult and experienced workers. Worker Correspondence How about the other departments? We have contacts in quite a number of other departments, but one could » and the prcblem created for! _ PARTY LIFE Two, in the Demonstration in Support of the Austrian Revoiution new and comparatively small section. Over half of the membership has been recruited into the Party since the Open Letter—the entire Section Committee, with but one exceptior., has been in the Party less than a year. There are only three shops, five street units and ohe concentra- tion unit (railroad) in the Section, end each unit is scattered over a very wide area. Despite these facts, the energetic mobiliation, preparation and activities for the Austrian dem- enstration held Wednesday in New York, can serve as a splendid exam- ple for our entire Party. As soon as directives were received from the District, every unit was im- mediately notified to speed up the regular work of the unit and be pre- nared to act when representatives of the Section Committees arrived at the meeting. A car at the service of the Section, two members of the Sec- tion committee visited each unit, de- livered the Daily Workers and in- structions, and pointed out the sig- nificance and importance of the situation. Immediately the entire member:/nip was galvanized into action. By ten o'clock in the evening every comrade was on the streets, in front of shops where workers were working nights, and in the neighborhoods, from store to store and house to house, crying “EXTRA,” selling and distributing the DAILY WORKER. Complaints came from the Units, that the Sec- ‘ion Committee had underestimated their fervor and enthusiasm. We had only ordered one thousand copies of the DAILY. So—at 12 midnight, we had to rush down to the Daily office and get three hundred copies more. which were immediately swallowed up. There wasn’t much sleep for the comrades that night. Early in the morning workers going to work, were greeted by our comrades sell- ing the Daily Worker at every im- portant subway station, before the shops, and at the railroad concen- tration. That practically every unemployed comrade was on the job, goes without saying. But it must also be recorded that a great number of comrades still employed, realizing the importance of the situation and by the work to be done, stayed away from their jobs and gave the day over to the Party. At 12 noon on Wednesday, a group of comrades were impatiently waiting for the special extra edition of the Daily. In one case, a comrade had broutht down a sympathizer “to help sell Dailies.” Many interesting experiences were related by the comrades who revorted back on their work. We will merely mention a few of the more outstand- ing ones: A comrade selling Dailies near the elevated tracks saw a large group of track workers overhead. She called one of them. He wanted a paper. Then he wanted more. He lowered a rope down to her; she tied on a bundle of 15 copies of the Daily which were hoisted up to the waiting workers. The worker distributed the bundle of the Daily to his fellow workers, who eagerly grabbed each copy. Comrade C. selling Dailies at the Railroad yards, met a Negro worker who paid a dime for his Daily. The Negro worker asked Comrade C. whether he was a Party member, and when he heard that he was, he said: ‘IT am also a member. I belong to the Party in N——. Comrade C. told him how he had sold a Daily some three weeks ago to another Ne7ro railread worker from that same city, who hed wanted more in’ormotion ebout the Party, and had siven him his name and address. “Oh,” said 8 Section 10, (Long Island) is a very | w New Section Mobilized Entire| Membership for Austria Meet Nine Units Sold and Distributed 3,000 Daily Workers in Special Austria Drive Some Experiences of Section 10, Dist. the Negro comradé: “You mean B—, | Well, we got his:mame and address from your District, and I myself d him up into the Party last Workers going into the shops, workers leaving the shops, every- where they spoke of the heroic strug~ gle of the workers—men and womer —of Austria. “Yes, we'll be at th: | demonstration”. was .heard on man: sides. “If we don’t fight for them, we won't know ‘how to fight for our- selves: when the time comes for us,” | said one-Negro worker, who ran back to the comrade to give him his last few pennies as soon as he saw that it was the Daily that had been given him, At thé railroad yards, 75 copies were sold and distributed right inside of the yards on Tuesday night after the unit meeting, for the night shift. | Wednesday morning and until noon, 300 more copies had been disposed of, and at 3 o'clock the comrades were there again with 200 copies of the extra, edition, Hundreds of copies were sold and distributed to the shoe workers of the I. Miller and Premier shops (there are about’ 1,300 workers in these two shops).:° Workers at the Sunshine factory got the Daily on their way home. The Dailies were sold at the Mallinson Silk factory (where'a few weeks ago the workers were sold out and betrayed by the A. F. of .L with the support of a few Lovestoneites in the. shop). With very few exceptions, every comrade of the Section either parti- cipated directly in the demonstration at the Consulate, or else remained in the section territory to continue with the sale of the Daily at the face tories, or at the.railroad yards. A crew of comrades’ withstood the bit ter cold at the corner of 42nd St, end 5th Ave., held'their ground until they had sold all’their Dailies of the extra. edition, and then rushed around looking for more. Immedie ately following the demonstration, = group of comrades reported to the section! f6° distribute more leaflets. Despite:all of this extra work, there was no let-up in the regular work, On the contrary, it was all tied up. Thus, leaflets were also distributed and thé word spread around of our section” forum, which takes place every Wednesday evening, and after the demonstration, the forum was held with a record attendance, In all, the section sold and dis- tributed "1,300 copies of Wednesday’s Daily, “two thousand copies of the extra issue, and distributed five thou- sand leaflets for. the Coliseum meet ing. Many new contacts were made, "Se Daily has become better known throughout the section. A new spirit has been fired into every Party com- rade and, close ‘sympathizer. The comrades. are “raring to go.” A keener. sense of the. greatness of our Party, a greater appreciation of its ability to mobilize its membership and ‘the''masses ‘of workers in the shortest period of time—all of this has beer sharply borne home to ths comrades. The first test has been passed in our section, Much more can be expected, G. W. - JOIN THE Communist Party 35 KE. 12th STREET, N. Y. CG PleaSe ‘send me more informa- sion on the Communist Party. Name”... Bicehtiinsss sas cccbecasecceses never guess it from the paper, And there is only one letter from a worker, This is perhaps natural in a first issue, and the appeal for more in subsequent issues should bring re- sults,—at least we hope so in view of the fact that the paper gives no ad- dress. The paper is very attractive tech- nically, rotographed in a neat man- ner (with many typographical errors, however), and with good illustrations. The issuing of a Party paper in this very important war industries plant is an achievement toward put- ting into effect the Open Letter and the program of the 13th Plenum re- solution, Now, in future issues, the comrades should learn from this first experience not to handle too many political problems at once. No one expects you to hand out to these Navy Yard workers the entire pro- gram and all the Party campaigns in one issue. It is better at first to hahdle one or two political subjects only, but give them a clear, careful, elementary analysis, linked up as closely as possible with the conditions in the yards, And don’t forget that in addition to being Party organizers, you are also Union organizers. The Party unit in the shop is the fraction of the union in the shop—the class-consious Union organizers in the shop. If the unit becomes more sensitive to its task of building up Union organiza- tion in the shop, and the clear con- crete handling of the immediate day- to-day problems of the yard workers, it will become the leader that any Party organ should be anywhere, and especially in such a strategic shop. Reach the workers with your political program through their immediate interests. Keep your high political level, but reach the workers by build- ing the highway to them—the Union, ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS “Safe Through the Blood” R. T., Philadelphia: — The little pamphlet you saw distributed in the hospital ward has nothing to do with medicine. The reason they did not give you one was probably due to your “religion.” The blood referred to is the blood of Christ, not that of transfusion, It is based on a passage of Exodus (Xii, 13): “When I see the blood, I will pass over you.” These religious tracts are usually distrib- uted by the clergymen attached to the hospital. Your religion is en- tered on your chart and the “rev- erend” father skipped you because he probably considered you as a bad prospect for salvation. I is quite characteristic of the capitalistic scheme that instead of giving you the proper medical and nursing care, they try to substitute a penny pam- phlet promising you pie in the sky when you din . Number of Surgical Operations. Yama-Yama, Cleveland—We do not know the exact number of sur- gical operations, year by year. Of what earthly use can it be to you? However, we do not want you to consider us ill-natured and we'll try to give you an idea. According to Doctor Crile, the well-known sur- geon, in your own city, it is esti- mated that one million surgical operations are performed yearly in the United States. Of course, many of these operations are unnecessary! Do you expect all surgeons to dis- regard the filthy lucre in a society based on profit and greed? By PAUL LUTTINGER, M.D, —_________. Plans for Future Russian Hospitals kidding” Pts The medical program of the Second Five-Year Plan of the Soviet Union is a stu one including the study of medicine from .a amass standpoint, never bee fore attmepted by man. Dr. Nicholas I. Krasnigorsky, Director of the In- stitute of Experimental Medicine, recently’ stated that 120 million rubles have been set aside for the building and completion of the new All-Union Institute of Experimental Medicine, alone. In this institution facilities will be provided for making of a complete study of human body, based on modern ence, The healthy, as well as diseased eondition of the body, be studied. As an illustration scope ,of. these studies and size of the hospital, you’ll be ested to know that one item in plans calls for a number of maintained each at a different perature and moisture, as Slstegeltes i Fy a a s z Fy Russia,“Patients will thus be studied under._atmosphi conditions run- ning the gamut-of-variations from the Arctic to the sub-tropics and from moist Murmansk to dry kestan, Paternity 6f Twins Geraldine—True twins must have one father. “Fraternal” twins each having a separate placurta and coming:--from two separate ova (eggs) may have different (rival?) fathers: Yes, there was a recent case, in Yankton, S. D., where Judge R. B. Tripp awarded custody of one of the twins to its father, Ewald Paddie, eS RAIMRESII \ ' i ®