The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 26, 1933, Page 5

? DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, AUGUST 26, 1933 Page Five New Deal is “Socialism” to Europe’s Socialists, “Fascism” to Mussolini Columbuses of Social- Fascism Discover America By BELA KUN (Member of the Executive Committee of the Communist Internatiaal) The Paris Con- gress of the Se- cond Socialist In- ternational has not only the task of proposing the tactics of the in-| ternational work- | ing class; it will also discuss its stratery. To determine strategy, it must | EMILE VANDERVELDEmake an economic | analysis of the whole period in which the working class carries on its struggles; and it must settle the strategic objective toward which the working class must direct itself. This period is designated on the agenda in one way only—as the “period of Fascist reaction.” Fascist reaction, and nothing else! Not a word about the growth of the revolutionary upsurge; not a word about the struggles of the workers and the toiling masses to find a} revolutionary soluticn to the world crisis of the capitalist system, to the crisis of world economy. * Qnly a Temporary Crisis j as there is a crisis, for 1 Democracy it is only an economic crisis, doubtless deep and sharp, but temporary, and in no case the basis of new revolutionary actions. The econcnvic seers of the Se- cond International have for two eers now been writing on the crisis. All are of the deevest rezret that the ists have not yei managed at least some sign of hope y be overcome. “organized capi- smashed to bits crumbling of stabili- | vorld crisis in the ca- es and has been je garbage heap. alist Party theories of the have leaned on such ideas as tha banks, and the ecurities of hank- the canitalist state. had these theories been put fo: ‘d when it became clear that the “introduction of state ca- pitelism” in Germany and in Austria, which had been hailed by the wile Secord Socialist International as the foundation of the socialist edifice, are no moze n stages in the dev- of Fascism. Scrialists Discover America! On the eve of their Paris confer- ce, the theoreticians and the poli- ns, of the Second International, eager for some shadow of hope of an end to the crisis, devoted them- selves to the discovery of America; end just before the conference in of been strenetheniny Ferree'y a feeble hope of finding an a “st ist ending” of the crisis, rose the clouded horizon of the Second International. In the course of preparing for the Paris conference, a whole series of new Christcpher Columbuses dis- covered the “country of socialism” in the new America. In a series of articles on the future of the Second International, in “Le Peuple,” central organ of the Bel- gian Social Democracy, Emile Van- dervelde, chairman of the Socialist International, praises sthe political economy of President Roosevelt as a policy which marks a complete break with the political economy of liberal capitalists like Coolidge and Hoover. It releases “anti-capitalist tenden- cies,” and has therefore aroused the wrath of the kings of the Stock Ex- change and of Wall Street. “Socialism Without Socialists” We find the same fone in the French Social Democratic press, where is also described the “plan- ned economy” and the “State capi- talism” of Roosevelt. The former leader of the “left- wing” of the British Labor Party, H. N. Brailsford, also publishes an article in the press of the Second International, en- titled “Socialism without Social- ists? The logic of the Events in Am- erica.” He con- cludes that the Roosevelt govern- ment, thanks to its “planned ec- onomy,” will not only, surmount the anarchy of capitalism, but LEON BLUM that this government “undertakes to consider economy as a communal matter.” (Brailsford’s emphasis.) ‘The Austrian organ of the So- cial Democracy, the “Arbeiter Zeit- ung” of Vienna, has nothing to raise in principle against Brailsford’s touching affirmation regarding the defeat of capitalism in America. It only considers Brailsford a little too optimistic, but: “Defeat of American Capitalism” “He shows in an undoubtedly correct manner how, in the most powerful country of capitalism, the crisis leads beyond the capitalist system toward socialistic solutions. Perhaps he underestimates the strength of the opposing capitalist powers” (that is to say that Roose- velt is building socialism and that Brailsford only underestimates the anger of the princes of Wall Street at the American president's “anti- capitalism,” in Vandervelde’s sense —B. K.”) Nevertheless it remains a fact of powerful significance that, in the two great #losed em- pires of the world, in Russia and America, today, even though with very different. and antithetical forms, the defeat of capitalism is on the order of the day. It is a ray of hope in the present darkness of Central Europe.” Overlooking the Social Democratic impudence which would place the same label on capitalist dictatorship of Roosevelt in the United States and the proletarian dictatorship in the Soviet Union, let us limit our- selves to declaring: “America: Land of Socialism” 1—That not a Christopher Col- umbus, but a whole series of Social- Democratic leaders have discovered Roosevelt’s America to be the land of socialism; 2.—That all these Christopher Columbuses of the Second Interna- tional expect of \the “experiment of Roosevelt and his brain trust” not only the end of the crisis of ca- pitalism, but “the defeat of capi- talism itself ;” 3.—That this “defeat of capitalism,” Roosevelt style, constitutes the transformation of capitalist economy into a “communal matter,” that is, constitutes the socialist solution of the crisis. This much established, we will see if there is a difference between our Social Democratic Christopher Col- umbuses and the most authoritative theoreticians of Fascism in their ap- praisal of Roosevelt’s political econ- omy. The leaders of the Second Inter- national see the “transition to so- cialism” in Roosevelt's “political Inflation, to raise the imperialist competitive power of the dollar and to lower the real wages of the work- ers; the transformation by decree of rartial unemployment into a shortor work-week with a lower real wage; the compulsory trustification of all industry to bring about a rise in prices and opnsequently a fall in Hod Carriers’ Head Makes No Fight for Union Wage Scale From_a Worker Correspondent AUSTIN, Texas.—Not long ago, in accordance with the provisions of the National Industrial Recovery Act, the American Federation of Labor organized the hod carriers and com- mon_ lal 's of this city. W. H. “Buck” Roberts, ~a Democratic poli- tician who formerly operated an em- ployment agency, was elected presi- dent of the newly formed union. ‘The leaders of the A. F. of L. assured tke workers that everyone who joined the: union would receive jobs at good pay. Recently, the general contractors of the city met to formulate a code for the local building industry, Roberts appeared in his capacity of union president to submit the wage- scale agreed upon by the union. The Aontractors shoved him 9~*~<° ~ was not allowed to speak until after. the meeting had formally adjourned and a lower wage scale adopted by the contractors. Meanwhile, confusion exists among the local building trades workers, be- cause of the craft system of organi- zation practiced by the A. F. of L. The plasterers, cement finishers and Jathers demand the standard rate of $1 per hour instead of 75 cents as affixed by the contractors. The ea ae neee been aueiet by leaders working “temporarily” for 8712 cents per hour, ‘The workers will gain higher wages and shorter hours, under capitalism, only by organizing according to in- dustries. Otherwise, we may e: t to see members of one craft scabbing upon members of other crafts. Warold Preece : real wages; the limitation of grain production along with famine for more than twelve million persons— is all that the “transition to so- cialism?” ‘We could ask many more such questions. We will not ask how to reconcile this “democratic socialism” with the introduction of “socialism” by means of a law which increases executive power while reducing that of Congress. The important thing in this connection is particularly to underline the fact that, according to the “Times,” Roosevelt himself has a panic fear of what will happen if, through infition, two billions are thrown into circulation; and to underline also the fact that the stock market crashes in the United States show Roosevelt’s political economy in a very doubtful light. 4 “America on Road to Fascism But what must certainly be men- tioned as the characteristic of the economic analysis which forms the basis of the Paris conference, is Mus- solini’s estimate of Roosevelt's policy. The leader of Italian Fascism, in an article entitled, “The United States on the Road to Fascism,” which has appeared in dozens of bourgeois papers, describes Roosevelt's political economy as follows: “The question has already arisen in Europe and in America, as to how far Fascist influence is to be found in the ideas and the prac- tical measures of the American president. It is not necessary to go far for this. It is a common prin- ciple of Fascism that the state must not be indifferent to the fate of economy, which would be the same as indifference to the fate of the people. In Roosevelt’s book (‘Looking Forward”) we find ref- erences ‘to the necessity of the collaboration of all factors in pro- duction, which makes us think of the basis of the Fascist co-operative state.” Socialists and Fascists Claim Roosevelt Why go back over the labors of Hilferding, over the speeches of Jouhaux over the sessions of the In- ternational Labor Bureau, where one can find ideas on the role of the capitalist stage in economy which are as like Mussolini's affirmations as one drop of water is to another? Let us content ourselves with mak- ing clear that the “Arbeiter Zeitung” (The Vienna Socialist paper) does not find “complete socialism” in Roosevelt's system, while Mussolini thinks that this system still lacks a good deal before it can be considered to be “complete Fascism.” “The atmosphere in which his sys- tem is developing, both in theory and in practice,” writes Mussolini, “is surely analogous to the atmo- sphere of Fascism, but it would be an exaggaration to say more.” Is there an irreconcilable contra- diction between the Social Demo- cratic Christopher Columbus and the Fascist Mussolini, in their manner of estimating Roosevelt's political economy? Not the slightest! ler when he declared that what is tradiction was already given by Hit- The key to the solution of this con- known as Fascism in Italy is known in Germany by the name of National Socialism. What is common to both, continues Hitler, is that they are anti-Marxist. “Socialism without Marxists,” “de- feat of liberal capitalism without a class struggle,” these are the slogans of the German National Socialists, the slogans of Hitler, Goering, and Lay Off 3 Men’ PutBlue Eagle Into Window Then Lay Off 9 More (By a Worker Correspondent) BROOKLYN, N. Y.—I want to let you know what kind of a deal the workers get from Bordens Ice Cream Cabinet Co., 126 E. 131st St. July 29th, they laid off six men, a few days after they hung a blue eagle on the window, and that wasn’t enough. On August 19, they laid off 9 more men. That is the N.LR.A. for the workers. Paris S. P. Congress Finds No Hope Except in the U.S. A. Goebbels. If national economy, ac- cording to Brailsford's official op- inion, can be considered a “communal matter” without the proletariat hav- ing appropriated the means of pro- duction, without the abolishment of classes, is there anything in this but agreement with the slogans of Hit- ler’s movement: “Gdneral interest before private interest, by abolishing the class struggle?” If Vandervelde is right, and if Roosevelt's political economy shows “anti-capitalistic tendencies,” Hitler, on his side, has equal reason to offer his political economy as socialism, and to make Goebbels declare: “So- cialism is on the march!” Thesis of Socialist Congress ‘The economic analysis prepared by the leaders of the Second Interna- tional for the Paris conference, as the foundation for the development of the strategy of the socal demo- cratic movement, can be summarized thus: “Capitalism is in a profound crisis, but it is nevertheless on the point of solving this crisis by itself triumph- ing over its anarchy, and of thus transforming economy into a com- munal matter. That is being realized in America, at any rate, where Roosevelt, the economic dictator, shows the way.” The Social Democrats call that “transition to socialism,” the Fascists, “the economic essence of Fascism.” We run the risk of the leaders of the Second International starting again their cry that “the communists are walking with the Fascists.” But in spite of everything we declare that Mussolini had ample reason to say that the political economy of Roose- velt (which the Social Democrats, Vandervelde, Brailsford, Otto Bauer, Leon Blum would make out to be a presage of socialism) works in theory and in practice in an atmosphere similar to Fascism, Such is the economic analysis on the basis of which the Second In- ternational’s strategy, “in the period of Fascist reaction,” will be determ- ined at the Paris Congress. Socialists and the Soviet Union At the beginning of this year, Friedrich Adler, secretary of the’ Se- cond International, laid down the following protentions as preliminary conditions for the united front be- tween Communists and Social De- mocrats: “The Second International must recognize that socialism may be re- alized some day in the Soviet Union, by way of the dictatorship of the vroletariat, and the Communist In- ternational must recognize that so- cialism in other countries, for inst- ance in Sweden, can be realized in a democratic way.” It has turned out otherwise! The Second International is not inclined to recognize that socialism has al- ready been put into practice in the Soviet Union by way of the prole- tarian dictatorship—on Sundays and holidays, some Social Democratic leaders will admit, as individuals, at ; the most, and with reservations, that socialism may be realized in Russia on the day when democracy is re- established. Where the transition to socialism is beginning, according to the leaders of the Social Democracy, is under the economic dictatorship of Roosevelt. Maybe the acceptance of this thesis of the Social Democratic leaders will be proclaimed by the Paris Congress as a pre-condition of the establish- ment of the united front! NRA BoosterUnable ‘to Explain Role of Gov't in Strikes By a Worker Correspondent OMAHA, Neb.—The NRA has not brought “prosperity” to Omaha so now the speakers’ bureau of the NRA is holding meetings in the workers’ neighborhoods to get the workers “lined” up. The NAACP and the Ur- ban League are doing their share to help the NRA to “sell” the Negro workers the idea. A meeting was held Friday, Au- gust 18, under the auspices of the NAACP, with a speaker from the} Chamber of Commerce. He told how} the NRA was a bloodless revolution, that the federal government would fight depression not by violence, tear gas; but was fighting depression by persuasion. He also stated that the federal government was going to punish “profiteers” for raising commodity prices. After he got through, some com- rades asked him some questions. One of the first asked was in regards to “profiteering.” The comrade pointed out that the federal government was “profiteering” by plowing under cot-} ton and raising prices of cotten, also the program on farm products. The NRA speaker was forced to admit that this was wrong to do, that starving workers needed clothing, etc. Then he was asked about the role of the federal government in break- ing the coal miners’ strike through force and violence. The speaker be- gan to turn all colors and he sure hurried out of the meeting. He did not answer the questions asked by the comrades. All meetings being held by the NRA should be visited by our com- rades and also workers from the revolutionary union, the Unemployed Council, etc., and expcse the bosses’ program about the “blessings” of the NIRA. Colgate-Palmolive — Co. Cuts Wages Under the N.R.A. (By a Worker Correspondent) JERSEY CITY, N. J.—In the past ten days, I had witnessed quite a few incidents while seeking employment at the Colgate-Palmolive and Peet Co., (a soap and perfume-producing industry). ‘The NRA cuts wages of the workers here, affecting about 1,200 in all. Before the NRA Slave Code of Roosevelt was put into operation, they worked 43 hours per week. At present under this code, they work 40 hours per week, and only get) paid for the 40 hours and not as specified in the code. Of course, there is some resentment against it on the part of the rank and file workers of the boss-conirclled employees as- | sociation (the company union). | As usual the boss-controlled lead- ers of this company union will force the workers again to forego another | wage cut in the name of the NRA slave code, to benefit the bosses’ ad- ditional greed for profits. | Perlalist wars.” What’s New in the ‘New Deal’? WHAT IS THE NEW DEAL?—By | Earl Browder. Workers Library | Publishers, P. 0. Box 148 Station | D (50 East 13th St. N.Y. City). | Two Cents. | Reviewed by MILTON HOWARD. | RT of the speech which Earl | Browder made at the recent Ex- | traordinary Party Conference ap-| Pears now as a small two-cent pamphlet. It contains those por- | political aspects of the latest inven- | —the so-called “New Deal”. | With the sharo weapon of Marx- | Leninist analysis, Browder cuts into| gains t all the propaganda which the wily| professors of the “Brain Trust” have been sending out from the White House, and exposed clearly, for every acteristics of Roosevelt's program. 6 Essential Points. These are, Browder shows: trus' capital with the open assist: the Federal Government Seccnd, inflation, the manipulation of the currenc der to put over a sweening w on the entire working clas: the guise of restoring “ prices. Third, direct subsidies to finance | capital through the Reconstru Finance Ccrpcration, in its boundless generosity financiers, has dispensed two dollars to keep w dividends and ma canital structures of the banks. Fourth, immense, inceasing taxa. tion of the poorest stro Ppeonle, varticull small farmers. took ever the robbers from the hated Hoover 2 ninent, but he extended them for another | year to 1904. | Fifth, the cconomy program where- | by the government reduces the wages of its employe: the war vi of financial | in ns, and abolishes’ ny fic end welfare buresus vernment. Sixth, the farm program, whereby | Rooszvelt grants encrmous. subsidies to the rich ferm=sr. f' ‘kane | farmers into bankruptcy, the program whereby Rocsevelt deliverate.y ... to drive a wedge between the ci wert: and the farmers by raising the prices of bread and milk at the expense of the city workers. And finally, as the logical and in- evitable result of all these actions, the preperation for war, the militar- ization of labor as part of the tre- mendovs wer preparations. In these actions of the Roosevelt admin‘stration, Browder finds the es- sentials of the “Nev Deal”. Points to Politics] Slenificence. From this point Browder plunges into an anclysis of the pc’itieal m: ing of the “New Deal”, And shows that th? “New Deal” repre- sents, not the rosy path to Sovialiem, leaders of the Socialist Party, but rather, “Ths noticy of the bourgeo’sie under the blows of the crisis, the fharpening of the clas struggle at) heme, and the immincnes of new im- There then follows an unusually of the prospects for fascism in Amer- iea, the degree to which the struggles ef the workers agains the e-nisc lst conditoins, the vietory or defeat of fascism, and the political and eco- nomie content of fascism. The recent predictions of Norman Thomas about the “inevitable rise of fascism”, ete., makes the study of Browder’s analysis of fascism a po- Uitical duty. No class consci A, Armand. worker can afford to miss reading it. tions of Browder'’s speech which deal | , specifically with the economic and |< tion of the capitalist politicians to |; |mask the plundering of the workers | worker to see the six essential char- | 5, al as treacherously represented by the |; significant and penetrating analysis }* A Growing Wave of Strike Struggles Under the N.R.A. By JACK STACHEL 2 order to take ng prices, then the very near ‘ar not e movemei among the ¥ as intended | future we an increase in by the emplo | unemployment will raise the ment. On the | number of une d even beyond enactmen of strike ers involy | the peak of 1 ich is based on t are available added strength the South a num- ve laid off workers n completely. a resul NRA. The NRA| in the fac was legislation attempting to arrest | ber of mill the growing str i sh it is also the ena AS the number of strikes rose, and, ber of st especially when confronted with because | strike of thousand min- & | in Pennsylvania, the ~ gov- strike showed its cards very decreed that there be The National Ar- dw set up to pre- s and to arbitrate all dis- Green, the President of r n Federation of Labor nd the other A. F. L. leagers joined the and with the rnment upon the The AFL. the “no strike” NRA administration. did not prevent strikes ince then tens of thousands struck. The government attempied to end the 3 arbitration, ‘They v succeeded in this thanks to of the AFL. leadership, NRA was already used c | to. brec : the of the miners, he hosiery workers, the shoe work- onc the New York case of the dress ere compelled to ‘sions and to tell t basis they are This despite. the ‘the heari | fect the h ngs on the dress |code were to onen one day after t settlement of the strike. The id the Whalen NRA admi- on in New York City could not the dressmakers go back to work a temporary agreement as was h the miners. This was ct that both the Needle s Industrial Union opvosition within the nal Ladies Garment Work- ‘on was on. the job, mobilizing ers against any such tem-~- ements. he paper concessions will of course have to be made good in the shops. And here again the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union and the left opposition are taking | steps to assure this. | In the cas? of the miners because | of the weak position of the N.M.U. in the strike, because of the non- {existence of the U: d Mine Work- ers of America ovnosition the workers ere fooled back to work on mere But even the miners did back to work upon the incements of President Roose- rs remained out: for d in some cases for more than before they returned. And to elect their own checkweighman. after thev were given the right 2 s22 that despite the NRA, 2 the “no strike” edicts of the snment supported by the AFL. the workers are resorting to of the s‘rike as a means ing and improving their | wages and workinz conditions. GENERAL Joa tile industry of work m recei with some incre ing been teld that th e, take the on es The unions affiliated to the There 1¢ Treds Unicn Unity League have s|must be mentioned. § in the past weeks led many thous- |tion ef th2 various ¢ | erds ef workers in strike, and de- monstrated the ability of the work- ers under militant leadership to win better conditions. Strikes under the leadership of the unions affili- ated to the T.U.U.L. have or are taking place among the miners of Utah and New Mexico, the agricul- tural workers of California, the shoe Ss of New York, the metal kkers of New York, the steel and A there h be: s e in the speed up of th ers. This is already reflected ret that come to light. r le in some branches of industry, and the industries generally, there hes been of late a quite stibstantial increase in production. If we add to this the fact that most industries Negro Misleaders Had Promised Brighter Days Ahead By HARRY GANNES in Roosevelt's own voice of the blessings that were soon to be borne to them on the wings of a blue eagle. They were not left unin- formed, however. The glad tidings were brought to them by the Urban League, by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, by the Negro Industrial League, by the Negro press and many of the Negro preachers. Ga- briel was over the white house and a New Deal for Negroes would soon descend in the form of higher wages, lower hours, and a new day for the Negroes. ‘They took up the chorus of ap- proval for the NRA led by Green and Lewis and raised it to a cres- cendo. Starving Negro steel workers and miners around the hells of Pitts- burgh were told the NRA was a new emancipation proclamation for the black race. Roosevelt was the great emancipator of black wage slaves. “Brighter Days” On Aug. 5, 1933, Negro workers around Pittsburgh who opened the pages of the Negro Pittsburgh Cour- rier, and turned to the editorial page, saw a bold headline, reading: “Brighter Days for Negroes.” Their eyes were fed on the follow- ing: “The big Roosevelt drive for prosperity is under way, The ma- chinery of the NRA is beginning to function. Launched by our able president and guided by the skilled brains of the ablest man in the United States, the ship of Good Times is steaming full speed ahead. Industrial codes: contracts between employers and employees and the government, are stream- ing into Washington... .” ee HE editorial writer knew what would come into the suspicious head of all Negro workers when they read such glowing words. He asks the inevitable question and answers its “What does this mean to the Negro IEGRO workers down South don’t, have radios, so they couldn't hear | ‘The N.R.A. Shackles New Chains on the Negroes | worker?” Yes, we can repeat, what | does it mean? The editorial says: “It means, first of all, that the pressure | of white workers on so-called Negro jobs will diminish. It means, secondly, |that hundreds ef thousands of Ne- | groes will return to work at in- creased wages.” It took very little time for thous- ands of Negro workers to feel the horror of this ghastly lic. Instead | of getting more jobs at higher wages, the first full blow of the NRA fell upon the Negro workers. Thousands lost their jobs, precisely because of the NRA. ° | No Novice. | The Pittsburgh Courrier is no nov- |ice at painting the dirtiest knavery of the ruling clas$ as a boon to the Negro worker. Throughout the Scotts- boro cas2, the Pittsburgh Courrier fought the International Labor De- fense, and fawned on the lynch-mad Southern rulers. For this the editor was well paid by being made assist- ant U. 8. disirict attorney. The very NAACP which foresaw the New Deal for Negroes as Rocse- velt’s blow to the Southern slave- drivers, was the first forced to swal- low its words. It took less than 16 days for them to admit that some- thing had gone awry with the NRA for Negro workers. * N August 18, the NAACP icsuad a news release. Let’s sce what they say after the first trial baloon of the NRA: “Race labor in many sections of the South is being tricked out of the benefits of the NRA, according to in- formation received daily by the NAACP. “The most widespread practice is the firing of them and the hiring of whites in their places becaus> ‘tae minimum wage is teo much money for Negroes.’ ” Then they list dozens of instances where this happened. With reports pouring in daily about Negro workers being victimized by the NRA, the faithful bootlickers of the exploiting class in the NAACP, claim that the Negroes are being “tricked out of the benefits of the NRA.” But, gentlemen. these are the “benefits” of the NRA—less jobs, lower wages and race discrimination. As always, you swallowed the pro- paganda of the slavedrivers and tried to lead your people into the halter by boundless promises. Every com- flung into your teeth by the Negro werkers who feel the blow of the blue eagle’s wings over the South- lend. Keep Pouring In Another Negro paper, the New York News, takes uv the cry of bitter rsports pouring in from all over the country telling of Negro workers be- ing systematically fired when codes go into effect. “The National Urban League,” says the New York News, “is the most conservative of the National Race agencies, and its bitter com- plaint, against the Roosevelt relief | mei indicate a state of affairs more depjorable than has been be- lieved ible, it is said. Many of the League’s leadess were advocates of Roosevelt's election.” ue "HEY didn’t believe it possible. They are always ready to believe any promise of the exploiter, anything to keep the Negro worker from unit- ing with the white worker in a de- termined fight for improved condi- | tions. The blow of reality stuns even the most conservative. But their con- csc¢nation arises from the tremen- { dcus difficulty in justifying their rosy appraisals of the NRA and its actual results. The big question is how to keep the Negro worker's faith in the NRA—how to keep him from ciruggle. ‘Tne NRA drives thousands or Ne- ero workers out of employment. Who Go2s the NAACP seek to blame? They try to arouse the feelings of the Negro unemployed against the white workers by saying that white work- ers are being put in positions for- inerly held by Negroes. The fact is thet thousandsgof white workers are losing their jobs for precisely the seme reason, especially in the textile mills of the South, where the NRA is introducing speed-up, overproduc- tion and shutdowns. But to take the cdium away from Roosevelt, the NRA and the ruling class, the NAACP slyly hints that white workers are responsible. They want to split the ranks of the workers on race lines in order to weaken the fight against th? NRA that hits all workers. In the Washington hearings, the only Negro workers who came to protest against the slave codes were thos? who came in the delegations of the unions affiliatesd to the Trade Union Unity League. Working close with Green was metal workers of Buffalo, Cleveland, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pitts- burgh, St. Louis and Chicago. Doz- ens of other industries have been affected by strikes led by the TUUL unions. In many of these strikes the workers beat back the arbitra- tien proposals and won improved conditions, recognition of their un- ion or shon committee throngh di- rect negotiations with the em- ployers. Blame White W orkers, Not Roosevelt for Unemployment retary of t) Negro Industrial League. Mr. Davis was very affable. He didn’t want to offend General Johnson or Mr. Green. Devis rea: off lists of statistics showing the miserable conditions of the Negro workers. He started to talk about “the wages of Negro citizens.” Deputy Simson stopped him. Mr. Davis apol- ogized profusely. Lest he be mis- understood, he said: “Our policy is substantially the same as that started * * HERE is a growing fear among the capitalists that despite the no edicts the workers are striking. Tv fear that once the workers re- alize that they are striking notwith- standing the “no strike” edicts, that this will generally weaken the con- fidence and fear of the workers in all the laws enacted by the capitalists to keep down the workers. No wonder by Mr. William Green, president of |iiewn Ptst' Gasette” aten Aone the A. F. of L.” But the policy of| fronted by the fact that the miners Mr. Green is to jim-crow Negro | continue to strike, despite the Presi- workers, and to deny them the right | Gent's agreement with operators and to belong to trade untons, the U.M.W.A. officials, hastened to - ‘ ‘i jexplain editorially that the workers OON after, Green authorized | right to strike was never taken away. George L. Googe to open head-| This they claimed was their under- quarters in the Hurt standing of the “no strike” provisions Atlanta, Ga., to “organize.” Googe | under the code. All that is meant, the issued a statement of his purnoses | paper argued, was an appeal to “com- in order to win the good will of the |mon sense,” merely an appeal that lynchers of the Southern ruling | strikes be used as a last resort after class. Not one word did Googe say | all other means haye been exhausted. about Negroes. “Our representatives; Naturally the government has not and leaders will refrain from spec- | used all its forces and resources to tacular activities or rash statements. . | enforce this no-strike provision, altho The president’s new deal will be the ' »Jmost everywhere the police, the yardstick governing all of our ac- ‘ate troopers and even National tivity and quite naturally we shall | Guard in some cases was used in an take the leed throughout the com-| effort to break the strikes. But as munities of the South in assisting | the -trike movement rises, the bosses, the president,, his agents and all) though fearing to arouse the workers, patriotic citizens, the government will be used more The yardstick that has become a | freely as an open strikebreaker thru club to batter still lower the Negro's|the use of the armed forces. Only living standard is the emblem of the | the organized strength of the workers A. F. of L. in the South. can defeat such strikebreaking on the The Voice Against part of the capitalists and their gov- Only one voice stocd out against | ¢™nment. the new slavery for the Negroes. ‘The workers are learning very rap- That was the voice of the Commun-| idly that the NRA will not bring ists and leaders of the revolutionary | Work, nor better conditions. There is trade unions. An outstanding point | cnly one road for the workers secur- in the dozens of codes presented by |ing better conditions, and for these spokesmen was no discrimina- | abolishing the present situation of tion against Negroes; equal wages | exploitation and oppression, of star- for equal work; the right of the | vation and capitalist terror. This is plaint is at the same time a protest John Prescott Davis, executive sec- Negro to work in all jobs in which white workers are hired. More im- portant still, these workers pointed out that only by a united struggle of black and white, employed and unemployed, would the workers smash down the very results the Negro and white workers are now suffering from under the NRA. — “he road of strutele on the part of the workers themselves. But for such a fight to win, the workers must have a militant and determined lead- ership. The Trade Union Unity League on the field of economic struggle is more and more being ac- cepted by increasing sections of the workers as their organization.