The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 24, 1933, Page 3

ticles on the Industrial Recovery Bill. These articles will deal with every Phase of the bill, giving a complete analysis of it. They will show how it effect the workers in all industries, how it effects their unions, It will deal with the question of wages and unemployment under the new dras- tic attack of the Roosevelt regime, written into the Industrial Recovery Act. Later articles will take up the Public Works Program, the lies about Pianned Economy, the drive to fas- cicm and the destruction of the work- ers organizations. The last of the serics will discuss methods of fight- ing, in the day to day struggles, { against the Industrial Recovery Bill. \ —Béitor.) By HARRY GANNES. t is the most significant fact | add the Roosevelt industrial re- ? It is the recognition that “ego the crisis of Am- Ww alarming. depths, | that the’ future | perspectives o f| capitalism are so black; the most drastic measures to bol« base of. monopely capitalism — thas is, dying, parisitic, decayed, trisis- ridden capitalism —can “have any effect whatever, farve itssm: ¢ to find ietad lis hip and _oeoit ation of | for profit)” tHe grand e action envisaged By. Roosevelt, , can have f value to “eapltalisin only by the severest attdok’ on the entize toiling population of the Uni- not. men- Certainly d widespread by well-regimented ine, the.entire cap- 2 no little support alist press, and no end rt by the A. F. of L, offi- nd their propaganda or- Quite the contrary. And here ciaidom gans.) lies one of the most significant values of the Roosevelt regime to capital- ism in {ts presen$ difficult moment. It is hore that reside the new fea- ture, the new form, of the Roosevelt le the content of the ¢ program, andthe more ly to carry it out. A New Road to Wage Cuts Just as world capitalism drives to @ new world war «underthe, greatest flurry of peace banners ‘ever assem- bled, so Rooseveli leads the present and prospective attack on the stand- ara of living of the entire American toiling population, under the most powerful demagogic apparatus ever assembled by American capitalism. The machine that Roosevelt is build- ing up for his attack is similar to that of a similar species of organizer of the “new age,” Woodrow Wilson. It was yery difficult at that time, + under the barrage of well-organized propaganda, under the crushing ad- vance of the well-oiled war machine to counteract the real background of the “war for democracy” slogan. Now it is clear to large numbers of work: ers that the “war for democracy, which was to bring about the Wil- sonian “new age,” was purely and simply an imperialist war to in- crease the profits of thé Morgans. It is very easy for the majority of the workers now to see thé real sig- nificance of the Hoover program, of the series of economic’ conferences held in Washington ih” the early stage cf tne crisis. ‘These confer- ences of Morgan et al,Giteen et al, under the slogan of “no wage cuts,” resulted in an average of not less than 20 per cent cut in wages for those workers who retained their job during the crisis. More Subtle Maneuyres Tt is not so easy, however, to blast through the more subtle maneuvres . of the sharper class contradictions behind the Roosevelt attack, an at- tack which ‘nist be more virulent against the wO6fkers, and which at the same time Shust be larded with defter lying phases about the new ceal, and the great rise in employ- ment to take place, about-the self- proprued lifting of the standard of ‘| living of the standard of living of |] the workers. The Roosevelt regime, entering in- to power at a particularly bad crack in the structure. of Americay im~- perialism, was faced with growing \\ resistance of the working popula- ‘on, Long continuing unemployment, the sr-ashing down the health and lives. 17,000,000 unemployed and U. 8. Gov't Places More War Orders W. SHINGTON, | dicating that war buying by the United States government is a large factor in the current’*boom” ® (This is the first of « series of ar- erican capitalism | has reached such | that only | cter up the main | DAIL by the workers against wage cuts, the flare-up of inflation, with its train of new clashes of the workers against the bosses, the existence of the bank crisis (which had not been solved by Roosevelt), the rapidly on- coming struggle for the fast dwind- ling world markets, reaching closer and closer to war, made impossible the old methods of the capitalist class. | Tt is in this light every worker | should study the Roosevelt indus- trial recovery bill, It is in this light |he should discuss it with his shop mates, among the unemployed, in the trade unions. More especially, and what is more important even than | this, every worker should watch in the most vigilant, class conscious way | the actions of the capitalists, in col- laboration with the yellow union leaders, on the basis of the bill. It jis this action, and not the phrases of the lawyers, the “brain trust,” or the scatter-brained liberals and so- | cialist confusionists, that will de- | monstrate, in some instances too late if counter-action is not taken imme- diately by the workers, what the in- | dustrial recovery bill means in less bread, longer hours, slashes in even | the present meagre relief—in short, | in the sweat and blood, in the health and life of the workers. Is It “A Genuine Revolution?” Is the industrial recovery bill “a | genuine revolution in American eco- | nomic and political life,” such as Norman Thomas, the leading social- | ist mouthpiece says it is? Does it ‘contain socialist elements? Has it in it, in even the smallest measure, some means of aiding the capitalists to get out of the crisis immediately WILLIAM GREEN their families, the mounting action , back to work? Will it raise wages? | into power | by putting great masses of workers These questions must be answered | f and the tactics of struggle discus- | sed. Stimulates Trustification The kernel of the industrial recov- | ery bill—the stimulation of further | trustification, that is, the massing | of hunger amounts of capital under | the control of a smaller group of capitalists to the extent that it be- comes dominant in a particular field | —was thought out by the leading | Roosevelt is continuing, in a new way, the program of Wall Mitreet, and the big tru: The leading bankers, more than a ‘year before Roosevelt took office, | were agitating for the wiping out of the Sherman and Olayton Anti- Trust Law. The purpose of this was to give greater advantages to the big monopolies, the steel corporation, the Standard Oil, Ford, the General Mot- ors, the aluminum tr the meat | packers, etc, in the crisis as against the smaller, non-trustifed industry. | financiers long before Roosevelt came Roosevelt modified the program, "| OMoials of the Farm Relief Bur- eau conferred today with leading | chain stores in an effort to raise the prices of everyday necessities sold in these chains, The Roosevelt government is thus taking bold and active measures to increase profits of the rich at the expense of the consuming masses of people. The Roosevelt government is deliberately raising the cost of living! The open determination of the Roosevelt government to raise prices “to the limit” nas already born fruit in a steep advance in wholesale commodity prices. And as the ad- vance spreads throughout the whole- | sale list, the advance in retail prices | | are gathering increasing speed. The sharp advance in prices of commodi- ties can only mean greater hardships for the consuming masses. It means that the ng aa as it cheapens, will buy less and Not only is the dollar cheapening, | and prices rising, but the amount of Wages paid per worker are being re- dueed at the same time. The whole Roosevelt program is, thus, stamping down the buying power of the mas- ses triple-fold, causing a marked in- crease in the suffering of the working class. Roosevelt's program is making it more and more difficult for the tale to keep above the starvation level. The rise in farm products from May 15 to June 1 was the shrpest in the history of the country. The farmers, however are not getting any of the benefits which the Roosevelt government has promised them, for the simple reason that the prices of commodities that the farmer must buy have gone up in price even RAISE PRICES TO THE LIMIT, ROOSEVELT SAYS' Farm Board Meets to Maintain High Grocery | | Prices As Inflation Causes Sharp Advance , faster than the prices of the goods which the farmer sells. But the workers in the cities will have to pay higher prices for milk, cream, eggs, meats, and bread as a result of the Roosevelt inflation pro- gram, Prices Rising Faster than Dollar Drops The Federal Reserve Bank's report for this month shows that since Feb- ruary the prices of six basic commo- | dities have risen by 60 per cent. At least 30 per cent of this rise, says the bank's report, is due to the cheapen- ing of the dollar, During that time the dollar depre- ciated 15 per cent in value. That is to say, prices are rising faster than the dollar is depreciating. This means that the consumers’ purchas- ing power is being more rapidly eut than even the dollar is depreciating. In the last four weeks, all commo- dity prices rose from 1 to 3 points on the Bureau of Labor Statistics index. The commodities include all farm products, foods, hides and leather products, textile products, building materials, chemicals. and drugs, and house furnishing goods. ‘The Roosevelt government is mak-| ing desperate efforts to raise prices and to keep them up by various kinds of inflationary measures, At the World Economic Conference, the U. S. delegation has insisted that it will fight to the end to maintain the present price rise by inflation. It is} for this reason that the American delegation is opposed to any stabili- zation of the dollar, since any sta- bilization of the dollar at a high figure will cause all prices to tumble. WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 24, 1938 The Keystone of Roosevelt’s New Deal and How It Hits the Workers’ Living Standard Article 1 -- Roosevelt Carries ‘Ou. ‘Wall Street’s Program Through Recovery order better to draw the small cap- jitalists into the attack egainst the | workers, to e it appear that the smaller indust.ialists would share in | the high prices and higher profits. Way They Say A Year ago On March 6, 1932, that is, almost one year before. Roosevelt became |the new-deal president, Eugene M. Lokey, financial writer of the New York Times, wrote: | “Some of thé large financial houces (that is, Mofgan, Rocket: ler, and the jhatfassed M s}) have asked and arisWered the qu tion: “What appbars*to be the ni step in the Washington Admin- istration’s effortS..to hasten the economic recovery?’ The composite guess is that a pliin looking to lib- eralization of the anti-trust law will be offered sdoh under strong sponsorship. And’ Wall Street. visualizes major benefits to a num- ber of industries through a change in the Sherman anti-trust act... In short, Wall “Street believes—to judge by the comment—that modi- fication of the anti-trust laws must be included as an-essential part of any well rewarded program to resuscitate business and industry.” An exaniinationof- the Roosevelt industrial recovery.bill shows that Wall Street now expects to collect its reward. The Policy of the Bill The bill itself-consists of arts, called Titles,:"The first part, hat dealing with! the trustification of industry and Class‘collaboration is the mest important. The second ection, that dealing with works, which willbe dealt with in la- ter articles, is taeked on in order to beat back the stfiggle for unem- ployment insurance; ‘The third sec- tion, not spoken “abont very much in oe CRBANRIIN De ROSEY! ELT -| flow of interstate commerce.” three | public | | The policy of the bill is contained the first section. It states there is/| |@ national emergency in the form of | an economic crisis, mass unemploy- | ment and mass impoverishment. Roo- | sevelt’ 's first answer to this crisis is “to remove obstructions to the free There | were no such barriers to remove to the flow interstate com- merce. trouble has been commerce dropped to nearly nothing, due, as Karl Marx predic | deoedes ago, to the “imminent bar- | italism: itself,” because “el | What is actually meant by the re- moval of trade bai , by Roose- | velt and Wall Street, is in reality the | | breaking down of the limited checks | | to the further domination over the} | lives ot ~ masses by big monopolies. some difficulties. To | pant this program, unadul- | | terated, exactly as the leading bank- ers desire it, would arouse too much |immediate cpposition. In the first |place, the great mass of workers, from their experience in the United | |Stctes Steel Corporation, in the| | Western Electric, Standard Oil, and |im hundreds of other plants of the big monopolies, would know the real nature of such a move. At the same time, the petty bourgeoisie, the small- er industrialists, would see in this move a blow to their already weak- ened position. So the crassest class collaboration clause is added, which) the bill says is “to induce and main- tain united action of labor and man- agement under adequate rovyernmient | sanction.” Thus, so far as the workers are | concerned, the aim and result of the | bill to them will be a smashing at- | tack in the most complicated and confusing form. Roosevelt and Green talk about collective bargaining and mass wage improvements in order to win the workers for the program of imperialism. The liberals and social- ists talk about “planned economy,” socialist traits, a new age of non- competitive capitalism in order to stave off the revolutionary ideas fast | growing among the American work- | ers. i} (Note:—The next article deals fur- | | ther with the, details of the bill, es- | pecially showing how the bosses hope | | to raise their profits at the expense | of the workers, how they will organ- ize their cartels, It will show, de- ite the lies of Roocevelt, how he will uze the bill in the interest of the biggest corporations and bankers.) The Civil War In France — Kari Marx. With an introduction by Frederick Engels, and Lenin's Speech on the Paris Commune. 25 cents, International Publishers, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York. Se 8 A Book Review by Milton Howard The International Publishers has issued another of Marx’s matchless historical essays—the “Civil War in France.” It is the manifesto which Marx wrote in 1871 for the First In- ternational, the International Work- ingmen’s Association, May 30, 1871. What was the Paris Commune? It was the rule set up by the workers of Paris as the conquering Prussian troops of Bismarck surrounded the walls of Paris. It was, as Marx says: “essentially a working-class gov- ernment, the product of the 8% The Commune, then, was the first proletarian government in the world. Against the Workers the Capitalists Forget Nationality With the collapse of the Second Empire of Louis Bonaparte, and the victorious march of Bismarck’s Prus- sian troops in 1870-1, there was set up in Paris the Republic of National Defence. But from the very begin- ing of the Republic, it was clear that there were two distinct and hostile forces in it, the armed workers of Paris, and the French bourgeoisie led by Thiers. On January 18, Paris surrendered enter Paris filled with armed work- ers! From January to March 18, the French bourgeoisie attempted to steal away the rule of Paris from the French workers. When they could not succeed themselves, they asked and got the assistance of the invading Prussians! Thus, as Marx said, the government “THE SOVIET UNION STANDS ON THE SHOULDERS OF THE PARIS COMMUNE”--Lenin. parts of Marx's manuscript. | The essential lessons of the expe- riences of the Paris workers in setting up their own government as analysed by Marx concerned mainly the ques- tion of the class character of the State, and what steps the workers must take after they have seized | Power. | This magnificent essay of Marx and the splendid preface of Engels alike contain the clearest answers to these problems. Says Engels, “In reality the State is nothing more than a machine for the oppression of one class by an- other and indeed in a democratic re- public no less than in a monar- chy...” (p. 19). Everywhere, throughout this essay, Marx lashes out against the fraud of capitalist democracy. Marx writes, “At the same pace at which the progress of modern industry developed, widened, in- tensified the class antagonism be- ‘tween capital and labor, the State assumed more and more the character of the national power of capital over labor, of a Public force organized for social enslavement, of an engine of class despotism ... The government . (was) ... placed under par- liamentary control—that is, under the direct control of the proper- tied classes.” (p, 38). The direct control of the propertied classes! The national power of ca- pital over labor! An engine of class despotism! This is how Marx, the founder of modern Socialism, the founder of the First International, evaluated the “bourgeois democracy” 80 beloved and cherished by our Norman Thomas's, and by Social- Democracy all over the world. The Necessity for Proletarian Dictatorship ' Having established the oppressive olass character of the State, Marx and Engels then drew the necessary historical conclusions. “The Commune was ci Power, ¢ould not carry on busi- ness with the old State machine; that, in order not to lose again its newly-won supremacy, the working class must on: the one hand, do away with all the old ive machinery pre ued against I...” (p11), The workers, in other words, after the seizure of power must set up the dictatorship of the proletariat. The workers cannot hope to rule with the old ve machinery of the State, if they do not wish to lose their “newly-won supremacy,” must crush the resistance of their old oppressors. Workers Too Lenient With Their Enemies And one of the great lessons which Marx points out in his “Civil War in France” is that the Paris workers were too lenient with their enemies. For example, one of the greatest mistakes which the Commune made was to permit the bourgeoisie to vote and have the same democratic rights | as the workers, “The Central Committee of the Commune,” says Marx, “was guilty of a decisive mistake in not at once marching upon Ver- sailles, then completely helpless, and thus putting an end to the conspiracies of Thiers. Instead of this, ‘the capitalist party of order’ was again allowed to try its strength at the ballot... where they exchanged bland words of conciliation with their too-generous conquerors, mutter- ing in their hearts solemn vows to exterminate them in due time.” (p. 35), For this mistake of being “too generous” the Paris workers paid @ heavy price. It was a mistake which the Bolsheviks under leadership of Lenin avoided. With’ unparalled ferocity the French bour- geoisie slaughtered the proletarian men, women and children of the con- quered city. With profound hatred Marx writes: the | “The civilizatfon: of capitalist society came out in its lured light whenever the slaves and drudges of that society rise against their masters. Then this civilization and justice stand forth as un- disguised savagery and lawless revenge. Each new crisis in the class struggle between the appro- priator and the laboring producer brings out this fact more gir °- ingly.” (p. 57). The lessons of the Commune so masterfully drawn’by Marx were “ex- cavated” by Lenin after they had been buried and “forgo’ten” by the Second International 2etrayers of Marxism. Lenin showed how the Workers and Peasants Soviets created during the Russic: revolution of 1905, and then, triumphantly estab- | lished in the October Revolution of | 1917, were the fully matured fruit of the political lessons of the Paris Commune. Lenin showed how the theory dic- tatorship of proletariat had already been developed by Marx and Engels in their studies of the Paris Com- mune. In an essay appended at the end of the pamphlet, Lenin writes, “The Commune taught the proleta- | | riat to deal concretely with the prob- | lems of the Socialist revolution.” How uiterly the, Social-Democracy of the world, including the “Social- ists levders” of the TInited States, have destroyed and “forgotten” the | |teachings of Marx is yividly| | illustrated by the complete collapse | of the Social-Democracy in Germany. | By “forgetting” Marx’s teachings | that the capitalist State, “however democratic,” is an “engine of class despotism,” is the “national power of capital over labor,” the Social- Democrats. got the German workers to support German “democratic” capitalism, and directly prepared the way for Fascism, the open dictator- jist class. the “soefalist” leaders also talk of “democracy.” | But they also have forgotten that Marx described Ame at a time j When it really was much more dem- | coratic than now, a3 “the elassic land | of the swindle of bourgeois demo-_ eracy.” | Here, too, the Norman Thomas's, | etc., shiver in horror when they hear of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Here, too, they denounce the Soviet | Union for its “terroristic dictator- | ship” because the capitalists are denied “religious and civil liberty” (Norman Thomas). Here, too, they ; are preparing to follow in the foot- steps of their German fellow-traitors. But the Soviet Union has put | Marx and Engel’s teachings on the | dictatorship of the proletariat into | practice. By avoiding the mistake | | for which Marx reproached the Cen- | tral Committee of Paris Commune, | of being “too generous” with their | enemies, of giving the capitalist ele- ;ments the same rights as the work- ers. the Soviet Union under the lead- | ership of Lenin and Stalin have con- | solidated the victory of the proletariat | and have laid the basis for Social- |ism. The Soviets are the historical development of the Paris Commune. | The Soviets, said Lenin, “stand on the shoulders of the Paris Commune.” It\ is impossible to convey in the short space of a review, the consum- mate literary power, the scorching anger, and the unsurpassed historical insight of Marx’s essay. It is indeed one of the most moving of Marx's writings. The Commune was never better de- | seribed than in Engel's ringing words: “Of late the Social-Democratic Philistine has once more been filled with wholesome terror at the words: Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Well and good, gen- tlemen, do you want to know what the dictatorship of the pro- letariat looks like? Look at the Paris Commune. That was the Dictatorship + of the Proletariat.” (p. 19). © What do the “Socialist” leaders + think of that? | “industrial recovery” | impoverishment until the Roosevelt “PROMOTE Page Three ISPY AGENCIES TO HELP PRINCIPLES SOF RECOVERY ACT” Sherman Strikebreak Offers Its By ROBERT W. DUNN. | Li Research Association tisement appearing in the busine: section of the New York Times, June} 19, 1933, announcing the National! Industrial Advisory Corporation, | which describes itself as “A private | corporation orgar to assist promoting ed he principles of th Na- Recovery A s “to ald Trade Asso. ciations and independent industr; conforming with and advancing the principles and objectives of the Na- j tional Industrial Recovery Act.” (our emphasis) Among “Constr: | tive Measures” which it declares i self ready to perform—for a pri is to “develop sound bases of em- ployer—employee relationship.” This new corporation “Under the Management of the Sherman | Corp.” The Sherman Corp the outgrowth of the Sherman Service Inc., which is in turn the name as- |sumed by the Sherman Detective Agency, probably the largest union- wrecking, strike-breaking, industrial undercover agency in the tates. Here is a list of some of the chief | provocative operations of Sherman against the labor movement. These are only a few that have been wu covered by the workers. In hun- dreds of other cases, where the facts | have not been brought to light, this} agency has similarly attacked the| workers and their unions, 1—Sherman helped to WAR TIME PRESS DRIVE LAUNCHED is break the WASHINGTON, June 23.—A bat- tery of twenty-six pen prostitutes, | described as “‘super-press agents,” are on the government payroll with the exclusive job of preparing lying publicity about the benefits to be re- alized through the Roosevelt pro- gram of “industrial recovery.” It is organized on the same lines as the notorious publicity machine that functioned under Wilson during the imperialist war, when the noto- rious Har, George Creel, was in charge. Staff Being Built Up. New members of the staff are oom- ing in every day. Most of them are now assigned to popularizing the act to try to conceal its vicious anti-working-class nature and to cripple resistance to its provisions. These nine hack writers, who call themselves “idea men,” have only to think up new/ lies about this bill. In the agricultural department there are eleven publicity agents on tne job, trying to tell the farmers they should patiently endure their} program is in operation and then they may get something else. They do not say that something will be still worse, if Roosevelt has his way. United ing Detective Outfit Servi ices ike of 1922, on the New mayen | and Hartford w dog contract to in the mechanical 2—A Sherman district manager Chicago wrote to spy No. A, 563— D, employed by the Illinois Steel Corp. (U. S. Steel subsidiary). during the Steel Strike of 1919, stating “We want you to stir up as much bad feeling you possibly can between the Serbians and Italians. Spread Gata ians that the Italian to work. Call up every question you can in refer- ence to racial hatred between these two nationalities.” A few days later officials of the Chicago labor move- ment got hold of this and other evi- dence Charles No. on provocative acts from Stern, formerly operative 300 for Sherman. he head-~ ers of the Sherman in Chicago raided, and a specially fraud jury indicted the Chicago office on charges described by the state's attorney as sabotage, assult, attempts to stir race and class prejudice and s0 lisorder that strike-breakers Later, as the result of politi- cal pressure, the case was never brought to trial Attempt to Provoke Lawrence Textile Workers, 3—A Sherman spy employed by the American Woolen Co. in the Lawrence wool workers strike of 1919 urged the workers: “We ought to take the machine gun and turn it on e police,” and constantly ‘| critici: the leaders for restraining acts of violence. This spy later con- feesed that he was a Sherman un- dercover agent. 4.—Twenty-five Sherman opera- tives were retained by former Sen- ator Butler of Massachusetts, head of the New Bedford Cotton Manu- facturers,.to report on trade union leaders, and prepare a file of “radi- cals” in the mills. The Sherman dicks turned these names over to Department of Justice agents during the “deportations delirium” of 1920. One Sherman spy broke into the cfice of the I. W. W. in New Bed- ford and destroyed its property. 5.—In a textile strike in Stafford Springs, Conn. 2 Sherman “har- monizer—as the dicks are called in the sales literature—acted as dis- ruptor and provocateur. Others were uncovered in union wrecking work in strikes at the S. S. Dental Co. in New York City and at plants of the Kirschbaum Clothing Co. in Philadelphia where they turned in lengthy reports on their strike li- quidation activities. ‘This is not the only agency of its kind that will be cashing in on the workings of the Roosevelt “recovery” act. Workers should also keep a sharp look-out for the Corporation Auxiliary Co., the Railway Audit and Inspection Co. and other indus- trial spy agencies with fancy names. | They will all be used by the trade associations and private employers and capitalists in fighting the work- ers under the new law. PANKEN HAS FAITH IN POLICE DEPARTMENT Two days before the May Day celebration of international prole- tarian solidarity, the secretary of the New York Socialist Party, Julius Gerber sent the newly-appointed Police Chief Bolan a letter congratulat- ing him upon his appointment and “ ‘wishing him success.” Two days ago several of the detectives of this capitalist Police Chief, faithful hireling of his capitalist masters, assaulted and beat the workers who are now picketing the Messing Bakeries, where they are on strike. Thus it happens that a distinguished colleague of Mr. Gerber, none other than the erstwhile “Socialist” Judge Panken writes in timidly sad reproach to the Tammany Police Chief: “Surely the police department cannot take sides in a controversy between labor and capital. cars, and police officers are not to And certainly, the Police Depzrtment, police be used by a firm in the manner in which it has been uced this morning.” So it is in this way that the “Socialist” leaders think that they will fight against the brutality of those capitalist police before whose Chief they bow with such humble awe, bearing pious wishes of “Success.” Mr, Pan Will at one State and its police agents. ken thinks that with honied mouthings of capitalist law he troke abolish the real oppressive character of the capitalist The police who are protecting the interests of the bakery bosses will unfortunately for Mr. Panken, not find very convincing his bland ar- guments that the “police surely cannot take sides in controversy between. capital and labor, Mr. police fall jusi the same! The bakers who are siriking at discovered that, and have paid instruction! As in ey strike, every with “controversy Panken says they “cannot”—but the clubs of the the Messing Bakeries have already bleeding faces for Mr, Panken’s between the workers and their capitalist exploiters, the police are nothing but the hirelings of the capital- class. The bakers on st: the brutality of the police, their “Socialist” lawyer, mass resistance. Mass picketing of the bakers, district—this will be the way to fight against the bakery bosses. ist ke at the wie It is part of the fiction of capitalist “democracy” Navy, and the police are “impartial” arbiters its armed forces, the Army, in the irreconciliable class and their exploiters. struggle Messing Bak net by the smcoth and apologetic words of but through ies can effectively challenge their own determined, organized and the working class women of the police brutality and win their fight . that the State and which rages between the workers But it is part of the experience of every worker that, in reality, the police are nothing bui the club of the ist State, “the special instrument of The workers fight against police right of picketing, ete. which are supposed to be theirs. struggles they know that the police and order,” but only the open force capitalist class, part of the capital- class oppression.” (Engels). attacks. They demand democratic And in their are not super-class agents of “law of the State, who do not hesitate to show their true character whenever the workers protest against their exploitation. 'To attempt to blind the workers to the class character of the State, to blind them to the true function of the police as defenders of the ex- ploiters is not to fight the police—it is actually to weaken the resistance of the workers against the attacks of the police. It is actually to tighten the domination of the bosses and the police over the workers,