The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 1, 1933, Page 3

vD AILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SA’ DAY, JULY 1, 1933 Some Problems of the United Front e® By EARL BROWDER. Tt “new deal” is a new catastrophe for the masses. Only by setting up a united fight- mg front against Wall Street, its gov- ernment, and its “new deal,” can the masses pro tect themselves from these at- tacks. Is a united front -possible? Who must be in such a_ united, front? How can it be built? These are practical ques- tions of vital im- portance today. We need to make a detailed examination of all ideas which are brought forward on these questions. We must search out all the good ideas and organize them into a strong movement; we must expose all the bad ideas—all ideas which will weaken the workers and toilers generally—and destroy their influence. Earl Browder | | IN this articie, we will examine the ideas of Reinhold’ Niebuhr, as ex- pressed in two recent articles (“A Re- crientation of Radi¢alism”, World To- morrow, July issue;"and “The Oppo- sition in-Germany”; the New Repub- lic, June 28). We'take Niebuhr, not because he is himself an influential figure, but because the ideas he ex- presses are not“his ‘own, but are be- ing spentaneously generated today by the demoralized. jower middle class, especialiy the ‘‘intellectuals, and spread by them among the workers. While Niebuhr he little influence, his ideas ere ai work emong the masses. Whet .are his, Joading thoughts? ing ifeom \the.latest events in any, with,the declaration that the American lebor movement which, antic'pate. 50 Fe it is fated-to. make tl ebuhr. comes to several ions for the U. S. A. Cocigtst end Commu- “goth tailed in Gei ; Q) eny “Wnitedetront action with it (he C.°P.) is practically im- possible”; (3) ““fadicals”, therefore, “will stop thelt’co-operation” with the eommunicis;* (4) the theoretical ional tasg§ must ther en up, of ing a new cin vail control iment” thes he “revolu- the distress is producing”. , what this sys- Ti is our old | | | tem of iceas friend, the “armer-Labor Party”, brought up to date, It is the attempt ye tne eld policy of the So- cialist Party (the sections of the Sec- d Internasional in all countries) in | face cf iis public shameful | ~gachery and bankruptcy, by giving | 7 cloak end a new name. Let us. examine_in all frankness | these four mein points. | j | IRST, thet the socialists and com- munists “both failed in Germany”: | How did the Socialist Party fail? It! had the governmental power in its | hands, as a result of the revolution- | ary upheaval of 1918." It drowned in | blood the efforts of Licbknecht and | Luxembourg and the Spartacusbund (founders of the Germen Communist Party) to lead the revolution to the establishment of a real Workers’ Gov- ernment. It then: proceeded, step by step, to hand back the power into the hands of the capitalists and landlords. It finally put the. finishing touches to its work by voting Hindenburg in- to the presidency, by putting the seal of “constitutional validity” on the [Hitler regime, and |then pledging its support, openly in ‘the Reichstag, to Fascism. That is one kind of “fail- ure” another name’.for which is treachery. fete What kind of. “failure”, can be charged against the. German Com- tnunist Party? Only-that it was un- mble as yet to fully-@estroy the in- fluence of the Social-Democratic leaders and to win the majority of the German workers away from the S. P. and its poliey of.support to Hin- denburg, of support. to “Emergency decree” government; of paving the way for Hitler.-“But the C. P. was, and is, on the road to winning the majority of the workers, and had al- ready achieved" this goal in Berlin, the capital. The C. P. never failed to fight- against Hindenburg, it never voted for him; it never failed to of- fer a united front with the Social- Democratic workers and even with “their Parties, td” fight Fascism, and is the only Party in'|inist Germany that today carries on the struggle; it never failed to fight against the cuts in unemployment relief, the cuts in wages, the taxation of the masses, which were put into effect with the rt of the Soci- alist Party, Its ‘failure’ to gain power is one that will still be reme- - slogan of the Second International. ‘The reason why it is impossible to, unite with the Communists is, he says, that we “do not observe the nost elementary forms of fair play nd honesty; we “spread slanderous es” about the socialists. But tes” with outstanding. nist exposur: alists were ‘Was that. to say tha | unity. THE FORCES OF UNITY denburg were votes for Hitler? Or, to come closer home, was it slander when we pointed out to the workers that Norman Thomas helped the New York capitalists, side-by-side with J. P. Morgan, to put across the infamous “block aid” system of char- ity? Or was it slander, when we pointed out that Thomes and Hill- quit, by their visit to Roosevelt in Washington, and their public state- ments afterwards, were helping put across the “new deal” which is the most outrageous attacx against the .| masses ever witnessed in American history? For whom, then, is a workers’ united front that includes the Com- munists, an “impossible” thing? Only for those who are in a united front with the capitalists, who want to keep the workers from fishting, and | whose schemes are exposed by the Communists. But for the workers wl.o want to fight against wage-cuts, for more un- employment relief, for social insur- ance, there is nothing “impossible” about such a united front. The work- ers know that the Communists are in the forefront of every picket line; that the communists organize the best struggles for the unemployed; that the communists have never been known to cooperate with the capital- ists in any of their slick schemes to drive down the living standards of the masses. They know that ® uuited front without the communists is im- pessible. HIRD, Mr. Niebuhr thinks that all “radicals” who have any intelli- gence, “will stop their cooperation” with the Communists. In this he expresses his own wish, but does not describe the direction of actual events. Exhctly the contrary is happening. The united front movement, includ- ing the Communists as an essential leading element, is growing. The Socialist Party tried to split the nationa] unemployment move- ment, by setting up a new national center against the National Commit- tee of the Unemployed Councils; it called a convention in Chicago, thru its S. P.-controlled committees headed by “Borders, of a broad var- iety of unemployed organizations, trying to exclude the Unemployed Councils. But the intelligent rank and file delegates rejected the split- ting policy of the 8S, P. leaders, voted to federate with the Unemployed Councils, pending a move for organic The same thing happened in Har- risburg, Pa., at a state-wide conven- tion of unemployed organizations. In Columbus, Ohio, on July 3-4, ancther gathering of unemployed or- ganizations promises to join in even more fundamental and serious moves towards unity. There is real hope that within a S. a broad unification of the over- whelming majority of unemployed | form of militant struggle, against the ous move toward unification of the organizations on the basis of a plat- | planned, which reflects the mass de- AT WORK IN SHOPS AND UNI | ROSE PASTOR STOKES oe ae REVOLUTIONARY iy zmer colleagues with the Communi ts. most fr’ working reemission to the fo S. P.-Borders platform of submission | workers, the most intelligent and ac- to and co-operation with the capi- | tive workers in America, the vanguard talists, The movement towards unity in| the unemployed field is only one ex- essential the Communists play an ample. The same forces of unity are | and leading part. No single person at work in the shops and trade | today who seriously takes up the unions. The strike movement that | question of mobilizing the masces is developing, is raising sharper than | against the Raw Deal of the Roose- ever the necessity of unity. A seri- | velt program can refuse to co-operate | | ist-Labor Party? By WM. Z, FOSTER. NE of the classical capitalist argu- | ments against Socialism is that it would destroy incentive; that is, if private property in industry and the right to exploit the workers were abolished the urge for socal progress, | and even for day-to-day production, would be killed. But the Russian revolution has shattered this contention irreparably. The Russian workers and peasants are building Socialism with a mass energy and enthusiasm quite unpa- ralleled in history. Manifestly, they are prcpelled by a great incentive. This is a marvel to the bourgeois newspaper correspondents. But it is just as Marx, three generations ago, said it would be under Socialism. The incentive of the Russian toil- ers is easily explained. They own the country and everything in it is no exploiting class to rob: them of the iruits of their toil. They wel- come better production methods be- cause they get the full benefit of them. They have broken the chain of capitalist slavery and are building a new world of liberty, prosperity and happiness for themselves and fam- ilies. 1% is equally understandable why the producing masses in capital- ist countries betray no such enthus- iasm in their work. The latter are robbed of what they produce; for them improvements in production mean wage-cuts and unemployment. Incentive under capitalism is con- fined practically to the exploiting classes and their hangers-on. It is only with the advent of Socialism that the great masses develop real incentive. Socialist incentive in the Soviet Union explains why the workers so militanily defended the revolution against the many capitalists armies in 1918-20, and why they have en- dured famine and pestilence for the revolution. In the industries it is an intelligent mass incentive that pro- vides the basis for the keen Socialist competition, for shock-brigades to speed production, for the self-im- few months we’ will witness in the U. posed labor discipline, for the heroic There | SOCIALIS William Z. Fo: ster present-day self-denial in putting the Five-Year Plan into effect so that a solid base of heavy industry may be quickly laid for the Socialist pros- perity. CT Oza d IN view of all this mass interest and initiative of the workers in Soviet industry, current capitalist charges about “forced labor” in the U. S. S. R. stand exposed as ridiculous. Forced labor is native to capitalism, not So- cialism. The whole Socialist system is utterly antagonistic to any enslave- ment of the workers. Even bourge- ois writers. and politicians are begin- ning to admit this. H. R. Mussey says: “If anybody wants a bargain in forced labor, or any other kind of labor, I should advise him not to look for it in Russia just now, as far as I have seen it; for it is a seller’s market in labor if ever there was one.” Rep. H. T. Rainey, Democratic House leader, declares: “Labor is freer in Russia than in any other country in T INCENTIVE A few months ago | ’, but now tinking | he would have said, that pocr fish is rank negotia corpse, not only dead but dishonored. | nis ity (whi Like the British Labor Party? No, | they in th convention | that has exposed itself too much also. | against t ders), while it is only | the lead the more bai elements who te the position of Niebuhr. After examinir Union constitute no contradiction to the prevalent strong mass incentive Temporarily, they must serve to stim~- ulate the less conscious elements to among the v y favorable, There is no room in acquire skill and.to produce, ‘The|the America of the Roosevelt Ra wage system as a whole is a hang- | Deel and the deepenin over from capitalism, part of the |the Farmer-Laborism of baggage that has to be discarded dur- | buhrs, which is only the po the German Social-Demoorac ing the transition from capitalism to Communism. Improved production new mi methods and general education will| Niebuhr seems to realize the b: solve that problem. Recently Stalin | Prospects for his proposals, for his said, in polemizing against tendencies | * judgements already jump far to at once equalize wages: beyond to a “higher stage” of his « “85 u ’ idea. “In his article on Baan eiaeiner ana the | Germany, in the New Republic, he Pree oe Te eae tm exint |cevelops a different perspective for Ane fe " gocthliatn eer ahah that country and, implication, for his Rite ica also. He sees the “revolu- after the classes had been annihi- lated, that only under Communism would this difference disappear, that therefore, even under Social- ism ‘wages’ must be paid according ing in Germany, not thru ts, not through the com- —through “the radical ving of fascism”, which w not de- sert fascism and turn to the Com- Cy Ra aR ii deg Party, but throw up a ayer aie new leadership”. . Thus we see projected quite far SIDES the revolutionary enthus- jehead, even in the articles under ex- amination, the road of those who tart out with the rejection of any workers’ united front which includes the Communists. They finally pin their hopes on “the radical wing of fascism”, and when fascism comes into power, they join the Hitlers, iasm and initiative of the mass and many other indications alrea' present of the eventual wageless sys: tem there is the “Party maximum. ‘That is, the members of the Com- munist Party have a set wage limit above which they cannot go. Thus | Stalin gets the same wages, as many | even as today they support the Roose- hundreds of thousands of other | yelts workers and much less than large | numbers of non-Party mechanics and | PUT the working masses are already engineers. “Russia,” says Stuart | too experienced to be long influ- Chase, “has achieved more progress | enced by the ideas of the Niebuhrs, and developed more initiative on|and the whole middle-class move- $150 a month, the official Party-sal- | ment which wants to take the rising ary, than any other nation has ever | working class under its control, in dreamed of in an equal period.” order to preserve the profits of capi- It is exactly in the incentive of the j talism. They are rousing for strug- workers and poor farmers that the | gle for better conditions of life; no proletarian revolution has its great |one can hold their leadership who force. This is what gains it the sup- | does not join earnestly and honestly port of the masses, what caste it | in this Bey and ae oe a it through a thousand trials and tribu- | on the broadest possible basis. lations, what is driving through the A greater working class unity is Five-Year Plan successfully and what |being forged in America today than will eventually build a world system the World.” The differentiated wage scales, in- cluding piece work, in the Soviet |has ever been seen before. Every of Communism. vital force in American society will From Foster’s book, “Toward Soviet | support it and the Communist Party America” lof the U. S. will lead it The following has been issued in the name of the Communist In- ternational to the memory of Comrade Gussev, who died recently in Moscow: The Communist International has suffered the loss of Comrade Sergei Ivanovitch Gussev. Death has torn from our ranks an old Bolshevik, a faithful warrior of the Leninist Guard, a fighter for the October Re- volution, a fighter for the world pro- Jetarian revolution. Comrade Gussev was a reserve member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International and of its Presidium. He brought with him to his work in the Comintern the richest revolu- tionary experience both in the strug- gle of the working class in Russia and on an international scale, experience which he had accumulated in his 30 years of work in the Bolshevik Party under the direct leadership of Lenin. In 1896 he joined the St. Petersburg Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class at the moment when the Social-Democratic groups were passing from propaganda to the mass workers’ movement. In 1902, in Rostov, he was the lead- er of a mass strike, and his work is an example of how a mass economic strike can be converted into a revo- Paved political strike. 2 5 iy 5 Q directly in the CP.S.U. until 1925, bed he came to work in the Comin- Comrade Gussev played a big role mere ci IN ME in the work of the Communist Inter- national. He possessed all the neces. | sary qualities for passing on the ex. | periences of the C.P.S.U. to the sec- tions of the Comintern. He knew the experience of work of the Party from the first circles to the leadership of a great proletarian State. In 1905 he took a practical part in the struggle for consistently carry- | ing through the bourgeois democratic ; revolution under the hegemony of the ‘proletariat, fighting for its further growth into a proletarian revolution. He was one of the organizers of the victory of the proletarian rev- olution in 1917. He knew the theory and practice of the work of a nucleus, the organ- ization of strikes, demonstrations, the armed insurrection. He knew the leadership of the Party from the nu- cleus to the center, the struggle against every shape of opportunism, against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois influence on the proletariat and its Party. | He was exceptionally keen in his powers of Leninist analysis of prin- ciples, anc in his work Comrade Gus- sev shared all this with the comrades from Con.munist Parties in other countries. { { |letariat in every concrete question, | nist Parties of other countries MORY OF AN OLD BOLSHEVI In carrying out the behests of Len- | disclosing and rejecting beth in the-} how much he brought into the mat- til late at ni in, Comrade Gussev did not mechan- ically pass on the experience of the a ory and in practice all that had been | ter of improving the work and con- introduced by the pressure of petty-’ struction of the sections of the Com- CPS.U. He carefully studied the! bourgeois elements, the Social-Demo- special features of the circumstances | cratic agents of the bourgeoisie among and the traditions of the workers’| the working class. moyeinent of the given country, the) CLARITY OF THOUGHT circumstances of the given class con-| It.was this which produced that flict, etc., so as to establish which/| clearness of thought, of approaching characteristics were similar and|and setting out any question, which which were peculiar, and on this basis| distinguished him as a colleague of to set out the tasks of the Party and| the great leaders of the international the Party organization. | proletariat. EXCEPTIONAL VIGILANCE Comrade Gussev was particularly| As a true Bolshevik, a colleague of | vigilant regarding the proletarian na-| munist International. As one of the leaders of the Com- munist International, Comrade Gus- sev was possessed of that modesty and absence of any striving towards outward effect which distinguishes the best representatives of the old Leninist Guard. The death of Comrade Gussev is a great loss for the C.P.S.U. and the Comintern, for the international pro- letariat as a whole. In spite of his Lenin and Stalin, Bolshevik firmness of principle stood out with particular plainness in all the work of Comrade Gussev. He was possessed of excep- tional vigilance and keenness of Bol- shevik analysis when examining all questions. He fought inflexibly for the cor- rect line, in struggle against devia- tions, against Menshevism, against counter-revolutionary ‘Irotsky’sm, against Right and Left opportun- ism. Comrade Gussev had the gift of bringing into special prominence the | principles underlying a question, of | giving a class analysis and carrying on the line of the revolutionary pro- ture of our movement and leadership. | With merciless keenness he disclosed |every tendency to dilute our move- ment with ideas and practice foreign | to the proletariat, simultaneously fol- lowing the unswerving aim of con- verting the movement into a mass _ movement, of winning the hegemony | over the allies of the proletariat. In his every-day work, Comrade | Gussev gave special prominence to |the question of forming a basis for | the Party in the factories, of forming a mess Bolshevik Press, proletarian Party cadres, the development of in- ner Party democracy and self-critic- ism. ciency, The comrades from the Commu-, Comrade Gussev was the author of | know |a number of literary works both on internal and international questions. sickness, Comrade Gussev was at his olutionary post until the very last days. Communists and the revolu- tionary workers can learn a great deal from Comrade Gussev. First of all they should learn from Comrade Gussev his exceptional loyalty to the cause of the prole- tarian revolution, his cour and firmness in defense of the interests of the proletariat, his ability to form a big mass movement from small circles, his irreconcilability in defense of the Leninist principles of the proletarian party, his Bol- shevik modesty, simpl'city and effi- Bolshevism, as a current of politi- cal thought and as a political party dates back to the year of 1903. Only the history of its whole period of existence can explain satisfactorily why it was able to institute and maintain, under most difficult condi- tions the iron discipline necessary for the proletarian victory. And first of all, the question aris Upon what rests the discipline of the revolutionary party of the proletar- iat? How is it tested, controlled? How is it reinforced, strengthened? Firstly, by the consciousness of the and by its de- votion to the Revolution, by its steadiness, spirit of self-sacrifice and heroism. Secondly, by its ability to mix with the toiling masses to be- come intimate with and to a certain extent to fuse itself with the prole- tarian masses primarily but also with the non-proletarian toilers, Thirdly, by the soundness of the political \revolutionary jmovement. carry out in 1917-1920 the strictest |centralization and iron discipline, ‘came into being in 1903 on the very | other, has proved sound in the light The Foundations of Bolshevism-~-By Lenin painstaking labor and hard, bitter experience. The creation of these conditions is facilitated by correct revolutionary theory, which in its turn is not dogmatic, but which forms itself in its finality only through close connection with ‘the practice of the truly mass and truly | If Bolshevism could successfully, and under the greatest difficulties, | it was due to a great many histor- ical peculiarities of Russia. On the one hand, Bolshevism firm foundation of Marxian theory. This revolutionary theory and no of experience throughout the world during the entire ninteenth cen- tury, and has proven itself espe- cially sound by the experience of the ramblings, vacillations, mistakes jand disappointments of revolution- ary thought in, Russia. For half a century, approximately | between the forties and nineties of of the preceding century, advanced jintellects in Russia under the yoke of the wildest and most reaction- ary Czarism, sought eagerly the correct revolutionary theory, follow- ing the “last word” in Europe and ) America with astounding diligence ,and thoroughness, in order to find it. Russia has attained Marxism, the only revolutionary theory, by! |dint of fifty years travail and sac- in empty phrases, in mere contor- rifice, through the greatest revolu- tions. On the other hand, thesejtionary heroism, the most incredi- conditions will not arise suddenly. /ble energy, by unselfish pursuit, leadership, carried out by the van- guard, and by correct political strat- egy and tactics, based on the idea that the workers from their own ex- perience may convince themselves of the soundness of this political lead- ership, strategy and tactics. Without all these conditions, discipline in a revolutionary party, really capable of being a party of the advanced class whose object is to overthrow the bourgeoisie is impossible of rcaliza- tion, Vé@thout these conditions, all attempts to create discipline result They are created through long,’ training, education, practical tests. ~~ | The most prominent of them are: “The United Economic Plan, the) United Apparatus,” published in 1920; | “The Lessons of the Civil War,” two} editions, 1921; “Our Differences in| and | Military Matters,” published in 1925; | disappointments, checking-up comparison with European exper-|“On the Threshold of New Fights,” fence. ‘Thanks to emigration forced | published in 1929; and quite recently | by the Czar, revolutionary Russia | he wrote a book, “The Second Party, fn the second half of the nine- | Congress.” | teenth century, came into posses-| Besides books and pamphlets, Com- | sion of rich international connec- | rade Gussev also wrote many articles tions, and of an excellent grasp of |on urgent: questions of the interna- the forms and theories of the re- | tional revolutionary movement. volutionary movement such as nO, Comrade Gussev devoted his life other country had. | to the cause of the proletarian revo- On the other hand, having come lution. The banner under which he into existence on this rock-bound | fought is now carried by millions who theoretical foundetion, Bolshevism |are struggling against starvation, went through fifteen years (1903- | fascism, social treachery, against war 1917) of practical history whose fer-|and the menace of intervention, for tility of experience has no equal|the victory of the world proletarian anywhere else in the world. In uo | revolution. other country during these fifteen| The banner of Leninism is carried’ years was there anything approxi~|on one-sixth of the globe by millions} mating such wide revolutionary ex- | of workers and collective farmers who perience, such a variety and rapid-|are constructing the new Socialist ity of the shifting forms in| society. | the movement legal and illegal,) We will rally our ranks closer un- peaceful and stormy, open and un-/ der this banner, gather around it new derground, embracing small circles | millions proletarian fighters and large m/sses, employing both | against capitalism, war and fascism. parliamentary and terroristic means.| The cause for which Comrade Gus- | In no other country during so short | sev fought will be carried to the end| a period of time has there ben |—to the victory of world Communism, | concentrated such a multiplicity of . done forms, shades, distinctions and methods of struggle embracing all classes of modern society. To this it must be added that the struggle because of the backwardness of the country and the heavy yoke Of) Koller, Piatnitsky, Belevsky, Knorin, Czarism, was maturing with partic- Kuusinin, Losovsky, Bela Kun, Kas- ular rapidity, assimilating eagerly | tantak. and. successfully the latest develop-. Kolarov, Stassova, Gopher, Chemo- ments of American and European 'danov, Grossman, Gregor, Angaretis, political experience. Antiwainen, Krumin, Postma, Tskha- From Lenin's book, “On Left Wing kaya, Iskroy, Mitskevich-Kapsukas, Communism” \Dengel, Mehring, Mingulin, I. Minkoy, | \ ee | of Signed by members of Presidium of E.C.C.1. Katayama, Zetkin (died since), \Hekkert, Marti, Gallo, Wan-Min, Okano, Rust, Weinstone, Menuilsky, | future leader of, the Communist Pi fighting trade union forces is being . . . A ded. Her last days were Ports OURTH, Mr. Niebuhr wants to or | Without menti decpair, because she (petceived the Took Up Fight Against Wai mand of hundreds of thousands of ganize a new party But what | Niebuhr indicates that it is something | oa:heri: x Be s Comrade St kind of a y? the German | like the I. L. P. he has in mind. But 5 ly to study the th Social-Democracy? No, he admits | he forgets to tell his Amer‘ 2 of the revoir” |of the broader masses who are only | that dead body stinks too much to y not be f calized that beginning to stir. And in this also | be revived. Like the German Social- ts, that th Perty leadersh unism an a real st social-patri small gro. New York and worker in the ¢t opportunism he Socialist Party le to Organize Communist Par worked jin tl consolidate tl file opposition t O'Neals,| Pank- a les of y struggles based practice that for her lifey had any, n fal sent to Chicago an elected {delegate to’ help form the Communist Party. At that. first convention she was elected a member of Central Exec- time g for ir her—Rose | furt she | utive Committee of the Communist | wrote to her husba mrade V. J.| Party. During the next few years, Jerome all through the underground 6x+ 7 Hitler spe ound the corner nee of the Pait he worked tite tonight. The hail is in a rich, res- | lessly. | pecteble neighborhood. If I were Active Among Negro Masses. [ } not so ill they’d probably throw ose was one of the first comrades}: | me out of the country. I agitate Communist Party to take up) evem, y! among the Negro masses. Thid She was concerned only with the| she took up after a visit to Moscow: jr 0; Her own condition was| where she ticipated in discusiy lo y importance sions on this question. While sti7i® | » be - in the Socialist Party, as early HORTLY after Rose Pastor's birth | 1909, she, contrary to the practh® @ in Russia in 1879, the family moved | of other leaders anc agitators of that to London, where they existed in |Party, tried to find a way to rai § wages | the Negro masses for struggie agai'st jim-crowism, segrecation, tynckiig® At that time she attended a conf* direst poverty on the hunger of London sweatshops. When Rose was eleven or twelve the family mi- grated to the United S In Cleve- | ence at Tuskegee and took a 8 land Rose worked in a cigar factory | Stand against jim-crowism. Tt sweat shop, where she became acqu-|she met many Negro leaders, am ainted + the problems of wo: .3|them Dr. ‘W. E. B. DuBois. In in industry. memoirs she throws an illumine light upon that betrayer of the s Writes fer New York Paper > gles of the Negro masses, sayil It was in Cleveland that Rose first ti Pag barat wee “pr. W. E. B. DuBois was attempted to write for publication. |"s guest. I found him » cold re ser Iectnal with frozen sympathies. |York Jewish daily newspaper, the| was. yaks sympa’ was perhaps the first black m to make me realize that not ; men whose skins are black are 0) pressed proletarians; that the blac like the white workers have in thr Tageblatt. There was an English page | |and it was to that section that she |contributed articles and poems. As | | result of this work she was invited | ; to aay York ie the editor! jiiast the shrewd reformers 7 | of the a SOLE concerned with freeing the. n Rose saw in this an opportur but with keeping them inf need o |to broaden the scope of her acti- | Vities for the working class. She | tried to develop her understanding of socialism. But to her, in that period, secialism was a vague humanitarian- ism—a mixture of Edwin Markham’s “Man With The Hoe,” and Edward Bellamy’s “Looking Backward.” Fought in Strike Struggles But it was in the struggles of the needle trades workers, the hotel and ‘social service’ which, like the com pany store, weaves about its © tims an eternal web of debt 1 servitzude.” The last days of her activity taken up with hiiping to carry >; the revolutionary policies of the Ps | ty as they relate te the unity of, gro and white in a struggle age. the common enemy. or. Arrested for Communist Actjy. In the Red raids of 1920 congue | restaurant workers and in many | other conflicts in New York that Rose | by Wilson's attorney general, the * found the work most satisfying. | OTious A. Mitchell Paimer, On During these strike struggles she | Rose was one of those : New York and extradicted to stand trial. Again she rested for attending the B convention of the Commu would work from early morning un- ight, helping to map out , heartening the strik- speech fighting on the rai rests. It was|in Michigan in 1922. iod that she became one! Had Rose been able to sir of the most effective agitators in the | ravages of the dread disease | working s movement. which she suffered and returne: ‘The Outbreak of the World War | Germany to take her place age With the world war came the col-|the ranks she would have 4 lapse of the Second International, as|able to deliver heavier blo lits chief leaders went over to the|than ever against the social-demi side of their various governments, | cratic leaders, for, although ill, sk The American Socialist Party, during | Was able to see the results of th ‘the two and a half years between | social-fascisis of Germany who help | the outbreak of the war and the en-|ed Hitler to power and who shar | trance of the United States into the |the responsibility with the bourge | conflict, groped blindly in the maze | cisie for keeping kim in power, | of developing contradictions of So- | Tribute from Tom Mooney cialist theory and social-patriotic| When Rose was in Germany and i | practice. Hillquit, Berger and other | group of friends had organized the leaders of the American Socialist | Rose Pastor Stokes Testimonial Com- Party defended the infamous betray- | mittee to help finance her attempts lals of the Kaiser socialists of Ger-|to obtain a cure, a letter was seni ;to Tom Mooney asking the use ot his name. His reply is the splendid | the campai ers by he | picket lines, in this p the United St: entered the ter the Emergency Conven- | tribute of one fighter to another: tion of the Socialist Party in St “Yes, a thousand times yes. That Louis in 1917 adopted an anti-| is my reply to your request to use war resolution forced through by an| my name as one of the sponsors | aroused rank ‘and file led by the| of the mass testimonial and con- cert to signify my comradeship for this brave, heroic little woman who, | some twenty-odd years ago, Was one of my inspirations in the working ty—Charles E. Ruthenberg— the group of which Stokes was a mem- ber left the Socialist Party and came out openly behind the war program | class struggle.” of Woodrow Wilson. | To the very last Rose engaged ac- When the group of Spargo, Wall- tively in the mass struggles of the ing, Sinclair, Stokes and others. went| workers. It was in one of the fierce out of the Socialist Party and began} street battles with Tammany police their “crusade” irf support of Wil- | thugs that, upon endeavoring to save | son’s war program, Rose went.with|a boy from being brutally beaten by them. ® | police, she received the blows from Revolutionary Upheavals in Russia | a policeman’s club ini 4 ‘Then there burst upon the world | mor that led to the fatal dise. the March revolution in Russia, and| She was the type of fighting . seven months later the Bolshevik re- | man of whom Lenin spoke when volution. Here, in action, .was the | wrote: “A bourgeois eyé-wit u tefutation of all the theories of the | the Commune wrote in May, 167iJin social-patriots. She was jubilant. | an English newsnaper: ‘If the h When the group she had followed | nation consisted o>ly of women, \t tried to persuade her that the Bol- a terrible nation it would be thtn’. sheviks were endangering the cause of the “allies,” she refused further to follow them. It was then that |Wemen and thirteen-year-old chil- | dren were fighting during the Com- |mune side by side with men. It she realized she was in the camp of | cannot be otherwise also in the fut- the enemy. | ure battles for the overthrow of the It was then that she announced to! bourgeoisie.” Clara Zetkin By ELLA REEVE BLOOR. ore, to take his place,” IN the midst of a hot, terribly hot,| Today we must honor her memo: series of meetings for farmers and | bY Wwersi ‘by organizir workers called by the Unemployed j betts:—by building our revolutions Councils of farm towns in Towa, we Pee everywhere, | Cea et v » We | Zetkin did not live to see the Soviet ceived the news of Clara Zetkin's | Union in Germany, but she helped acath. At the first moment, it stun- | to lay the foundations of the work- néd mo and it was herd to go on ers’ and farmers’ government there. Capitalist rule here and in Germany! roused her end ell the Communists of tho wovld to call for united action of ell workers and farmers of the world. ‘To this end, we shall " this victory we shall fight, clarion toues to c: on the v edcs Who have passed of these fallen comrades. “Got closer”, | heve left us the splenditl che said. “Close your ranks. Whon | indomiteble courage, one soldier falls out, get 10 more, 20 ours forever. | mi t h : Revolu- in She called to the dion, living y