The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 15, 1933, Page 4

Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 15, 1933 How to Lead the . Struggles Against the Slavery Act What Is the Capitalist State and How Will It Function Under Roosevelt’s New Industrial Slavery Act? By EARL BROW DER HE first step in rousing and or- gar the workers against the Industrial Slavery Lea to thor- oughly understand what it means in actual life and to explain this to number of the broadest possi workers. Even this very neces~ jn, sary educational work, however, quires actions and manouvers in or- «der to make the |q issues clear and understandable to the broadest mas- ses. That is why the Trade Union | Unity League and the National , ifextilt. Workers ©: BROWDER Union sent a de- Jegation to Washington to appear at the hearings the Textile Code proposed by the manufacturers. This delegation spoke and made proposals in quite a different sense from that -of the repr ives of the A. F. of L. and quite different from the position of the Socialist Party. Comrade Croll, a pokesman for ethe delegation, boldly exposed the gwhole purpose and effect of the Re- govery Act the enslavement and impoverishment of the workers. She declared that the workers would not surrender their right to strike against any cond unsatisfactory on to them. Then she posed amend- ments to r Code, the com- plete rejec which exposes dra- matically purpose of the Goede befor rs who follow- ed the proce ne reje amendments called for the estab! ment of a antesd wage of below $720 per year, based upon entee cf not less than thirty nor how the nsider an forty per week. administration any provisions ly raising the of the textile work- guarantee ries of pro- guards for the ejected. nt example and N.T. it is y that every revo- d2 nion and group in their own industries, roadcast them of workers. demands in codes” must of mass agit- hu 1 shell develop similar act to the be made an ation ar the fir: e elementa im the education of the masses in the real meaning of the Industrial Recovery A and ing them for the com slavery law ‘The role of the textile he: for us. Wer how to exp fore the m: for us merely A. F. of L. in the manouvers be- is not enough ut that the A. to FP, of L. is hel t and the emplos We must prove it. And this means that we must Jearn concretely how to expose all @t their manouvers. The A. F. of Ly burocrats not so stupid that they think they can get away. with their treachery without masking it with all kinds of clever and flexible ‘tricks. Thus, in the textile hearings, Wil- liam Green succeeded in getting him- self quoted in the newspaper head- lines as being opposed to the Code beeause the wage scale was not high enough and demanding a $16 mini- mum. MacMahon, president of the United Textile Workers, then also found it necessary to speak for a higher minimum, must more modest- ly demanding $14.40. Then one of the government com- Mnissioners, Mr. Allen, was evidently inexperienced in the game and hasn't Jearned how to “play ball” with the labor leaders and allow them their Necessary publicity as a “loyal oppo-| sition.” Heé let the cat out of the Dag by indignantiy exclaiming that Mr. MacMahon had worked with him in the preparation of this Code, had} expressed his entire agreement with ff and had never before said a word t6 indicate that he had any different ls whatever. “This revealing little incident is especially valuable and should be widely popularized, especialiy in view of the fact that in future hearings) Mr, Allen and his fellow-commission- ers will undoubtedly be better coach-| ed beforehand on how to help the A. F. of L. leaders to preserve their prestige before the masses by putting up a fake opposition to bargains they have already made behind the scenes | and which they are prepared to carry | out to the letter. is also necessary that we learn concretely how to expose the argu- ments and maneuvers of the Social- ist Party, typified by the position of Norman Thomas. Norman Thomas is one of the most valuable of Roose- | velt’s asistants in putting across the New Deal.” Of course, that does be mean that he comes out openly “|, sndorse it. ‘f he did that, he would be no more | “h¢ gable than any of Roosevelt's di- | "4 employees. On the contrary, he} “igh? that he is against the underlying | PigiRoose and philosophy of the bill from this he then procedes to| af) that these canitalist’ politi- $s in Washington are so stupid, ‘ so poorly prepared to draw up a law which would really execute the wish- es of big capital, that they clumsily left a lot of big loop-hol oppor- tunities for the workers to come in) and transform this law into some- thing entireiy different than this law was intended, to turn it into a means for their own advancement rather than for the enrichment of the capi- talists. These golden cpportunities, Mr Thomas assures the workers, much more than offset the bad effects which the operations of the bill are intended to have in driving down the living standards of the workers, de- stroying their right to si and herding them into employer-concroll- ed unions. This propaganda of Thomas and the Socialist Party, accompanied by a declaration of 100 per cent coopera- tion with the A. F. of L. which openly supports the Bill ni its entirety and unlike Mr. Thomas, declares its agree- ment with the purposes and_phil- osophy of the authors of the law, is) the logical continuation of the coop- eration between the S. P. and Roose-| velt, which began in the first days of the latter’s administration. Then) Norman Thomas and Morris Hillquit | paid a formal visit to Roosevelt in the White House and then issued a press statement praising Roosevelt for his liberal and progressive approach to the problems of the day. Way he EF is highly important in the very first stages of the struggle against the Recovery Act to secure the broad- | est possible crystallization of opposi- tion against it in preparation for the | cevelopment of mass struggles sure to come in the near future. On this issue, the most vital and immediate | to the entire working class and effect- | ing every phase of their every day} life, we must bend every energy to crystallize a real united front of struggle. Here, if anywhere, is the need and the opportunity for apply-| ing the tactics of the united front. | It is from this point of view that) there has already been launched a serious move for united action. In this issue of the Daily Worker is printed-a public manifesto against the| Industrial Recovery Act. This mani- festo has the signatures of over 75) leaders of various economic organ- izations of the workers. | The signers include the Trade} Union Unity League, the various unions affiliated to it, A. J. Muste and various unions associated Aca his particular political tendency, the yarious national and local ‘Unemploy- | ed Councils together with the Unem- ployed Leagues with Musteite leader- ship, a series of A. F. of L. local) unions, the A. F. of L. Committee for) Unemployment Insurance, and some} unattached independent unions. | The manifesto gives a politically satisfactory characterization of the) “New Deal,” exposes the falseness of | the promises of returning “prosper- ity,” and lays down a six point work- ers’ program against the Roosevelt | program | The manifesto concludes with al call to all workers’ economic organiza- | tions, who agree with the general na- ture of the manifesto, to meet to-| gether in a general conference in} Cleveland on August 26 and 27 to| work out measures for organizing the | broadest possible mass fight for its/ demands. | One of the most important features | of this manifesto is the ugreement| contained in it to work for immediate conferences for unity of all genuinely militant trade unions and groups in} particular industries, such as steel, mining, textile, etc., and to promote | the unification of all mass organiza-| tions of the unemployed, locally, state wide and nationally. Serious prog-| ress has already been registered in| the movement towards unification of | the unemployed organizations, as| shown by the adoption of a part of! this program by the convention of | the Unemployed Leagues in Columbus, Ohio on July 4th, including endorse- ment of the Workers’ Unemployment | Insurance Bill, and the adherence to} this program by the Unemployed Fed- | eration which grew out of a Chicago| conference called by the Borders’) Citizens Committee which repudiated | the Borders’ splitting program. | ee we) ve T is clear that in this broad unity! movement with strong Tepresenta- | tion of the Musteites, that the road to unity on the basis of the class) struggle will not be a simple and easy matter. It is much easier to get agreement on a sound manifesto thun | it is to get bold and energetic ac-| tion to carry it out in life. Only the} most persistent and careful checking | up on the actual performances of all! those claiming to support the united | front program, including ourselves, | only the most fearless criticism of | every failure to properly apply it, can | provide the guarantee that this unity | movement will really consolidate the | forces of the class struggle and not on the contrary, paralyze and demor- alize this struggle. CONTENTS JULY ISSUE OF THE “COMMUNIST” The World Economic Conference by Peter Bolm American Imperialism Prepares for War by Robert W. Dunn War in the Far East and Our Tasks by K. Kita Unity in the Struggle for Social Insurance by I. Amter Imperialism and the Split in So- cialism by V. I Lenin The Intensification of the Versail- les Antagonisms and the Menace of a New Imperialist War by N. Rudolph The Veterans and the United Front by E. Levin The Soviet Union Fights for Peace by A. A, Heller Read and Subscribe to The Com- munist—20 cents per cop; $2 a year., Address P. O. Box 148, Station D, New York City. | hoods, and the many other | demands that severe sentences | brought in against them; at the same | By WALTER BELL 'HE trend to open Fascism in the United States, and the lyi agoguery which inevitably si such a trend in order to make it pa atable to the middle classes, ate neat- ly illustrated by an ar’ above title in the July issue*of “Cur- published by. the New r is E. “Francis Brown, associate editor of zine. . Mr. Brown's concluding these “The new America will not be capitalist in the old sense, nor will it be Socialist. If at the moment the trend is toward fascism, it is an American fascism embodying the experience, the traditions and the hopes of a great middle-class na- tion.” The gist of the article is that Fas- cism is not the desperate resort of decaying capitalism to undisguised dictatorial violence which workers know it to be, but on the contrary, “a movement of the middle clas: “Dictatorship,” says Mr. Brown, “is not the essential element in fascism. ... The fundamental, distinguishing factor in fascism is its economic pro- gram, which aims at rehabilitating the middle class.” At another point he asserts: “The working class will benefit along with the middle class in a Fascist State. . . . Fascism seeks to eliminate eco- nomic and social waste, to save the best in capitalism and to discard the worst. Such is fas in Italy.” F this is not a clear apology for Fas- cism, then what is? These false- con- tained in this article, are precisely on a par with the demagogic arguments of Mussolini, Hitler and the rest of the Fascist ideologues. They are part of a campaign, which may be expected to grow in volume and vigor, designed to hoodwink and mislead the petty bourgeoisie and the skilled workers, lines. are Japanese Com In Trial of 184; Bosses Demanding Death Penalty (Speech of Comrade Haku-Sano in the Tekio Court on July 14, 1932, on behalf of 184 other “ac- cused” Communists. Comrade | Sano is a gifted leader of the Japa- nese Communist Party and the In- ternational Communist © Move- | ment.—Editor). pr ae: | oes the very beginning of this trial we have been fighting stub- bornly for an open trial, and de-| manding the right of free speech, for} the declarations of the accused., In| our evidence, we openly and most) persistently declared that this, public| trial of our comrades is part of the} common class struggle. It is abso- lutely obvious that it is not we, Com-| munists, who are guilty, but that) they, the bourgeois-landlord oppres-)| sors, are the guilty ones. | In’ his indictment the..; Public Prosecutor referred to class legisla- tion as “unchanging and permanent” and laid on record that the Commu-| nists acted “against the will. of} 70,000,000 of the population,” By| means of declarations of this kind} and of other abstract, lying and re-| actionary phrases, he tried to-prove| that this trial by the Mikado’s court) is nothing to do with the class war| at all. But just think of the -cir-| cumstances under which the present court examination is taking place. It is going on in circumstances. of a sharp intensification of the contra- dictions between two systems—be- tween the system of decaying capi- | talism and rising Socialism. In or-| der to facilitate the conduct of pre-! datory warfare against the Soviet Union, which is being prepared by| the ruling classes, the oppressors and | exploiters of workers and peasants, this trial has been organized to force | the Communist Party, the leader of| all the exploited, to keep silence. The public prosecutor works on two | | lines, First of all he prosecutes Commu- nists, throws them into prison and be| time he visits the prisoners in their | cells and holds “secret conversations” | with them, trying to make them take, | the road of “liquidatorism” and thus bring confusion into the ranks of our revolutionary organization. Secondly, through the coutt—the, weapon for operating bourgeois pol- icy and bourgeois legislation—the Prosecutor tries to justify the poli g dem- | ¢ | A Powerful Revolutionary Weapon to rally them around the fascist ban- ner of some “Leader” who will un- e to provide the financial olig- archy of the country with a certain ipport for an open terror drive against all revolutionary workers, Mr. Brown’s argument is one which is becoming more familiar ev- y day. The middle class of the Unit- States, “its business and profes- sional men, technicians, skilled work- ers and farmers, had set the tone of the whole country—it was America,” he says. “They rested in the assur- ance that their country was the best in the world, its people the richest and its government the most liberal. Suddenly the dream faded; th ears of the locust’ were at hand... . The stock market crash in 1929 and the deepening of the depression that fol- lowed, definitely destroyed any like- lihood that security would ever be realized.” He makes a passing charitable ref- erence to the workers: “The middle class was not alone in its suffering. There were the workers, too, but they, ever but one step ahead of poverty, were not confronted with the painful readjustment to a new way of life which few middle-class families have escaped.” Thank you, Mr. Brown! How gracious of you to recognize that the great majority of the population exists “too.” af tte URNING back to the middle class and its “many disillusionments,” Mr. Brown says that even worse than the crash of the new era economic system was the smashing of “the pop- ular idols of the new era.” Among these he lists Kreuger & Toll, the bankers (Bank of United States and Senate inquiry) and above all Hco- ver, who “because he adhered to the | old philosophy of rugged individual- | ism, showed himself incapable of di- recting the economic forces which eventually ruined him and his coun- try.” ‘Then follows a paragraph which is an example of perhaps the most insidi- | ous form of Fascist propaganda, ‘the m of attributing to big business a ‘ot for a dictatorship which the must combat by setting up their “own” dictatorship. This para- graph follews, in full: “The Hoover administration, fum- bling, making false steps, was mean- while engaged in a running fight with Congress. Its purposelessness gave big business and finance an opportunity to instill in many minds the. belief that in a time of crisis democratic government was impotent. Strident ditcrials in newsmapers and magazine articles assailed the dilly-dallying of Congress, urged the desirability of its adjournment and talked furtively about the virtues of dictatorship. And at the same time, in the dramatic sa- | tire, ‘Of Thee I Sing,’ the American political system was ridiculed before @ public that had delighted in the exposure of the foibles and meanness of official Washington presented b; that best-seller, ‘Washington Merry: Go-Round.’ There were not many il- lusions left.” 'HE purpose of this sort of flim-flam is to make it appear that the Unit- ed States has a genuinely democratic government; that this democratic government meets crises weakly by “dilly-dallying”; that big business, with some show of excuse or justifica- tion uses such weakness to plot dic- tatorship in its own interests; that “Of Thee I Sing” and “Washington Merry-Go-Round” have some yague connection with this plot; that the democracy must cure the situation and frustrate the plot by remedying its own faults, even if in so doing it suspends some of those genuinely | democratic principles in which it so firmly believes. After all, there are only two things wrong with this picture: first, that the United States, far from being a “democracy,” is ruled by the capital- ist class in its own interests with the illusions and trimmings of democra- cy; and scond, that any change ex-| ROAD TO FASCISM | cept to a workers’ government can be only a tightening of the capitalist dictatorship, no matter how blind to this fact the mass supporters of such a change may be. Mr, Brown's effort, then, is subtly to persuade the middle classes that they wili loosen their cap- italist yoke by the very course of ac- tion which the finance-capitalists want them to take in order to rivet | that yoke even more tightly around their necks. MORE despicable, if less subtle, attitude is set forth in succeeding naragraphs, where the awakening in- est of the masses in the economic | triumphs of Soviet planned economy ! is represented as a discovery by the | American middle classes that dicta-' | torshir—and not necessarily proleta- | rian dictatorship—may be a better | form of government than bourgeois democracy. Mr, Brown goes on to discuss in all seriousness the projects for economic pi; ing under capitalism, Although (he refers to them as “the possibility of stealing some of the best ideas in the Communist experiment with the thought that grafting them on the old capitalism might bring about a rejuvenation,” he ignores the fact that the inherent anarchy of the cap- italist mode of production makes so- cial planning impossible, so that talk of its possibility under capitalism is only another mask for Fascism. Finally, reiterating that “the essen- ‘al element of fascism is its economic rogram” (which is true, but in a sense Mr. Brown did not intend), he | concludes that “possibly dictatorship | accompanies fascism only in those countries where the democratic tra- dition has been weak and where ex- perience with parliamentary institu- | ticns has been limited.” This is the | most sugary cost of all, the most wheedling appeal that could be made. “Fascism, yes,” he says in effect, “but dictatorship—horrors, no.” One might | reply “Green apples, yes; but no belly-ache!” munist Leader Defies War Lord’s Court | prosecutor demanded the death sen-| | argument by hiding behind the law.; trifl the attitude of the public prose- ical system of class oppression andj peats that there were “attempts to} force and to assist it in putting| abolish political forms of rule,” and through its policy. “denial of private property rights,” In his summing up the public) ete. All our objections, refutations| and explanations have done nothing | tence, life imprisonment and other} to convince the public prosecutor. severe punitive measures against the| What does this mean? It means} Communists. He tries to justify his| that from the very beginning of the! cutor to the Communists was based | Let us examine a few of his argu-| lon a strictly defined policy directed ments. Over and over again he re- Horrors of Unemployment Abolished in USSR--Stalin From the Report by Joseph Sta- lin to the 1930 Congress of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of the Soviet Union. } “IN the U.S.S.R., the workers have | long forgotten what unemployment } is. About three years ago we had| about one and a half million unem- ployed. It is already two years now that unemployment has been com- pletely abolished. And the workers have managed to forget the burden and horror’ of unemployment. “Look at the capitalist countries and see what horrors are taking place there as a result of unemployment. In those countries, there are now not less than 30,000,000 to 40,000,000 un- employed. Who are these people? Usually it is said of them that they are “down and out.” * | | iat day they try to get work, | Led tco seek work, are prepared to accept) almost any conditions of labor, but) are not given work, because they) i + it i | are “superfitous.” And this is talking | BC ‘ls is not alls it is not only | place at a time when vast quantities | the unemployed who suffer as a of goods and products are wasted for) result of unemployment. The em-!| the sake of the caprices of the sons ployed workers also suffer as a re-| Rt eres and landlords whom the| suit of it, ‘They suffer because the es have petted. q presence of a large number of un- “The unemployed are refused food | because they have no money to pay| ¢™Ployed makes their position in in- for the food, they are refused shelter | dustry insecure, and makes them un- because they have no money to pay certain of the morrow. Today they for rooms. How and where do they| ae employed, but they are not sure live? They live on the miserable| that when they wake up tomorrow crumbs from the rich man’s table, by| they may not find that they have/ roking refuse bins, where they find) been discharged. decayed remnants of food, they live| “One of the princinal gains of the) in the slums of big cities and more} Five-Year Plan in four years is that often in hovels outside of the towns) we have abolished unemployment and hastily put up by the unemployed} have relieved the workers of the U. S. themselves, out of packing cases and! S. F from its horrors,’ the bark of trees. 8 \ fascist organization which during against the working class. The pub- lic prosecutor brings up the accusa- tion of “attempts to change the con: stitution,” and “the denial of privat property rights,” etc, as his main) reasons for bringing in heavy sen- tences. But what is an “attempt to change political forms of rule?” Ap- parently this is i: nded to mean an attempt on the pa:t of the Commu- nists to overthrow the military-police monarchy. However, the public prosecutor, fearing above all to ex- plain this Communist slogan to the toiling masses of Japan—the slogan to overthrow the military-police‘mon- archy and the bourgeois-landlord op- pressors—limits himself to just a few words on this point. He also makes use of nebulous expressions like “at- tempt to change political forms of rule,” to render the real aims of the Communists more obscure, What is the “denial of private property rights?” The Communists demand nationalization and social- ization only of the large means of production and landed property,’ which are used by a handful of capi-| talists and landlords, to exploit the! toiling masses of Japan. However, by his demagogic utterances the pub-| lic prosecutor depicts the state of things as being that the Commu-' nists want to confiscate all the “ar-| ticles of consumption of the whole} people as well, to frighten the class- conscious section of the population! away from the Communists. Later| on in his statement the public prose-| cutor tries to calumniate the Com- munist Partyy by describing it as an organization of plotters. However, in actual fact, we are not conspirators. Our Party is a broad, open, organ- ization of the proletariat which has popularized its program and policy among the toiling masses, and is’ heading the struggle of the prole-, tariat. Could one expect such active, work among the masses as our Party is doing, from a “conspirative’ or- ganization? At the present time we are forced into an illegal existence because of fhe present relation of) class forces. { A truly “conspirative organization” | is one like the terrorist “League of Blood Brotherhood (a secret military- 1932 carried out several political mur- ders) which aims at personal revenge. The public prosecutor trins to frighten ) the masses away from the Commu- nists, by pretending that the Party | stres: late. is the same. ‘| the existence of democracy. on wane Green and Thomas Spread Illusions Role of Gov’t Must Learn Concrete Ways of Exposing A.F.L. and. Socialist M Roosevelt's By HARRY GANNES | THE “new deal” is seeking to put| the over on the workers a new concep- tion of what capitalist government really is. Hardly a deciaration goes out of the White House without ssing the partnership cf labor and i tiality of the mn to both. mens with rel Not the least effort of Rocsevelt,| with the aid of Bill Green, and the Socialists, under the industrial re- covery act, is to hide the conneccing link between the big banks and in- dusirialists and the Roosevelt regime, as the present executive committee of the dominant class in, American so- ciety, the imperiali: Green characterizes the industrial recovery act in this way: “SIere we have the beginnings of a real parinership in industry, with the government, in the interests of the nation, sitting in to supervise and direct.” * ‘HE Socialists put it in a little dif- ferent way, though the ultimate For example, no matter how revolutionary the phrases of the socialists, they always stress Under the industrial recovery act they point out that the government (the execu- tive committee of the capitalist class as a whole) has created new eppor. tunities for labor. It,is true labor and capital are opposed. But between nds the government. with its democratic trimmings, and if the workers are “intelligent” they can mold this government and the law’to suit their own ends. In this way, whatever struggle there is can be kept within the structure of the capitalist state, utilizing the Very instruments that capitalism has set up itself to hide its naked dictatorship. But here is where both Green and Thomas, both as the expression not of their individual opinion but the political forces they represent, meet. Green says the present alternative is “bankruptcy—or dictatorship.” Thomas says that the capitalist state can grow over into state capitalism and then into the cooperative com- monwealth, or it can lead to fascism. But what neither tell the worker is how and why this glorious democ- racy, this impartial power above class- es, directly leads to fascism. The so- cialists do not explain to the workers why democracy suddenly turns around and shows its opposite face, fascism. at ea ‘H the socialist and A. F. of L. leadership's talk of democracy and the impartiality of the government, of the capitalist state, is to keep from the workers the true nature of the present dictatorship of the capitalist class, to keep the workers from strug- gle against it and its program of star- vation and suppression, its program of trustification and war. They seek to mask the Roosevelt regime with democratic coverings to hide the fact that the present state is a capitalist DICTATOR- SHIP, and that the carrying thru of its present program which they support leads to the strengthening of the dictatorship of the capitalist class and its open emergence into the most brutal form of capitalist dictatorship—FASCISM. Marx, Engels and Lenin have studied and exposed the character of the capitalist state for the working class, They disected its class roots, showed its origin and development, and its function in the class struggle. In the Communist Manifesto, show- ing the rise of the capitalists to pow- | er after overthrowing feudalism and its state—the feudal state which served feudalism—Marx says: “The bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of modern indus- try and of the world market, con- quered for itself, in the modern rep- resentative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for manag~- ing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” ae a ee is to hide this fact with regard to the Roosevelt regime that Thomas talks about. state capitalism and its shifting towards Socialism, and that Bill Green speaks about the overnment, in the interests of the nation, sitting in to supervise and direct.” ‘The executive committee of the capi- talist class sits in to supervise and direct the smashing attacks against the workers in the interest of the pre- servation of capitalism in its present critical phase. To hide its iron fist behind the velvet glove of democracy, Green and the Socialists help it out by speaking of impartiality and the opportunities of the workers under its of the prolet ~ is a conspirative terrorist organization. The prosecu- tion in its indictment against the Y. C. L. makes its program, policy and activities identical with the pro- gram of the Party. Yet, can we say the Party and the Y. C. L. are iden- tical? Is the Y. C. L. a party or- ganization? On the whole, the en- tire arguments of the prosecution are politically reactionary and directed acainst_ the working class The in- dictment -is full of all kinds of in- sinuations and falsifications, and aims at destroying the link between the Party and the masses. It estab- lishes. moreover, that the crime of| the Communists is tantamount to violation of the civil peace. That is very well put! (To Be Gontinued) aneuvres Under “New Deal” rule, They tty to conceal the fact that “modern representative state | (that is democracy or under whatever form the capitalists rule, for even Hitler claims to be the “representa- | tive sti *)ois the instrument of the | exploitation of wage labor by capital.” | GSngels.)- Fhe. Socialists and the A. F. of L. -leaders think they can nge a. thing by changing its name, . HAT is, this state of the capital- ists? It,is the whole structure of the capitalist gov i tures, its courts, its e: on the control by the capitalists of “armed men (and) of material ap- pendages, prisons and repressive in- stitutions of all kinds” for dominat- ing the working class and keeping it |submissive to its class domination. | As capitalism develops into: impe- rislism, monopoly capitalism, such as |holds sway ih the United States to- day, the state apparatus becomes |more closely tied up with the domi- | nant imperialists, it becomes more |cicsely fused ‘with finance capital. It bevomes moré and more a dictator- ship of the dominant class elements | (the Morgans, Mellons, Swores, | Youngs, Fords and the like). | Because of the development of | wars and revolutions under imperial- ism, the necessity not only of driv- | ing the workers to new wars for plun- |der, but as well to keep them back | from revolutionary struggles, the cap- litalist state’ under imperialism dis- jeards bit by bit its democratic trim- | mings. It does not, of course, discard | its demagogy,.its constant references |to democracy. It increases ‘this in | proportion to the need for bringing | the dictatorship out into the open. The very fact that Green is forced to talk repeatedly about the impar- tiality of the government; the fact that the socialists point to the “good elements” in the present program of the capitalist dictatorship is expres- | sion of the fact that this dictatorship | is rapidly, exposing itself in the eyes of the workers. It needs the active de- fense of these heroes of labor in or- der to keep the workers within the confines of its rule. me * | ER the Hoover regime, the cap- |U italist state went to the extent of | incorporating into the government | apparatus such men as Dwight Mor- row, of the'House of Morgan, and An- drew Melfon, also one of the out- standing imperialists. x Roosevelt has changed the indi- viduals, has changed the phrases, has | changed the’ mode of attack, but he has not atid cannot and will not | change the’ historical base of his gov- |ernment which remains the same. | The dominant trusts which are inter- twined by,a thousand links from the top and bottom, with the state, with the political, party in power, (Walk- er Wall Street lawyer, treasurer of the Democratic Party and now head of the super-council; Raskob, Demo- cratic leader and head of the General Motors Corp.; Gerald Swope, Morgan man of the General Electric in Roose~ velt’s super-cabinet; Bernard Baruch, a Morgan associate “unofficial presi- dent,” and his man Friday, General Johnson at the head of the industrial recovery administration)—and no matter how hard Roosevelt, Green and Thomas-try to hide this link it grows stronger and more powerful each day. Roosevelt in carrying through his program of regimentation of labor, the smashing of the standards of liv- ing, the raising of prices, naval build- ing, armaments of all kinds, struggle for colonies and markets—is carrying through the dominant program of im- perialism, is. acting asthe executive of finance capital. SR ames | the practical day to day struggle Green and Thomas tell the work- ers to take.advantage of the indus- trial recovery, act, submit themselves to the rule of finance capital, to cease from striking and struggling. The particular value to sorely har- | rassed eibesiaien in the present phase of the crisis of the Roosevelt regime is its demagogy. It is precisely this demagogy which the A. F. of L, leaders anid the Socialists help to pre- | serve. Roosevelt himself in many ways | seeks to foster this demagogy. For ex- | ample, he engineers the investigation | of Morgan, the investigation of Kahn, and other'‘fitianciers. He speaks of “planned “Capitalism.” He talks | citrant capitalists into line. We must ‘remember that his name-sake Theo- dore Roosevélt. used the sam@ tac- | tics of the big stick” against the | trusts to advance the interests of im- perialism, robbing Panama, building the Panama ‘canal, aiding in the eh of the big banks and trusts ete. 5 gat INLY by constantly. remembering and acting.on the.fact that the | Roosevelt regime is the executive |committs> of the leading imperialists, ‘carrying through their program, can |the workers ‘successfully carry on | their day to day struggles, formulate correct tactics, avoid falling into the reformist taps of the socialists, and lead fromthe day to day struggles ‘ugtle azainst the capitalist *, for its everthrow as the first and mest necessary step to the; cctoblishment of a workers’ governs ment and sodialian about the'"ble stick” to bring recal-_