The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 29, 1933, Page 4

Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 29, 1933 U.S.-Japan Seek to End {Crisis by War in Pacific By HAKRY GANN ‘© of the foremost robber powers in the Pacific, the United States and ‘ Japan, look to the vast stretches of China and the Soviet Union as road enough to bury the present world capitalist crisis—if sufficient bay- | @nets and cannon are used of the |SHESS BRSesserem— Ns — Ils >” r ¢ < ¢ 2 c < H United States and Japan have | ‘#he military expenditures of the gdeubled during the past year. The oss ie $238,000,000 U. S. warship building| But in the sharpening antagonisms | program, in addition to the usual| between Japan and the United| navy budget, w made, according ; States, while the two rush to gréater | to, Secretary of the Na’ Swanson, | for the following purpos “Naval policy . . . is based on and is designed to support na- | tional policies and national in- | terests . . . To support American interests, especially the develop- Ment of American foreign com- | merce and the merchant marine.” | The sharpest arrow of foreign | commerce and the greatest growth merchant marine point to the Far East & JAPANESE imperialism has begun | the carving up of China on a large | scale at a time when American im- | perialism requires the Chinese mar- kets as never before. This accounts for the preparations that are going on in both countries for a war in the Pacific But Wall Street does not want to let the workers know that it is building the navy and spending hundreds of millions for war to contend with Japan over the control of China. | armaments for the inevitable war in the Pacific, each are agreeable to an attempt to find a way out through ' war against the Soviet Union. The Moiniug| of Imperialist | War | By V. I. LENIN. | We are publishing sections of a | manifesto written by comrade Lenin right after the outbreak of the last | world war. e i 'HE European War, which the gov: ernments and the bourgeois par- | ties of all countries were preparing | for decades, has broken out. The growth of armaments, the sharpen- | ing of the struggle for markets in| | the epoch of the latest, the imperial- | jist, stage in the development of | | capitalism of the foremost countries, | the dynastic interests of the most | These war preparations go on un- der the slogan of “Peace in the Pacific.” Swag By Limbach “The best guarantee of peace in the Pacific;” says the New York/| Herald Tribune, “is am American mavy second to none. Americans would like to be idealistic. But} others do not understand.” NAVY second to none in the} Pacific, of course, means one that will insure the victory in war to. its possessor. Japan is aware of the “second to none” idea as well as; Roosevelt, and hastens to build its | navy equal to the “second to none.” Roosévelt from the first day of | his inauguration hes kept his pulse | on. the war beats in the Pacific. | conferences at the) with MacDonald, Her- riot and others, asking their views in the event of a war between Ja- pan and the United States. S the major war in China, over which imperialist power should dominate, ope up through the lesser wars of the m sts. the United States contributes $50,000,000 | to the Chiang Kai government, The Japanese counter by bringing | General Feng Yu Hsiang to Dolon | the North, and Chiang Kai} an army of 60,000 | Was! cMicially pan considers the told 1 $50,000,000 as an fdvance pavment on the war for control of China. J SSVERTHELESS, the war front! ens throughout China, and istently colony southward as possible. Brt at this point they come nearer to Inner and Outer Mongolia, a ehort distance from the Soviet bor- der. For a lonz time Japanese im- ferialism has been painstakingly building an w:my for just this in- yasion of the Soviet Union. There fre’ 25,000 Japanese troops already in Inner Mongolia, and the arranged taking of Dolon Nor by General ‘eng Yu Hsiang has given the Japa- nese a pretext for moving up thou- sands more as well as concentrating heavy artillery and bombing planes suitable for an attempted invasion of ‘the U. S. S. R. Nor have the| » Japanese left out of account the Tordes of mercenaries. | A white gt sian division is #2 up in N msisting of | the “Baikal, he “Ussuri,” the “Amur,” and the Manchurian regi- ments. This white guard movement is officered by 4,000-6,000 ex-officers ofthe Kolchak and Semenov forces. | OOSEVELT 1s cognizant of these | 4 f-cts and many more outlining | the Japanese plans for war against | the Soviet Union | We see cleverly-phrased articles | in the American newspapers at-! tempting to instigate a Japanese pitack against the Soviet Union, a phase of marking time to the war between the two robbers for the domination of the Pacific. The Japanese are not averse to taking a slice of Soviet territory, even to oblige Wall Street. While ‘Wall Street wants to weaken Japan | by @ war against the Soviet Union, the Japanese feel a little Soviet ter- ritory, judicially taken, will strength- | en their hold in Manchuria and give them a stronger base for the im- perialist war. * matter of temporarily set- ing aside the antagonisms be- tween Japan and the United States through a war against the Soviet ‘Union was undoubtedly discussed be- tween Roosevelt and Viscount Kiku- jiro Ishii during the latters visit to the White House in May, 1933. Viscount Ishii tried to win Amer- fean public opinion for this idea through a nationwide broadcast over ‘W4JZ and the National Broadcasting Co. “Remember Japan is contigu- ous to a vast country,” said Ishii | referring to the Soviet Union, | “whose aim is to subvert and de- stroy the idea and _ institutions which most of the civilized world considers essential and even sacred. Remember, too, that these regions are also contiguous to | ancther vast country where chaos reigns supreme, where lawlessness is the law and misrule is the rule.” The Viscount omits just a few de- tails such as the robber war of Japanese imperialism which thrust it right up to the borders of the So- viet Union in the north and west, and down to the heart of China in the South. | Ishii wants the American workers | to support the civilization of Japan which bombarded Shanghai and muttered 25,000 Chinese workers in plotting a similar raid on the Soviet) Unior ‘ a 4 | | Colo, Fuel & Iron Co... 1914-18 backward East European monarchies, were inevitably bound to bring about, and did bring about the present war. To seize lands and to conquer foreign nations, to ruin competing nations, to pillage their wealth, to divert the attention of the labor-| ing masses from th: domestic poli- l crises of Russia, Germany, Eng- nd, and other countries, to dis- unite the workers and fool them with nationalism, to annihilate their vanguards in order to weaken the revolutionary movement of the pro- letariat, such is the only real es- sence, the significance and the meaning of the present war. ee ae PON Social-Democracy, in the first place, devolves the duty to make clear this real meaning of the war, and mercilessly to unmask the | falsehoods, the sophisms and the “patriotic” phrases which are spread | by the ruling classes, the landowners and the bourgeoisie, in defense of the war. Neither of the two groups of bel- ligerant countries is behind the other in robberies, bestialities and endless brutalities of war. But in jorder to fool the proletarians and detract their attention from the only war for real freedom, namely, a civil war against the beurgeoisie both of “their own” and “foreign” countries, in order to further this noble aim the bourgeoisie of each country strives, by means of patriotic phra- ses, to extol the significance of “its, own” national war and to assert that it strives to vanquish the ad- | versary not for the sake of robbery and seizure of lands, but for the sake of “liberating” all other peoples | pt its own. UT the greater the efforts of the government and the bourgeoisie of all countries to disunite the w and to pit them one against the other, the more ferociously they use | for this lofty purpose a system of martial law and military censorship (whic' measures even now, in time of we are More successful against the “enemy within” than against the enemy without), the more urgent is the duty of the class-conscious pro- letariat to defend its class solidarity, its internationalism, its Socialist convictions against the orgy of chauvinism of the “patriotic” bour- geois cliques of all countries. To re- pudiate this task would, on the part of the class-conscious workers, mean to renounce all their striving towards freedom and democracy, not to speak of Socialism. Profit and Blood War—which for the workers on the battlefield means wholesale slaughter, which for their families at home means hunger and suffering—means mountains of golden profits for the employers, for the capitalist class. The Labor Research Association has just completed a study of the war-period profits of the largest rep- (estiboa ny corporations of the coun- ry. The study revealed that 64 of these companies showed net profits of over five billion dollars—$5,484,888,000, to be exact. The following list is a partal list of these enormous war year profits, made while millions of workers were being butchered on the battlefields to protect profits and investments: Total $51,130,000 American Brass Co. American Can Co, Amer, Snear Ref. Co... 1914-18 Baldwin Loco. Works 1915-18 Bethlehem Steel Co... 1914-18 208,356,000 26,004,000 19,778,000 71,943,008 Corn Prod Ref. Co. Crucible Steel of Am: 914-18 1915-19 T, duPont deNemours.1915-19 130,000,000 1914.24 a7 General Electric Co. General Motors Co Goodrich (tires&rbr Intl, Harvester Co.. 1918-21 New Jersey Zinc Co.—1916-18 78,368,000 Pacific Mills 1915-18 15,741,000 Republic Iron & Steel...1915-19 75,224,000 Sears Roebuck & Co...1915-24 99,504,000 Standard Oil Group 808,321,000 Swift & Co. 89,014,900 Texas Corp. (oil) 245,588,000 U.S, Rubber Co. 106,461,000 U.S, Steel Cor; 1,478,844,000 Yngstn Sreet&Tube1917-18 39,538,000 TOTAL annem tee = $ 451,342,000 By H. M. WICKS HE very existence of the Soviet a powerful revolutionizing force that profoundly influences by its, growth and matchless achievements the toil- | ing masses of all the earth... This | fact the ruling class never forgets. And every downward plunge of capi- | talist economy piaces the question be- | fore the bourgeoisie more sharply. The words of Comrade Stalin at.the | Sixteenth Party Congress of the Com- | munist Party of the Soviet Union in 1930 should never be forgotten by those who question which direction the war preparations of the capital- ist powers are most likely to take. | He said: “Every time the capitalist con- tradictions begin to grow more acute the bourgeoisie turns its gaze toward the U.S.S.R.: ‘Cannot we. settle this or that contradi¢- tion of capitalism, or all the ¢on- tradictions taken together, at the expense of the U.S.S.R., the land of the Soviets, the citadel of the revolution, revolutionizing by its very existence the working Class and the colonies, preventing us ar- ranging for a new world war, pre- venting us dividing the world ariew, preventing us being masters of our extensive internal market, so nec- essary for capitalists, particularly | | | nomic crisis.’” Litvinov’s London Speech ‘The remarks of Maxim Litvinov a few weeks ago at the World Econ- omic Conference in London set forth in figures that must,have seared in- to the brain of his bourgeois audi- ence the realization of the great con- trast between the world of decay- ing capitalism and the world of So- cialist construction. In the course of | his remarks he said: “T have already remarked that crisis phenomena are lacking~in the Soviet Union which, with -the crisis growing steadily in other countries, has successfully develop- ed its own economy and industry at rates never before seen, _ “While the rest of the world in- dustrial. output in 1932 fell by 33 per cent, as compared with 1928, it rose to 219 per cent in the-So¥=; iet Union for the same period: “While in most countries. the numbers of those employed ave gone down catastrophically, in the | U.SS.R. the number of employed persons went up during the last four years from 11,600,000 to 22,- 800,000.” Not only that, but the Soviet | Union, because its productive mach- ine is built to improve the stand-| ards of life of the people who inhabit | the country, is in a position to place | orders for billions of dollars’ worth | of products of other countries under | conditions that will not be onerous to the workers’ and peasants’ goy-/| ernment. ¥ In its relationship to the other powers, which constantly engage in ‘war and intervention against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics the Soviet government has pursued a consistent policy of peace. Basis of Success Against War ‘Thus far, in an international at- mosphere of increasingly desperate drives toward war, the Soviet Union has been able to achieve victory for its peace policy. That is due to a number of factors, chief of which are: (1) The great influence of the Soviet Union among the toiling mass- es of the capitalist and colonial and semi-colonial countries who, in in- creasing numbers, have shown their determination to fight in defense of the workers’ and peasants’ ‘state; (2) The growth of the economic and political power of the U.S.S.R.;° (3) Growth of defense forces of the Sovict Union; (4) The policy’ ‘of peace implacably carried on against the most insolent provocations. At a number of international con- ferences, called by the capitalist | states for the purpose of trying to manouver for position and to hide their war preparations behind a smoke-screen of pacifism the repre- sentatives of the Soviet Union have stated their position, When the is+ | sue was armaments, the Soviet dele- gates put forth the proposal for im- |The uter hypocrisy of the capitalist powers was repeatedly shown in their | rejection even of Soviet proposals - Union is a threat to capitalism, | he Soviet Union a Stronghold of Peace When it was an economic, and the decline of the capitalist clearly revealed in the policy toward | ments. | conference, as at London, the Soviet | world have made necessary more sub- | delegates proposed abolition of trade|tle forms of plots. The United boycotts, and of trade wars. Dur-| States government no longer indulg- |ing the course of the London con-|es in such wild torades as featured | ference the British government was| the regime of Hughes and Kellogg. compelled, as a result of the firm| This was seen in the actions of Stim- stand of the Soviet delegation and | son, Hoover's secretary of state. But |the pressure of the toiling masses| the fact that Stimson was less blat- | cf that country to abandon its boy-| ant than Hughes did not prevent} | cott of Soviet imports. his’ conspiring for intervention | The advance of the Soviet Union| against the Soviet Union. That was | Two Social Systems By J. STALIN. | Many workers are asking why is it that the crisis is bringing havoc to the masses of workers in the capitalist countries? Why is it that in the United States, the richest town and country. (5) The systematic improvement of the material position of the toil- ers and the ceaseless growth of their requirements (purchasing power), be- arms and trying to push Japan into ‘country in the world, tens of mil- lions are starving, hundreds of thou- | sands are being evicted, foreclosures ing. a constantly growing source of the extension of production, guaran- tees the working class against crises today, in connection with the eco- | on farms are taking place @aily? | And why is it that in the Soviet | Union instead of unemployment, the number of employed has doubled | precisely during the four years of the capitalist crisis? An answer to of over-production, against the growth of unemployment, etc. (6) The working class is the mas- ter of the country, working not for the capitalists, but for its own class. What is the capitalist system of economy? ‘The capitalist system of economy means that: () Power in the country belongs to the capitalists. (2) The tools and means of pro- duction are. concentrated in the hands of the exploiters. (3) Production is subordinated, not to the principle of improving the material position of the toiling masses, but to the principle of safe- guarding high capitalist profits. (4) The distribution of the na-| tional income takes place, not in the interests of improving the material position of the toilers, but in the in- terests of safeguarding maximum) profits for the exploiters. (5) Capitalist rationalization “and the rapid growth of production, hav- ing the object of safeguarding high profits for the capitalists, come up against the obstacle of the impover- ished condition and the reduction of the material welfare of the millions | of toilers, who do not always have the possibility of satisfying their needs even within the limits of the extreme minimum—which inevitably creates the ground for unavoidable crises of over-production, growth of unemployment, ete. (6) The working class is an ex- y. I. LENIN. thése fundamental problems asked | |by every worker is found in this | lconcise yet simple explanation by | Comrade Stalin, taken from his re- | port delivered in 1930 to the 16th} |Party Congress of the Communist | | Party of the Soviet Union. | [PHY is it that the U. S. S. R., in spite of its cultural backward- | provocations designed to bring about | mediate and complete disarmament. | for a progressive reduction of arma- and extending Socialist production in ness, in spite of its lack of capital, in spite of its lack of technically ex- perienced economic cadres, is in a state of growing economic expansion nd has won decisive successes on the front of economic construction, while the foremost capitalist coun- tries, in spite of their abundance of capital, their abundance of technical personnel, and their higher level of culture, are in a state of growing economic erisis, and are suffering in | the sphere of economic development |defeat after defeat? ‘The reason is the difference in the economic systems here and under the capitalists. ‘The reason is the bankruptcy of the capitalist system of economy, The reason is the advantages of the Soviet system of economy over ; the capitalist system. What ts the Soviet system of econ- omy? . system of economy * . 'HE Soviet means that: (1) The power of the capitalist class has been overthrown and has been replaced by the power of the working class. (2) The tools and means of pro- duction, the land, factories, works, etc., have been taken away from the capitalists and handed over to the working class and to the peasantry. (3) The development of produc- tion is subordinated, not to the prin- ciple of competition and safeguard- ing of capitalist profit, but to the principle of planned guidance and systematic improvement of the ma- terial level of the toilers, (4) The distribution of the na- tional income takes place, not in the interests of enriching the exploiting classes and their numerous parasitic hangers-on, but in the interests of systematically raising the material position of the workers and peasants, ploited class, working, not for itself, but for an alien class, the class of exploiters. Such are the advantages of the “J. STALIN. Soviet system of economy over the capitalist system. Such are the advantages of the Socialist organization of economy over the capitalist organization. This is the reason why we in the U. S. S. R. have a growing economic advance, while they, the capitalists, have a growing economic crisis. ‘This is the reason why, here in the U. 8. 8. R., the growth of consump- tion (purchasing capacity) of the masses constantly outruns the growth of production and stimulates it, while there, under the capitalists, on the contrary, the growth of consump- tion of the masses (purchasing capa- city) never keeps pace with the growth of production, and constantly lags behind it, again and again con- demning production to crises. This is the reason why they, the capitalists, consider it quite normal the Japanese war on the Chinese masses and the seizure of Manchuria, While indulging in propaganda cal- culated to arouse a war spirit against the Japanese, Stimson was supply- ing the Japanese with munitions and | a war against the Soviet Union. In trying to conceal its war pre- parations against the Soviet Union| capitalism has also enlisted the soc- | jal-democrats and the renegades from Communism. Their special job has been to try to deceive the masses | into believing that the crisis, instead of spurring the capitalists on to im- Pperialist war, weakens them so they | cannot carry on warfare. But as war becomes more and more the order of the day some of them, such as Otto Wells, come out openly and state that their party approves the foreign policies of the Hitler fascist regime, the keystone of which is war and intervention against the Soviet Union. ‘The renegade, Trotsky, at the time of the beginning of the Jabanese drive in Manchuria, tried to disarm the masses by stating that there was no immediate danger of war against the Soviet Union, It was this same Trotsky who also, in a most pro- vocative manner, urged that the Red Army of the Soviet Union should march into Germany and try to pre- vent Hitler taking power. Such an act is precisely what the internation- al bourgeoisie would welcome as an excuse for immediate war against the Sovies Union. Against Bourgeois “Conciliation” There are also elemerits that urge the Soviet Union to become a mem- ber of the League of Nations and to carry on a policy of “international conciliation” with other powers. That means entering into the alignments the intrigues that characterize bour- geoisie foreign policy. | The peace policy of the Soviet Union has nothing in common with | such measures. It is directed toward | defending socialist construction in the Sovie Union and at the same time is a fight in the interests of the whoie international proletarict. It is a powerful defender of all the toiling masses whom capitalism has selected for cannon fodder in the imperialist slaughter it is preparing. It is directei toward peaceful re-| latieas with all countries, but ab-/| jures entering a bloc with any | country. | Realization of the role of the Sov- | jet Union as a powerful force for peace impels even larger numbers of workers to rally to its defense against | the imperialist conspiracies. But it is essential never to forget the lesson taught by the triumph of Soviet power over the bourgeoisie of old Rus- | sia—that the one guarantee for peace | in the world is to put an end to capitalism. That was brought about in the course of an imperialist war between nations that was turned in- to a civil war against capitalism, Only when capitalist state power has been torn to pieces,and the toiling masses of the world follow the path blazed by the victorious proletarian revolution will there be a guarantee of peace in the world. in a time of crisis to destroy the “surplus” of commodities and burn “excess” agricultural produce, in or- der to keep up high prices and en- sure high profits, while here in the U.S. 8. R. those guilty of such crimes would be sent to a lunatic asylum. (applause). This is the reason why there, un- der the capitalists, the workers strike and demonstrate, organizing a revo- lutionary struggle against the exist- ing capitalist government, while here in the U. 8. S. R. we have the pic- ture of the great labor competition of the millions of workers and peas- ants ready to lay down their lives for the Socialist Government. ‘This is the reason for the stability and firmness of the internal situa- tion in the U. S. 8. R., the instability and the unsteadiness of the internal situation in the capitalist countries. It must be admitted that a system of economy which does not know what to do with its “surplus” output, and can only burn it, at a time when the masses are in the grip of want and unemployment, hunger and mis- ery—such a system of economy passes the death sentence on itself. Imperialists Tempo on By EARL Speed War World Scale BROWDER is quite clear from the events which are taking place every day, that the tempo of the development of war is speeding up very fast. The collapse of the London Economic Conference has revealed in a very sharp form how irreconcilable are imperialist antagonisms, how sharply their in- Will War Bring Back Prosperity? By ROBERT DUNN. Two answers are: po: to the important question: Will war bring back prosperity? One answer will be given by the banker, the capit- alist, and the industrialist. He will say emphatically “yes.” ‘The other answer comes from the great mass of workers and farmers. They an- swer, equally emphatically, “NO!” The “prosperity” that awaits work- ers and farmers going to the front is—death, disease, wounds, sickness, shell shock and poison gas. This is what one section of the toiling po- pulation gets out of war. What about those who remain at home to labor in mine, mill and factory? The Myth of High Wages In 1918, the purchasing power of an hour’s wages of the American workers as a whole was actually 20 per cent less than it had been during the period of 1890 to 1899! And the war years had shown a steady de- cline in the purchasing power of the hourly wage of workers, the drop in the index number being from 100 in 1913 to 92 in 1918. In 1917, the year the United States entered the war, the index figure was down to 89. With the cost of living and prices increasing during the war period anywhere from 60 per cent to 115 per cent, a study of wages made at the close of the war by the econo- mists, Hugh Hanna and W. J. Lauck, led them to conclude that the rise in money wages between 1914-1915 and January 1918, was only 18 per cent for anthracite miners; 26 per cent for machinists in the Philadel- phia Navy Yard; 30 per cent for bituminous miners working by hand; and 34 per cent and 37 per cent res- pectively, for shipbuilders and pipe- fitters in the Philadelphia Navy Yard. The rise in the building trades was only from 12 to 20 per cent. In still other industries wages had actually decreased, even during this “prosperity period,” while the wages of other groups of workers re- mained _ stationary. Disregarding the pre-war relation of wages to living costs which left the mass of workers in poverty be- fore the war, it was found that wages ranged below the cost of living in the last six months of 1914 an aver- age of 7 points, In 1915 they lagged an average of one point below; in | 1916, one point, in 1917, 12 points below; in 1918, 6 points. Taking the real wage figures for specific industries, we find that dur- ing the war riod they were in many cases lo than they had been just before the war and some of them lower than they were 30 years before! For example, in the textile industry as a whole, we find that the purchasing power of work- ers’ earnings was a Mittle less during the war years, 1914-1918, than it had been during the $0’s of the last century! The workers of the silk ‘ndustry were 4 per cent worse off, in terms of real wages, in 1918, at the close of the war, than they had been in 1914. Unemployment Persists in War Times But many believe that even though the war might not bring back the mythical “high wages” of the last war period, and though it may bring heavy burdens to workers, it would at least solve the unemployment crisis. Here again the changed situ- ation belies those who believe in the “war way” out of the crisis. First, it mist be remembered that even durifg certain years of the last war there was an average of at least a million out of work. With 17,000,000 out of work at present, it is fantastic to claim that all these workers would be restored to their jobs by the pro- ductive (destructive) demands of war. It is true that several mil- lions would be conscripted to work for the capitalists in killing workers of other countries at the front. But their places in the plants or on the breadlines would be taken by the millions of impoverished soldiers’ wives, bankrupt farmers, child slaves and others forced to look for jobs to make up for the lost wages of the wage-earner in the trenches. And the capitalists, as usual, will employ those who will work cheapest in mu- nition plants and elsewhere. Besides, the vast development in machinery and the advance in cap- igalist rationalization must be taken into account. Even before the crisis years this process had displaced and rendered permanently unemployed some two or three millions for whom there is absolutely no chance for a job under capitalism. These ration- alization schemes would become all the more widespread in wartime as mextmum speed, “efficiency” and in- ereased productivity are called for by the war staff. The technologic- ally unemployed would not only stay jobless but would be increased in number as industry further developed its methods of doing more work with fewer workers, *terests are clashing on every point. The British-American trade war which is raging throughout the world, and which has for a long time been conducted in South America in the form of armed warfare between the South American countries, has by no means been softened as a result of the developments of the London Conference. On the contrary. In spite of the attempts which are made in the public press to indicate that in London a certain amount of gen- eral agreement has been, established between London and Washington en the currency question and on other questions before.the London Confer- ence, the fact remains that the cen- tral antagonism upon which the whole conference was wrecked was precisely the war between the dollar and the pound, The British-American antagonism is coming forward sharper than ever before in the international scene to- ward the development of war. The Japanese-American antagonism is also assuming a very sharp form. These antagonisms among the great powers, and the measures being ad- opted for meeting the world prob- Jems of capitalism, make the devel- opment of the new world war a question of the day. . 8 T= danger of war is by no means expressed only in these sharpen- ing main imperialist antagonisms. The sharper these antagonisms be- come, the stronger become the efforts of the leading capitalist statesmen to find a temporary solution in a com- mon anti-Soviet war, to find a tem- porary solution of their antagonisms at the expense of the Workers’ Re- public. It is by no means an accident that precisely in the last days the rela- tions on the Eastern frontier of the Soviet Union have considerably sharpened. The attitude of the Man- church “republic,” puppet of Japan, reflecting the policies of Tokyo, has become extremely provocative. In Tokyo the newspapers are openly speaking about the necessity of an- nexing Eastern Siberia. We can be sure that when Japan begins to seri- ously take up as a practical order of business the moving across Soviet borders, that they do so in certain agreement with at least some of the ‘Western powers. We must not under any circumstances allow ourselves to become lax in our vigilance as to the necessity of rousing the masses for the defense ‘of the Soviet Union merely on account of the diplomatic victories that are being won at this moment by the Soviet Union. ‘When we say this we do not by any means want to underestimate the importance of these diplomatic vic- tories of the US.S.R. The extension of the system of non-aggression pacts between the Soviet Union and France, and France’s satellites in Eastern Eu- rope, constitutes.a definite victory for Soviet peace policy. The cancella- tion of the trade embargo of the British against the Soviets is another victory_of Soviet diplomacy.: The be- ginnings of organized large-scale trade relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and the perspective of a possible recognition of the Soviet Union by the United States in the near future as is being spoken of openly by the capitalist press are also victories. But the win- ning of these victories does not soften the basic forces that are operating towards bringing together the imper- ialist powers for a d war of intervention against the Soviet Union. It is necessaty for us to weigh all of these factors in their proper per- spective and to understand that the war danger is really an immediate question for the masses today, that we are really operating in a world sit- uation more explosive, more pregnant with all of the.factors of world im- perialist war of the most destructive character than July 1914, just before the outbreak of the last World War. The situation today is much more strained, the forces of war that have accumulated are far greater ‘than anything that has been seen before. This world situation is the out- growth of the deepening of the crisis of world capitalism. This is bringing profound changes into the world re- Jationships and into the domestic pol- icies of the American bot In the United States. these are evelopment of the expressed in thesd Roosevelt “new deal.” 8 8 Peace at this period our Aug- ust 1st demonstrations, the 19th anniversary of the outbreak of the World War, must:e made.the occa- sion for a seriglis-imass mobilizatior. We must put @ little bit of that feeling of the imminence of war, that feeling of apprghgnsiveness and alarm into our mass preparati for August, 1st, that is really justified by all the’ facts of the world situation, —_ Now ‘York onstabor Day. the Bo- few Yor! = cialist Party and its allies ae det- initely decided to enter into this nifled their acceptenoe of the invites nified their of the. 4 tions that were lihied for this C= peti rat they have nae oe sentatives to the com= mittee. This sertée to exphasian all: necessity of really making ‘a!mfobilization of dele- gates from all working class organ- izations to this -War Congress, to really that, this gress will be an. of letarian anti-war the United States\'very sharp clear, by the position of ‘the whelming mass of. the delegates will come to it,' the real great of tye struggle against war,” will vent any possibilities transforming ofthis Congress into field of maneuvers) for social fas- cists on the basisvof their old estab- Ushed policies ofthe Second Inter- national, ee oe aa ag