The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 29, 1934, Page 5

Page Five 1 Says DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JANUARY 29, 1934 Line of Communist Party of the Soviet Union Has Triumphed, Stalin <atinued from Page Four) Y lax and cotton in regions where ground, with its half-ruimed shacks,tion, clubs, radio, cinema, schools, | reorganization of agriculture proceed-|of peasants in the background, begins |libraries, creches, with its tractors, ) i line in agriculture—was|eq with lesser tempo suffered almost|to disappear. Its place is being taken |harvester-combines, motorcycles and toclaimed in 1932 when the reorgan-| not at all and advanced more or less |by a new village, with public construc- | automobiles. al period in agriculture neared! evenly and steadily maintaining a out|propaganda comprise? T the dissolution of y demand) ; e farms as of the jefforts of all toilers by strengthen- state which is supposed to die ing the organs of the dictatorship of anyway in the near future the proletariat, developing the class | |struggle, abolishing classes, liquidat- ing remnants of capitalist classes, to prevent a ow that the This confusion, like two dr water, resembles well-known view |-the right deviationists, acc You know th | ‘nd and the question of raising] phigh level of development. | ; ETE A ee ~ | {battling enemies within and with-| Shich the old by itself grows int Teversio lit. Bu 4 Te s one of the fundamental a ¢ se . | SOVIET SYSTEM BRINGS ADVANCE IN WELL-BEING | jout. The matter seems clear, how- new and, one fine day we should|® they c w. Ww e need, @®> cucstions confronting agriculture. 1933, first year after the reorganiza-| | ae a oe | lever, that some members of the Party| innoticeably find ourselyes in a so ion to concen- lin read a table showing develop-| tion period was concluded, marked understood the thesis about the ad-| ciatist societ, on to checking i j j | grain crops. SOCIALIST AGRICULTURE HAS DEFINITELY CONQUERED Most paifful was the reorganiza- tional period for the stock breeding branch of agriculture. Statistical data on the number of heads of cattle show that during the period under report, we had no advance, but an unabated cecline as compared with pre-war level. Obviously, the fact that the stock breeding branches of agriculture were mostly in the hands of large- scale kulak elements on the one hand, nd the intensified kulak agitation for ne killing off of cattle, which found favorable soil in the years of reorgan- ization on the other, are reflected in these date. y The decline in the number of heads of cattle began from the very first year of reorganization, 1930, and con- tinued into 1933; the decline reached its highest dimensions during the first | three years; but in 1933, the first year after the reorganization period has been completed, when grain crops made an advance, the dimensions of decline in the number of heads of cattle came down to a minimum, In hog raising, an opposite process y began, and in 1933 signs of ivan @ already been in- This means that 1934 should and st become a year of turn towards 4 i in all stock broedir Stalin cites data on the collectivization st ort. Th during the period percentage of col- ds, which was 3.9 nd in 1930 had grown to 23.6, 7 in 1631, 61.5 in 1932 and , when show that the of agriculture, Koikhozes and * members had 2, hes already figures riod x collect the process of and re-education individual peasant Ichozes. that the kolkhozes definitely and irre- of 2vous prolonged ap- Sovkoz hozes together cultivate 4.5 per cent of vated area in the U.S.S.R. means that kolhozes and sov- 8 together became such a force h decides the fate of all agricul- ture and all its branches. f we add the fact that the kol- 1983 delivered to the state billion poods of grain 1 scacants who had ful- cli a 100 per cent de- about 152,000,000 poods, ull eulti ed onl; ein i 2 state ground poods and kolhozes no an 120,000,000 poods, then it clear as clear could be that kolhozes and individual peasants have completely changed places dur- ing the period under report, kolhozes becoming during this period the dominating force in agriculture and individu! veasants second force, compelled io cubmit and adopt itself to kolhoz em. It is necessary to recognize that the toiling peasantry, our Soviet peasantry, has finally and irreyo- cably taken its place under the Red banner of Soci: lism (prolonged ap- plause). Let social vlutionisi, menshe- yist and bourgeois Trotskyists gossip and babble of the peasantry being by nature counter-revolutionary, of its being called upon to restore capi- talism, that it cannot be the ally of the working class in the cause of building socialism, that in the U. S. S it is impossible to build so- . The facts tell us that these gentlemen slander both U.S.S.R. and Soviet peasantry. The facts tell that our Soviet peasantry has defi- nitely sailed away from the shores of capitalism and advances in union with the working class,towards So~ cialism, The facts tell that we have already built up the foundation for socialist society in the U.S.S.R. and that it only remains for us to crown is with supersiructures — undoubt- edly a work much easier than con- struction of the foundation of social- ist society. The strength of kolhozes (collec-being reduced from month to month, , tive farms) sovkozes (state farms), | however, is not only in the growth of their cultivated areas and produc- tion; it is also reflected in the growth of their tractor supply, in the growth of their mechanization. Un- doubtedly, in this respect our Sov- kozes and Kolhozes advanced far ahead, from 34,900 tractors repre- senting 391,000 H. P. in 1929 to 2,041,000 tractors representing 3,100,000 H.P. in 1933. Not at all a small power. It is capable of re- moving all and sundry roots of capi- talism in the countryside. A power double the number of tractors of which Lenin spoke in his time as of a distant perspective. The number of agriculture machines in machine tractor stations anc sovkozes has also grown tremendously. Of no small significance for the advance of agriculture was also the ‘creation of political departments in the machine tractor stations and sovkozes and the supply of agricul- | ture machines with qualified workers during the period under report. The Central Committee of the Party sent to villages in order to strengthen 00,000 peasant | re unived in 324,500 Kol-} individual peas- | forces in agriculture more than 23,- | 000 Communists. The same must be |said regarding supplying kolhozes ‘and sovhozes with new engineering | technical and agronomic forces dur- |ing the period under report. More | than 111,000 workers in this group | were sent into agriculture. More than 1,900,000 tractor-com- |bine operators and drivers were | trained during the period under re- port and sent through the organiza- tions of the Peoples’ Commissariat |for Agriculture. The State has done | everything possible in order to light- |en the work of organizations of the | peoples’ commissariat for agricul- ture and the peoples’ commissariat | in the sovhozes and in managing kol- | hoze and sovkoze construction. 2 Unfortunately, it cannot be said that these possibilities have been properly utilized by these organiza- tions.” | Pointing out most important short- comings in the work of these organ- \izations, Comrade Stalin dwelt in detail on a series of problems of agri- lcultural production, including prob- ‘lems of preserving and repairing tractors and machines, introducing correct crop rotation and improving seed selection, introducing fertilizer, fighting droughts in the Volga region, lete., and also again on the question | of stock breeding, “Unfortunately, our agricultural or- ; Sanizations do not raise alarm in connection with the difficult situation in stock breeding. On the contrary, jthey try to gloss over the problem, which is absolutely impermissible for Bolsheviks. The whole Party should take in hand the cause of stock| breeding, keeping in view that this is a problem of primary importance, just as the already successfully solved problem of grain was only yesterday. | There is no need to prove that the Soviet people, who have overcome not only one obstacle on their way toward their goal, wil Isucceed in overcom- ing this obstacle as well. (Thunder- | 0us applause.) Comrade Stalin further dwelt on the question of improving the mate- rial conditions and culture of the toil- ing masses as a result of the develop- ment of our industry and agriculture. He said: “We have: (1) a mighty ad- lvance in production both in the sphere of industry, as well as| the sphere of basic branches of agricul- ture; (2) the final victory, on the basis of this advance, of the socialist system of economy over the capitalist system, both in industry, as well as agriculture, turning the socialist sys- tem into the only system of the whole national economy, crowding out the capitalist elements from all spheres of national economy; (3) the final parting of the tremendous majority of individual peasants from small- scale, individual farming, consolida- tion into collective farms on the basis ot collective labor, and collective ownership of the means of produc- tion, the complete victory of collective farming over small-scale individual farming; (4) the growing process of the further extension of kolkhozes at the expense of the individual peasant workers, Kolkhoz collective farm- ers and Sovhozes, Soviet farmers, | schools and club members, better tractor drivers and combine op- | erators, brigadiers in field of cul- tivation and stock breeding, best | Udarniks (Shock brigaders) in Kolhoz fields. | The difference between the city | and countryside is disappearing. The city, in the eyes of the peas- ants, ceases to be the center of | their exploitation. Threads of | economic and cultural union be-| tween the city and country are be-| coming stronger all the time. From the city industry, the coun- | tryside receives at present aid in the form of tractors, agricultural | means of production. Moreover | the village itself at present has | its ewn industry from machine tractor stations, repair shops and | all kinds of industrial enterprises | of kolhozes, to small electric sta- | tions, ete., etc. The cultural abyss | between the city and village is | being filled out. | Such are the basic achievements of the toilers in the field of im-| proving the material situation, the | living situation, and culture, | On the basis of these achieve- ments, we have in the period un- der report: 1.—The growth of National in- | come from 35 billion rubles in 1930, to 50 billion in 1933. Since the share of capitalist elements including concessionaires in na- tional ineome at present less than | one-half of one per cent, almost the whole national income is dis- tributed among workers and em- plpoyees, toiling peasants, coopera- tives and state. 2—The growth of the popula- tion of the Soviet Union from 160.5 million people at the end of 1930, to 168 million at the end of 1933. 3.—The growth of the number of workers employed, from 14,- 500,000 in 1930, to 21,883,000 in 1933, the number of physical workers rising during this period from 9,489,000 to 13,797,000; the number of workers in large-scale industry, including transportation, rising from 5.079,000 to 6,882,000; the number of agricultural work- ers from 1,426,000 to 2,590,000, | and the number of workers em- ployed in trade from 849,000 to 1,497,000. 4.—The growth of total wages of the workers employed from 13,597,000,000 roubles in 1930, to 34,280,000,000 roubles in 1938. | 5.—The growth of the average | yearly wages of the workers in| industry from 991 rubles in 1930 | to 1,519 rubles in 1933. 6.—The growth of funds for social insurance for workers em- ployed from 1,810,000,000 rubles in 1930, to 4,610,000,000 rubles in 1933. 7.—Putting all industrial work- ers, except those working under- ground, on the 7 hour working day. 8.—State assistance to peasants by organizing 2,860 machine trac- tor stations in which 2 billion ru- bles were invested. 9—State assistance to peasants in the form of credit to Kolhozes to amount to 1 billion six hundred million rubles. 10.—State assistance to peas- ants in the form of seed and food loans in the course of the period under report to amount to 262 million poods of grain. 11.—State assistance to poor peasants in the form of tax privi- leges and insurance, to amount to 375 billion rubles. 67 at the end of 1930, the end of 1933. 2—The growth of the number of pupils in schools in all grades from 14,358,000 in 1929, to 26,- 490,000 in 1933, 6,674,000, in higher schools from 207,000 to 491,000. 3.—The growth in the number | ests of the Kolkhoaniks (collective |or groups can “ |of children in pre-school educe- | farmers); tional institutions in 1929, to 5,917,000 in 1933. to 90 at} | MARXISM DOES NOT MEAD EQUALITARIANISM On artels and communes. including ele- | present conditions, the ariel is the| with. These people appare mentary schools from 2,453,000 to | only correct form of Kolhoz (col- | understand the deep chasm lective) movement. This is fully un- \derstandable: One ariel correctly combines personal with social inter- two, the artel successfully ‘interests simultaneously facilitating the question of agriculture {among certain Party members is an} Under the | unquestionable fact to be reckoned | si ly don’t between “enrich you | collective i gans. Firstly, only some individ rich themsel slogan con- | while the “well-t from 838,000! adapts personal interests to soclal|cerns not mere individuals or groups, |but all Kolkhozniks. Secondly, in- 4,.—The growth in the number |the education of the former indi-|dividuals or groups become rich in| of higher educational institutions, general and special, from 91 1914, to 600 in 1933. 5.—The growth in the number of scientific research institutes machinery, automobiles and other | from 400 in 1929, to 849 in 1933. | duct 6—The growth in the number of institutions of the type of clubs, from 32,000 in 1929, to | 54,000 in 1933. 7.—The growth in the number of cinemas, cinema installation in clubs and travelling cinemas from 9,800 units in 1929, to 19,200 units in 1933. 8.—The growth in newspaper circulation from 12,500,000 in 1929, to 36,500,000 in 1933. It may perhaps not be amiss to point out that the proportion of workers among students in higher educational ‘institutions comprises 51 per cent and the proportion of toiling peasants 16.5 per cent, while in Germany for instance, the proportion of workers among students in higher educational in- stitutions in the 1982-88 school a year comprised no more than 3.2 per cent, and the proportion of small peasants only 2.4 per cent. It should be pointed out as a pleasing fact and the indication of the growth of culture in villages in the growth of participation of Kel- hoz women in the sphere of social organizational activity. It is known, for instance, that there are at pres- ent about 6,000 women who are chairmen of Kolhozes, more than 60,000 members on the boards of Kol- hozes, 28,000 brigadiers, 100,000 link organizers, 9,000 managers of Kolhoz commodity farm, 7,000 tractorists. Needleess to say that this data is not complete. But even that little which we have, speaks sufficiently clearly of the great growth of culture in the villages. This circumstance is of tremendous importance, because the women comprise half of the population ot the country, comprise 2 great army of labor, and are called upon to bring up our children, our future. That is why we should welcome the growing social activity of toiling women and their advance to leading positions as an indoubted indication of the growth of our culture.” (Prolonged applause.) Comrade Stalin further dwelt at modities, circulation in the country as a result of the measures taken by the Central Committee during the period under report, for the develop- ment of Soviet trade we have a great growth in the network of stores, gtowth of network of public dining rooms, embracing at present 19,800,- 000 consumers. The growth in com- modity circulation through State and Cooperative network, including public dining rooms, from 18,900,000 rubles in_ 1930, to 49,000,000,000 roubles in 1933. However, Comrade Stalin points out, present conditions of commodity circulation cannot satisfy our requirements. The task is to further develop Soviet trade and get new decisive successes in this sphere. “The development of Soviet trade depends on the development of our transportation means, both railways and waterways and automobiles. To be sure, railway transportation increases its freight turnover from 133.9 billion ton kilometers in 1930, to 172,000,000,000 ton kilometers in 1933. Water transport increased its freight turnover from 45.6 billion ton kilometers in 1930, to 59.5 billion ton Kilometers in 1933. But this is too As for the cultural development little, far too little for our economy.” PARTY POLICIES HAVE TRIUMPHED J Stalin devoted the last part of his holdings, the number of which is thus BEGIN BETTER LIFE WITH END OF CAPITALIST | | EXPLOITATION it is obvious that this historical vietory over the exploiters could not but bring about a fundamental im- provement in the material situation and living conditions of the toiling Masses. The elimination of parasitic classes |ical brought about the disappearance of ») the exploitation of man by man, The Jabor of the worker and peasant has been liberated from exploitation, The income of exploiters, pressed out of ihe toil of the people, Yemains now in ihe hands of the toiling masses, and is being utilized partly for the exten- sion of production and the drawing of new sections of toilers into pro- duction, partly for directly raising the income of the workers and peasants. Unemployment, the scourge of the working class, has disappeared. While in bourgeois countries millions of un- cmployed suffer want and starvation, owing to absence of work, in our country there are no more workers who have no work and earnings. With .the disappearance of the sulak {rich peasant landlord] slavery ond poverty have disappeared in the estly and not to loaf, not to cadge, nee to plunder the kolhoz property. countryside. Any peasant, whether olhos or individual, has at present xn opportunity to live like a human. being, if only he wishes to work hon- which | and dispersed ebay have either Anj policy Poor) alized, smashed and ruined anti- report to the Party question. He said that the is taking place under the banner of a complete vic- tory of Leninism, liquidation of the Temnants of anti-Leninist groups. “Anti-Leninist, Trotskyist group has been broken and dispersed. Their th backyards of th anced parti a e of the is ies abroad. The anti-Leninist, right de- viationists broken and dispersed or- ganizers have long dissociated them- selves from their former views, striv- ing in every way to expiate their sins before the Party. National deviationist groups, broken completely merged with interven- ad emigres, or recognize their Policy indusirialization triumphed; liquidation kulaks compact collectivization triumphed; experience proved the victory of socialism in one Fleas entirely possible, Obviously ese successes, especially the victory of the Piateletka completely demor- Leninist groups. The Party is solidly united as never before (stormy pro- longed applause), Does this mean that the struggle is finished and socialism is unnecessary? Does this mean that everything is all right, that there won’t be further devia- tions in the Party. No. It doesn’t mean that the Party enemies and opportunists of ali variations and all kinds of national deviationists are broken. But survivals of their ideo- individual members of the Party and often make themselves known, We must not consider the Party like something separate from the sur- rounding people. It lives and works within surroundings. It is not sur- prising that outside, unhealthy senti- ments often penetrate the Party. Undoubtedly there is still soil for such sentiments in our country, be- cause there still exists some inter- mediate sections of the population in towns and villages furnishing fer- tile soil for such moods, The Seventeenth Party Conference said one of our basic political tasks in fulfilling the second Piateletka consists in “overcoming survivals of capitalism in economy and conscious- ness of the people.” This is an abso- lutely correct idea. But can we say already that we have overcome all survivals of capitalism in economy? No, Still more, we can’t say that we have overcome the survivals of cap- italism consciousness of the people behind their economic position, but also because there are capitalist sur- roundings striving to revive and up- hold survivals of capitalism in econ- omy and consciousness of the people of the U. S. S. R. and against which we Bolsheviks must always keep the powder dry.” ‘With a number of examples, Stalin indicates that among individual members of the Party confusion still exists on a number of questions on Leninism, for instance, questions on building classless society. “Obviously a classless society can- logy still remain in the minds of not be established spontaneously. sounds ridiculous, is necessary to fight and build thelof such natve ‘entickentisestowe It in | length on the problems, raising com- | | vidual peasant in the spirit of col- | lectivism. | In contrast to the ariel, where onl; | the means of production are social- ized, in communes, until recently socialist, not only the means of pro- ‘ion, but all belongings of each members of the commune are sociai- lized; that is, the members of the jcommune, in contrast to the members of the artel, didn’t personally own| | domestic poultry, small cattle, cows, grain, garden and that means in that commune, the personal interests, be- jlongings of the members are not os |much taken into account and com- bined with social interests, as they lare suppressed in the interests of the \petty-bourgeois equalization. Obvious- lly, this is the weakest side of the com- | imune. This explains why communes are not widespread and exist only \singly and in clusters. That naturaly jdoes not mean that communes are jgenerally unnecessary, that they are {not a higher form of the kolkhoz (col- lective) movement. No, communes are necessary and are naturally a higher form of movement. But not present communes, appearing on the basis of undeveloped technique, in- sufficiency of products, but future communes which will appear as the basis of the more developed tech- nique, and an abundance of prod- of developed, prosperous artel. The process of growth of the artel into the future cornmune must be gradual, according to the extent that all Kolkhozniks (collective farmers) are convinced of the necessity of such growth. This would seem a matter clear, almost elementary; however, among a section of the Party mem-~- bers there is considerable confusion on this question, They think that by proclaiming the artel as the basic form of collective movement. the |Party separated itseif from Socialism and retreated from the higher form of the Koikhoz movement to the lower. Why? Because in artel there seems no equality, as differences are. preserved there, while communes de- mand the personal life of members to be in equality, because both= the needs and personal living of the con- ditions of members are equalized. But firstly, there are no more com- munes Where there exists the equal- ization of the needs and personel living conditions, and, secondly, every Leninist knows that equalization of \the needs and the personal living | conditions is a reactionary, -petty- bourgeois absurdity, worthy of a: pri- mitive sect of ascetics, and not of |a social society organized on Marxist lines, because we can’t demand that everyone have similar needs and tastes, that everybody in personal life live according to one model. Such presentation of the question has nothing in common with Marx- ism-Leninism. By equality, Marxism understands, not equalization of per- sonal needs, habits, but abolition of classes, meaning one equal liberation of all toilers from exploitation, after the capitalists have been overthrown and expropriated. Two, equal abo- lition of all private property of the means of production, transferred into the property of the whole society. Three, equal obligation of everyone to work according to the ability and equal right of all toilers to receive according to their work (Socialist Soclety). Four, equal obligation, everyoné werk according to the abil- ity and equal right of all toilers to receive for this according to their needs (Communist Society). In this, Marxism process from the consider- ation that the tastes and needs of the people are not, and cannot be similar, and that equal, qualitatively or quantitatively, cannot be either in Periods of socialism or Communism. Marxism never recognized and does not recognize any other equality. In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels lashed primitive Utopian s0- jalism, calling it reactionary for propagating “universal asceticism and crude equality.” In Aniti-Duhring, Engels devoted a whole chapter, lash- ing criticism of “radical equalizing socialism” propagated by Duhring as a contrast to Marxism socialism. Bourgeois writers willingly pictured Marxist socialism like old Czarist Barracks, where all were subordi- nated to the “principle” of equali- zation. But Marxists are not responsible tor bourgeois writers’ stupidity, Ob- viously, if such views triumphed in our Party, it would cease Marxian, and the Kolkhoz, the col- lective movement, would have been disrupted. Or for example, the “make all Kol- Khozniks well-to-do” slogan. This concerns not only the Kolkhozniks. It concerns workers even more, be- cause we want to make all workers have a well-to-do prosperous, cul- tural life. Socialism means, not pov-~ erty and privation, but their aboli- tion. And the organization of a well- to-do cultured life for all members of society. This clear, essentially elementary slogan, however, caused great con- fusion and chaos among certain Party members. Isn't that slogan a reversion to the old “enrich your- self” slogan, mejected by the they say. If all become well-to-do, they continue, and the poor peasant ceases to exist, who will be the Bol- au ucts, The future commune grows out | being | danger. lorder to subordinate and exploit \ecther people, while 1 collective farmers “well-to-do” slogan r socialized mea: of product: cludes the pessibility of exploi jof others. Thirdly, “enri urself” slogan, given during the Nep (New Economic Policy), initial period when italism was partly restored, when ulaks were strong, when individual farming predominated, while Kol- )khozes were in an embryonic state, |whereas the Kolkhozniks “well-to-do” slogan is given in Nep’s last stage, | | when italist elements in industry | |have been destroyed, and Kulaks in | villages have been smashed, indi- | vidual farmers pushed to a secondary | | position, and Kolkhozes are the pre- |dominant agricultural forms. I don’t mention that Kolkhoznik’s |“well-to-do” slogan is issued not iso- latedly, but is inseparably connected with the “make-Kolkhozes-Bolshevik | organizations” slogan. Isn't it clear | that the “enrich yourself” slogan | essentially meant a call to restore capitalism, while Kolkhoznik “well- to-do” slogan is a call to destroy the last of capitalism's remnants by eco- nomically strengthening the collec- | tive farms and making Kolkhozniks | Well to do toilers? | | Isn't it clear that these two slogans have nothing in common? As to the | |argument that neither Bolshevik work nor socialism is conceivable without the poor, it is embarrassing to speak of such nonsense. Lenin- ists seek poor peasant support when capitalist and poor elements exist, and the former exploits the latter. Bu; when capitalist elements are smashed, and when poor peasants are ireed from exploitation, it’s not the Leninist’s task to perpetuate and preserve poverty and poor peasants, the prerequisites for whose existence have been destroyed, but to abolish | poverty and raise the poor to the Well-to-do level. It would be silly to assume that socialism can be built on the basis of poverty and priva- tion, on a basis of curtailed private consumption and lowered living standards to the level of the poor, Who resent being poor, who want Prosperity. Who needs such mock- ery on socialism? That's not social- | ism, but a caricature. | Socialism can be built only on the basis of the stormy growth of soci-| ety’s productive forces, on the basis of plentiful products and goods, on| the basis of well-to-do toilers, on the} basis of fast cultural growth, because | socialism, Marxian socialism, means | not curtailed private demands but ex-| pansion and blossoming, not self- denial but full satisfaction of all cul- tured workers’ demands. There can be no doubt that this confusion in the minds of some party members concerning poverty and prosperity re- fects views of muddleheaded “Left- ists,” who idealize poor peasantry as eternal, Bolshevism’s suppert under any and all circumstances, and regard kolkhozes as an area of flerce class struggles. Evidently that the ideological rem- | nants of smashed anti-party groups| has not lost vitelity here was Clearly shown. ‘ff such muddleheaded | ideas triumphed, then the kolkhozes would not have had the successes such as they scored in the past two years and they would soon crumble. Take for instance the National question. It} should be mentioned that the capital-| ist ideas in people’s minds are much! |more vital in the National question than on any other sphere. It is more vital, because it is able to don a na- tioanl costume. What do these Na-/ tionalist deviations mean, regardless of whether they are great Russian Nationalism or local Nationalism? The Nationalist deviation is an} adaptation of International working class policy to Nationalist bourgeois Policy. The Nationalist deviation re- fects “native,” “national” bourgeois attempts to undermine the Soviet order and to restore capitalism. In both instances the deviations have a common source, namely a departure from Leninist Internationalism. If you wish to fight both deviations, fight primarily their source, fight depariers from internationalism, re- gardless whether they revert to local Nationalism, or Great Russian Na~ tionalism. (Stormy applause.) That deviation is the most danger- ous st which the fight has gepeel and which is given an oppor- tunity to become a big source of (Prolonged applause.) Re- cently the Ukrainian Nationalist de- viation was not the main danger, but when the fight against it ceased, and it was given an opportunity to merge with Interventionists, it became the main danger. The same is true of Right and “left” deviation. As in other spheres of general policies, con- fusion prevails here among some Party members. While combatting the Right deviation, the fight is at times weakened against “Left” deviation, assuming that it is not dangerous or is a small danger. That is a serious dangerous error. It is a concession to “Left” deviation, and is unpardonable to Party members, the more so since “Lefts” have lately gone over com- Pletely to and with the Rights and no how differ from them. We always contended “Lefts” con- stitute the same as Rights, masked behind radical phrases. Now the “Letts” confirm our contention. Take last year's issue of the Trotskyist link from 353 i ve | istincui fi " Ta ‘ lv lassless society as f the Party and tment of gross production of grain and| the turning point in the development! m2 oid distinguished figures, |of the country, we have for the |vance towards a classless y as) f : ent of th icel cultures and drew the fol-| of grain and the technical crops. Kulak —exploiter, _ bloodsucking | period under report: |® spontaneous process. They think it|- Obviously, if these confused views | rai : mites cocina ae conclusions: The years when) First of all, grain crops and then|money lender, merchant specula~| 1,—Introduction of universal |i avendy aie, tie cAeaaan, Re ey oc ber at Coauniitoe cab be aoe SUL NOG! ante 1982 mere years | Yechnical crops will from now on pro-|tor, priest and police sergeant, |oblicatory elementary education |Gictatorship altogether and end the! would be demobilized and disarm on, working under instrue- height—1931 ant were years) ceed towards a mighty advance firmly| have disappeared. At present the |all over the Soviet Union and the } f the P and the Central rgest decrease in production of| moat’ ootiaantly, | distinguished persons are the|rising percentage of literacy from | -————— mittee; and ing local agents f local organizations. nt authority and be e to call to account any respon- 2 worker, including Central Com- ttee members, it is necessary that mber: he Party Control Com- i ed or removed only Party organ, the up his report, Comrade “everybody admits now es are great and extraor- In a comparatively short s {time the country has been switched ole to industrialization and collectiviza- tion. The > Year Plan was spoke of our succes: fe spoke of the 'y of the Party ine in national economy, and cul- ture and in combattin; eninist groups. spoke of our victories in a world orical significance. “But how was victory achieved? With what struggle and effort? Our successes and victories haven't come of themselves, but through fierce struggle for the Party line. Victo: tlever comes alone. It must be brought. Good resolutions and declarations for the general Party line are a mere beginning. They merely show the desire for victory, but not vic- tory. When the correct line is gi when the problem is correc! success depends on organizational work, on organization of struggle for the materialization of the Party line, on the proper selection of peo- ple, on checking up, fulfillment of the leading body’s decisions. Addi- tionally, when the correct political line is given, organizational wo: decides all, including the fate of the political line itself, its fulfillment or its failure. Victory has been achieved through suce cone d, That gen- rates a ng of pride and streng- thens the belief in our workers. That s good and well. But successes at times have a cloudy side. They gen- erate a certain danger which, if al- lowed to develop, may upset every- thing. There is a danger, for in- | ce, that some comrades may be= cme dizzy with success.: As you know, we have had such experience, There is a danger that some comrades jdrunk with success, become over- confident and sing praises to them= selves as if nothing is too big for |them, as if there is nothing they jcould not do. Nothing is more dan- |gerous than such sentiment, as it |disarms the Party and demobilizes jits ranks. The Second Five Year |Plan is before us, which has to be successfully accomplished. the Party need not be lulled, but jroused to vigilance, to be in fight~ jing readiness, not to disarm, but to |arm, not to demobilize, but to mobie \lize for the realization of the Second ve Year Plan. The first conclusion, therefore, is {not to be carried away by achieved j Successes, We have been successful because we had the correct Party jline and were able to organize the a systematic and_ fierce struggle , Were to o . against many difficulties, through | Masses for its realization. With- surmounting difficulties, through |out that we should not have scored mobilization of the Party and the working class, for surmounting ob- stacles through organized struggle, | for overcoming difficulties through the removal of unsuitable people and the selection of suitable ones more capable of combatting hardships. These hardships lie in our organ- izational leadership. They nestle in us, in our leading workers, our or- ganizations, our Party apparatus, Soviet, economic, trade union and all sorts of other organizations. The strength and authority of our Party, government, economic and other or- ganizations, and their leaders have grown tremendously. Therefore, ev- erything, or nearly everything, de- | pends on that. When the Party line’s correctness is confirmed by many year’s experience and the workers’ and peasants’ willingness to support that line is undoubted, the rule of the so-called objective ; conditions are reduced to a mini- mum, while the role of organiza- tions and their leaders become deci- sive and exclusive. This means that responsibility for failures and short- comings hecefornth falls 9-10 on objective conditions, but on our- selves, and ouvselves only. Bureaucracy and armchair meth- ods of administration, babbling about “leadership in general” in- stead of live, concrete guidance, functional structure of organiza- tions and absence of personal re- sponsibility, irresponsibility on the job and eqyalization tendencies in wage rates, absence of systematic verification of decisions’ fulfillment, fear of self-criticism, there are sources of our difficulties, therein nestle our difficulties. It would be naive to believe that these difficulties can be combatted through resolutions and decisions. To combat these difficulties it is neces~ sary to raise the level of organiza- tional leadership in all spheres of national economy to the level of po- litical leadership, it is necessary that organizational work guarantees practical materialization of political slogans and Party decisions. To combat these difficulties and | be successful, it is necessary to or-| ganize struggle for overcoming them. It is necessary to draw work-} ers and peasant masses into it. It| is necessary to mobilize the Party it- self to purge the Party and economic | organizations of unreliable, vacillat- ing, demoralized elements. You know our Central Committee conducted organizational work pre- cisely in this fashion. The Central Committee followed Lenin’s brilliant idea that the main thing in organizational work is the choice of people and verification of | fulfillment. The proper organization of check- up is of decisive importance in the struggle against bureaucracy. Proper organization of check-up of the ful- fillment of decisions is of the great~ est importance for the central lead- ing institutions. Workers and peas- ants inspection as an organizational form could not satisfy the demands of a well-organized check-up. Now that economic work has expanded and become more complete, when it is no longer necessary or possible to inspect it from ane center, workers and peasants inspection needs reor- ganization. Now we need no inspec- tion, but a check up of the manner of fulfillment of the central decisions. We need control over fulfillment of the central decisions. Such an or- ganization can be only the Soviet control commission of the Council of Peoples Commissars of the U, S. S. R., working under instruction of the latter and having local agents in- dependent of local organs! To have sufficient authority and to be able when necessary to call any respon- sible man to account, it is necessarr that candidates for membership vf the Soviet Control Commissions be | nominated at Party Congresses and confirmed by the Council of Pecples Commissars and ¢he Central Execu- tive Committee of the U. S. S, R. As to the Central Control Com- Bulletin. What are the Trotskyist’s idemandet, What does their “Left” mission, as you know, it was created % | successes which we now have and of which we are rightfully proud. | But having the correct line and |being able to materialize it, is rare |in ruling Parties. See the surround-~ ing countries. How many ruling | Parties are there with a correct line | carried into effect? No such Parties jexist in the world. All exist with- jout perspectiv All are entangled jin chaos of crisis and see no outlet. | Our Party alone knows wither to |Jead and leads successfully. What is | this prerogative of our Pariy due to? It is due to its being Marxist-Lenin- jist; it is due to its being aided by |the teachings of Marx, Engels and Lenin. Undoubtedly, as long as we remain true to these teachings, as | long as we possess this compass, we shall be successful in our work. | It is said that Marxism fs de- j stroyed in some Western States al- legedly by the bourgeois nationalist trend, so-called fascism. That’s non- sense, Only people ignorant of his- tory can make such claims. Marxism jis the scientific expression of the cardinal interests of the working class. To destroy Marxism, the | working class has to be destroyed. | But that’s impossible. Over 80 years |has elapsed since Marxism entered the arena. Tens and hundreds of bour- | geois governments endeavored to de- |stroy it since, but with what re- | sults? Bourgeois governments come }and go, but Marxism remains, | (Stormy applause), Moreover, Marxism triumphed over one-sixth of the globe, triumphed in a country precisely where Marxism was deemed totally destroyed (stormy applause). It is no accident that the | country in which Marxism had com= plete victory is now the only coun- |try in the world which knows no | crisis, no unemployment, while in all |other countries, including fascist |lands, crisis and unemployment |reign supreme for four years. No, | comrades, it is no accident! We comrades owe our successes to work and struggle under the ban- |ner of Marx and Lenin, Another conclusion necessary is to be loyal to the end to the great ban- ner of Marx, Engels and Lenin (aj plause). The Soviet working class is strong only because it has a Leninist Party tested in battles. It is strong not only because of the support of | millions of toiling peasants. It is | strong also because it has the sup= | port and aid of the world proleta- |riat. The Soviet working class is |part of the world proletariat, its | advanced detachment and our repub- lic is the offspring of the world pro= | letariat. No doubt if it had not the support of the working class of capi+ | talist countries it would be unable to maintain power, to assure condi- tions for socialist construction. That is, it would have no successes such as we now recorded. The International ties of the So- viet working class with workers in capitalist countries, fraternal al- |liance of the Soviet workers with # aes of Mice ee is one of the cornerstones of might and strength of the Soviet Republic. Western workers say that the Soviet worl class is the world proletariat’s brigade. That is very well. It means that the world proletariat is pre- pared to continue its support to the Soviet working class with all its might. That imposes a serious obli- gation on us. It means we must justify by work the honor of being ealled the shock brigade of workers of all countries. That obliges us to work better and fight better for the final victory of socialism in our country, for the victory of socialism in our country, for the victory of so= cialism in all countries, z The third conclusion to ve drawn is to be true to the end to the cause of the proletarian internationalism, to the cause of the fraternal union of workers of all countries. |. Long Live the Great and Invinci- ble Banner of Marx, Engels and Lenin! (Stormy and prolonged ap- plause.”) ‘ _ The Congress gives Stalin an ova- tion, singing the Internation=”