The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 8, 1933, Page 5

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, APRIL 8, 1933 Page Five ee yoo Workers! On Guard! Expose All Shipment and _Production of Munitions, War Material in United States How German Socialist Leaders Supported the Last World War Treachery Exposed Out of TheirOwn Mouths; Liebknecht Only) Sabotages Defense .. cS a ie Socialist Party in the United ties does not want its record in MieSpast, war mentioned. Its role wWaS-no different from that of the other parties in the second inter- national. Even before the U. 8. entered the war, the presidential candidate of the Socialist Party, Allen Benson in 1916, became the press agent of American imperial- ism, With usual pacifist phrases he said: “I am opposed to war up to the time it begins. . .. When it comes to a question of whether the United States or some other power is to.win in a fight they are al- ready in, I am for the U.S.A, all the way. Any other position is the position of an anarchist. An anar- chist is against all sorts of govern- ment;.I am not. I am for the gov- ernment of the United States.” Benson the socialist candidate eans that he is for the” ‘Wall et government of the U. S. Literature on Fight Against Bosses War, ‘The pamphlet, Bebind the Scenes of the “Disarmament” Conference “10 cents) thoroughly exposes fhe préparations of the imperialists and sovial fascists for the next world imperialist war; Japanese Im- perialism Stripped (5c) contains in full: the secret memorandum of Premier Tanaka of Japan outlining in detail the plans of Japanese im- perialism for war against the Chi- nese masses and the Soviet Union; Japan in Manchuria (10c) gives a thorough analysis of the resources of Menchuria and the background ofthe Japanese invasion, while thie pamphlets An Eye-Witness in Manchuria (l5c), War in China (X0b), Soviet China (10c), and Chi- hése ‘Toiling Women (5c), graphi- nese Tolling Women (15c), graph- ically describe the war which is go- ing on and the life and struggles of the Chinese masses; Chemical Warfare (10c) outlines how poison gas will be used more than ever before in the coming imperialist slatighter. ‘The capitalist campaign of lies and -slander against the Soviet Union in their attempt to mobilize the masses for war against the workers’ fatherland receives a sharp rebuff in the pamphlets: Anti- Soviet Lies and the Five Year Plan (10¢), and “Soviet Dumping” Fable (2c), while the pamphlet The Soviets Fight for Disarmament (20c) contains the latest speeches of M. Litvinov, Commissar of For- eign Affairs at the Disarmament Conference at Geneva. How shall the workers struggle | against war? This question is answered in three pamphlets: Revolutionary Struggles Against War ‘vs. Pacifism (5c), and The World Congress Against War (5c), whith is a report of the Interna- tional Anti-War Congress held last August attended by 2,000 delegates from 27 countries and representing over 30,000,000 people. ‘Finally, no Communist or revo- | jutionary worker should fail to have and. master the contents of the pamiphiet The Struggle Against Im- perialist War and the Tasks of the Communists (15c) which contains the resolution of the Sixth World @ongress of the Communist Inter- national on the struggle against war, and is an indispensible hand- book and guide in the revolutionary struggle against war and for the oyerthrow of the capitalist system which is at the root of all exploita- tion.and war. “Fhe Little Lenin Library consist of wiseries of pamphlets containing articles by Lenin which are inval- uable for a thorough theoretical understamding of the character of imperialist wars and the tasks of the-proletariat. ‘AN of these pamphlets can be obtained from Workers Library PYblishers, P. O. Box 158, Station D, New York City.’ TED POSITION OF REFORMISTS AND _OF REVOLUTIONISTS IN U.S. ON WAR :Am Opposed to War Until It Begins,” Said Benson, 8. P. Candidate in 1916 Once war was declared by the United States, the very same day, April 6, 1917, the socialist “Mil- waukee Leader,” wrote: “So long as there remained a possibility of peace the socialists strove to pre- serve it by every means within their power.” “Now that war is upon us, it re- mains for them to do their utmost to safeguard the rights and inter- ests of the people. . .. The Social- ists are loyal today; loyal their have ever been and loyal they will remain.” Morris Hilquit, theoretical leader of the Socialist Party in a much more hidden manner, with the usual phrases about “defense” and “danger of invasion” gave his ap- proval in the following article ap- pearing in the N. Y. Times Mag~- azine Section, February 11, 1917: “The Socialist attitude has always been this—to oppose war regardless of the circumstances, and when war did come in such countries as were actually invaded or in real danger of invasion, to go to the defense of the country as has happened in Belgium and France and Germany and Austria.” Votes of Revolt While the Socialist Party leaders were vieing with each other in sup- port of the imperialist war; among the rank and file membership re- sentment was growing. ‘he left wing which was later to form the Communist Party, led by ©, E. Ruthenberg, who was a founder of the Communist Party stood togeth- er with the revolutionists in other countries, exposing the real char- acter of the imperialist war. In his speech in the Federal Court in Cleveland, July, 1917, facing jail for his militant activity, he said: “T am speaking to you as Karl Liekknecht spoke to the German nation, as he spoke in the Parlia- ment of that country, when he de- nounced the war as a war of the ruling class and stated his unalter- able opposition to that war. And I say to you that if you are in- spired by this idea... . if you are inspired by that which will bring about a better world, then you must stand up and fight for that ideal. You must fight side by side with those who are fighting this 'Gene Debs, in the “Appeal to Reason,” which “socialists” have now combined with the “New Lead- er’ and use its fighting traditions for their social-fascist program Sounded a different note. Debs, writing in the “Appeal to Reason” on Sept. 11, 1915: “am not a capitalist soldier; I am a proletarian revolutionist. I do not belong to the regular army of the plutocracy, but to the irreg- ular army of the people. I refuse to obey any command to fight from the ruling class, but I will not wait to be commanded to fight for the working class. I am opposed to every war but one; I am for that war with heart and soul, and that is the world wide war of the social revolution. In that war I am prepared to fight in any | way the ruling class may make it necessary, even to the barricades. . .” Compare this speech with Hil- quit’s and other “socialist” speech- es. Reichstag Member to Fight Against War Credits —— | ‘The betrayal by German Social- | Democracy of the workingclass; its shameful acts during recent events; | its support of Hindenburg for pres- ident last year, paving the road for the present Hitler fascist regime, and its present surrender to this regime, dates back to its long his- | tory of betrayal. In reviewing | these events it is sufficient to quote from its records in the beginning of the war. On August 5, 1914, the day following the declaration of war, these social patriots approving the action of their vote for war credits wrote in the “Arbeiter-Zei- tung” (Workers’ Gazette) of Vienna as follows: “THE DAY OF THE GERMAN NATION” “Man for man the German s0- cial democracy voted for the war credits. Together with the whole international social democracy, our German party, this jewel in the | crown of the class conscious pro- letariat, is the most bitter op- ponent of war and the most pas- sionate supporter of the harmony and solidarity of the peoples and it has left nothing undone in its attempts to prevent this world war which is above all war against the German character, in its at- tempts to ward off the terrible dis- aster which is threatening the whole world. It is no fault of the German social democracy when the German Reich and with it the whole European world is now feel- ing the scourge of war. But as the German Fatherland is in danger, as the national independ- ence of the people is threatened, the German social democracy places itself protectingly before the home- Jand, and the “men without a Fatherland, the red horde” as the Kaiser once reviled them, are now lending the State the strength and blood of the working masses... | Never has & party acted more nobly | or with more real grandeur than the German social democracy which has showed itself more than worthy of the terrible situation.” Liebknecht Speaks While the social democratic lead- ers were busy shouting their sup- port of the Kaiser in Germany. While the French and “socialist” leaders in every country were busy running to the defense of their | capitalist government, the voice of | the revolutionary leader broke through the thick fog of imperial- ist war hysteria—this was the voice | of Karl Liebknecht. | Liebknecht ripped off the mask | of “defense of the Fatherland” and | in its stead raised the banner of | the international unity of all toil- ers. He said: | “The German slogan: “Against | Cxarism!”, like the present English and French slogan: “Against Mil-- itarism!”, pursued the purpose of mobilizing the noblest instincts, the revolutionary traditions and aspir- ations of the people, in the service of national hatred. Germany, the accomplice of Czarism, and to this day a pattern of political back- ess, has no mission to act as a liberator of nations. The lib- eration of the Russian people—like that of the German people—must come from within.” | And continuing: “... against the social and political irresponsibility of which the Government and the ruling classes are today guilty, I vote against the war credits asked.” (From text of the proposed de- | claration which Liebknecht intend- | ed to pronounce on December 2, 1914, to explain his refusal to vote the war credits). eamen pane Against ie ets otaianaiigal Some of the placards carried by workers in a demonstration against the shipment of arms to Japan organized by the Marine Workers In- dustrial Union. ‘The foHowing pledge, whieh ix based om | the Manifesto adopted at the Amsterdam Congress inst August, was signed by ever 2000 delegates from 27 cowntries at the Congress, From the U. 8. 91 delegates attended. Among those elected to the In- ternational Committee is Frank Borich, secretary of the Nations! Miners Union, This pledge is being carried into effect by the American Committee for Struggle | Against War in the United States, = sec- A up by the World Congress: THE PLEDGE “Each of us here takes what is in of the International Committee set | A PLEDGE | the nature of a pledge, and we take | it all together. A GOOD EXAMPLE ON THE ALERT! 7 HE following ships are due to sait on Britain to Japanese ports Pata MIDDLESBROUGH March M—QLENLUGE (from London), Dairen (via Taku). March 4. — GARNARVONSHIRE ‘(from Birkenhead), Kobe and Dairen March 24.—PATROCLUS, Dairon (vie Taku). Mereh 383.—OYOLOPS, Osaks snd ‘Yokohams. FROM GLASGOW ‘March 30.—MEMNON (King George Y. Dock, Shieldball), ‘Onis aad Tokobame. FROM NEWPORT “March 31,—-MENBLAUS, Osake ond Yokohams, FROM LONDON “March 31.—NALDERA (King George Y. Dock), Yokohama. Marek yee WYVIG (Weer India Dock), Yokohame. ‘This was printed on the first page | of the British “Daily Worker” ex- posing shipments of war material to Japan. American workers take note. Send in reports of war pro- duction in fac§ories and ammuni- tion shipments from ail ports. Make Uniforms Here for War in Far East By a Worker Correspondent LONG BRANCH, N. J.—The Sam- uel Rothstein Co., located near the railroad station here, is a manufae- turer of uniforms, and is sending carloads of uniforms to China at present. —L. N. | “We swear that we will never al- low the formidable unity which has been established here among the exploited and victimized masses to be broken up. “We swear to fight with all our force and with all the means at our command against imperialist capi- talism, that purveyor to the slaugh- ter house. “We swear to dedicate ourselves with all our forces and all our re- sources to our immediate and press- ing tasks, taking our stand: “Against armaments, against war preparations, and in consequence against the governments ruling us; | against chauvinism, jingo national incitements and fascism, the police army of imperialism which leads to imperialist war and provokes civil war against the working class; “Against war budgets, a vote for which is a dishonor and a crime; “Against the loans and taxes that Tob the masses to build armaments; “Against the campaign of prop- aganda and slander aimed at the Soviet Union, the country of social- ist construction which we will not allow to be touched; “Against the dismemberment oi China, of which each imperialist Power covets a portion; “Against the exploitation, oppres- sion, and massacre of the colonial peoples; “For the support of the national minorities and the peoples fighting for their national and social inde-~ pendence; “For the effective support of the Japanese workers who have raised the standard of struggle against their own imperialist government, What Are These Helmets For? ty » Worker Correspondent) NEW YORK CITY.—Learmed from | & reliable source, which I haye been | asked not to make public for good Tees-><, thet an order for 100,000 stccl Li >t8 was placed with a steel company having. offices in New York | City, as well as elsewhere These new spring hats, decreed by the War Department as “what men | shall wear,” sre to be shipped to) some foreign country. This particu~ | Jar country was known only to the inner etrele. | HISTORY By A. Alfred On January 28, 1918, the Govern~ ment of the Russian Socialist Fede- rated Soviet Republics signed the decree for the establishment of the Red Army of workers and peasants. The Red Army is not just one ordinary army among many. It is not a Russian “army.” The army which was built up in 1918 was fundamentally different from the armed forces of any of the capital~ ist countries. It was a Socialist ar- my—a proletarian army—the army of ® new ruling class—a genuine army of workers and peasants, The creation of such an army necessitated certain definite, previ- ously existing conditions. The most, important and essential condition Lenin on War By social patriotism we mean the willingness to defend one’s country in this imperialistic war, to justify the alliance of the Socialists with the bourgeoisie and the govern- ments of their own country, and the refusal to preach and support the revolt of the proletarians against their national bourgeoisie. It is obyious that in its essential traits, politically and intellectually, chauvinism is identical with oppor- tunism. Both represent one and the same tendency, Socialism and War.—LENIN, eh On “A& logical analysis of war leads to the conclusion that war is simply “the continuation of politics by other means.” Socialism and the War--LENIN. Civil wars are also wars. Those who accept the class struggle must, accept civil wars, which, under cer- tain circumstances, are a natural and inevitable continuance, develop- ment and accentuation.of the class struggle in every society based on class divisions. . , To deny or to overlook civil wars would mean be- coming a victim of the most hope- Sad opportunism and abandoning e social revolution. Socialism and War—LENIN, soe The fight against imperialism is empty and deceitful if it is not combined with a fight against op- portunism, | Socialism and Wat.—LENIN. | OF THE RED ARMY was the overthrow of the bourgeoi- sie, the victory of the proletarian revolution and the assumption of power by the working class. A real workers’ and peasants’ ar- | my is inconceivable within the | frame-work of capitalist society. Only bourgeois armies can exist in | capitalist lands. All armed forces, | permitted by the capitalist ruling class, must be tools in the hands of the bourgeoisie, whether they be official bodies or so-called “volun- tary” military organizations, CAPITALIST ARMIES ‘The fact that the overwhelming majority of the members of the Klementy Voroshiloff, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the U. 8. 8. | | | | | | her of the Bolshevik party, bourgeois armies and navies — as well as of Fascist or Social-Fascist | military organizations—come from | the working class does not affect | the argument. It is quite natural that the capitalists have no special inclination themselves to serve as cannon fodder and that they there- fore prefer that workers and pea- sants shall suffer and die for them. As we know, the whole of capitalist society rests upon the exploitation and oppression of the masses in the interests of a small section of cap- italists. Not only do they exploit the workers in industry and on the land, in order to secure the product | of their labour; but this exploita- | tion is carried on to the battle- | fields of imperialist warfare, which | warfare arises solely through the | greed of the capitalists and is waged in their interests. The op- pression of the masses through mil- itarism is one of the most despic~ able forms of capitalist rule. ‘The Red Army is an army of pro- letarian revolution—a child of the victorious October Revolution. It was forged in the fires of the pro~ Jetarian insurrection, The history of the origin of the Red Army can- not be separated from the history of the preparations for, and the ac- complishment of, the October in- surrection. This is not only be- cause the Red Army is inspired by the same ideas as those for which the armed workers fought in the insurrection, but also because the core of the Red Army was formed of actual proletarians and peas- ants who actively fook part in the uprising, ‘Taken from the pamphlet: “The Origin of The Red Army” by A. Alfred. Price 10 cents. Printed by — Workers Library Publishers, \ tween elections and April 6, Wilson Talked Peace in 1916 While He Prepared War Declaration Promised “Freedom” In preparations for war the ca italist class by its secret diplomac the smoke screen of “peace talk ‘ays tries to take the workers off guard and have them unprepared when actual war is declared Ir respect it is well to quote the tricky remarks of Wilson before the United Stat red the imperial ist war and c st them with the war declarations In accepting the nomina\ president at Shadow Law on September 2, 1916, he “There must be a just and seitied peace, and we here in America must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a nation to the organ that peace upon world~ dations that cannot shaken.’ tion for N. J aid ea A year before in an address be tore the Civil Advisory Board of the Navy on October 6, 1915 “The spirit of America is . . & spirit that is profundly concerned with peace, because it can express itself best only in peace. It is the spirit of good-will and of human freedom. . . War Declaration But only a brief time elapsed be. 1917, when the very same Wilson before a joint session of congress in. call- ing for declaration of war spoke a different tone. Wilson’s war de- claration: ‘I advise that the Congress formally accept the status of belli gerent which has thus been thrust upon it and that it take immedi- ately steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.” “Our object the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world against self ish and autocratic power... . Wilson's “Freedom of Speech” Wilson continues throughout the period of war his flowery phrases. Parading as one permitting freedom of speech to every “opinion,” he said, “There are some organiza~ tions in this country whose object is anarchy and the destruction of law . I despise and hate their pur: poses as much as any man, but . a | » is to vindicate | nd. “Justice of Militant rKers Ruins of Pi Peay C nanet After banter ‘“ Japanese imperialists Sut Filled Jails With Thousands wt WALL ST. SUPPORTED KOLCHAK’S SLAUGHTER OF RUSSIAN PEOPLE Sent Army and Ammunition Into Siberia to Crush Proletarian Revolution When the Workers and Peasants ; of Russia overthrew their oppres- | ablished the Dictator- | the Proletariat, they found list country ready to | olution in the blood The allied countries sent their armies of intervention. Of course | all of this was done in the name of | ‘civilization,” and “for the rights of th against the | sent its in- tervention army hi by General | Graves to help the “defender of the | Russian people Kolchak.” Now, many years after this at- Russian re- volution we ge actually these m General Gr “America’s Adventure’ } makes some admissions. They come I would be too proud not to see | them done justice, however wrong they are. But in actual deeds he refused to grant a pardon to Debs but sent him to Atlanta jeil thereby short- ening his life. A suppressed class that does not strive to acquire knowledge of arms, that does not possess and use arms, such an oppressed class invites be- ing suppressed and enslaved. Socialism and War. LENIN. as a result of a controversy between these military leaders, As the saying is, “When thieves fall out, the truth will out.” gives us some facts: Who Supported Kolchak? ‘The United States, England, France and Japan might have put enough money into Siberia to keep the railroads running and enough soldiers to guard it, all for the bene- fit of Kolchak, but at this time, after the terrible ex es commit~ ted by his suppo: nd others who claimed to sup him, no power on earth could have driven | the peasant to support his cause.” (Page 244) Gr Some of the act The following letter sent A LETTER BACK HOME FROM U.S. SOLDIER DURING INTERVENTION an American soldier by stationed with the American intervention forces in northern Russia in 1919 is an effective reply to tha propaganda ap- pearing in the capitalist press of the United States about tales of “dissatisfaction” among the Russian workers and peasants. with the Soviet Government The letter, read into the record by Senator Hiram Johnson of California is taken from the Congressional Record, March 1, 4735. My dear mother and father: If you receive this letter 1919, page Archangel, Russia, January 5, 1919. it is entirely due to the kind- ness of an American sailor, friend of mine, who has offered to mail it when arriving in the State. He leaves this land of chaos in a few days. I am not writing you this letier to cause you worry, but no doubt it will. I find that condi- tions are such here that everything possible must be done to improve them. The American forces in this section con- sist only of our Regiment, about 3.500 men. We are under British orders, which in my opinion, is a disgrace to the United States. As I have explained in a previous letter, we were told that this expedition was only for the purpose of guarding American supplies and defeat the Huns, preventing Ru from becoming an Ally of the Central Powe) veloped into an expedition of interference. ia lt has de- We are now | fighting the Etpisheviks but this is not being done with the aid of the Russian people. They are all plotting and tvork- ing against us, with the exception of the capitalists, who are solely soli ing the aids of the people consider the problem is for themselves to take care Allies. The Russian of and we have no right to murder any of these Russians. The Russians that are enlisting in the British Army here obtain all the food and clothing they can possibly ob-. the Bolshevik side. under such conditions? tain and when they are taken to the front they go over to Do you think we should fight here We are all loyal Americans, true to the flag and coun- try, and are ready to die for the cause at any time, but we believe that the U.S. is ignorant of conditions here. if conditions do not improve soon, I would not be surprised that you will address by letter, “private” again instead of . cause a demotion. | (“sergeant” as I will be doing something here which will | { s Therefore the general | admitted by Graves, Semenoff had the mapport of the United States, “We stopped at @ amall station and two American Russian Railway Service Corps men got on our train and told us of the killing by Sem- enoff soldiers, two or thre days be-~ fore our arrival, of « trainload of Russians consisting of 350 people. I do not remember if there were only men in the train, or if there were men and women. These two Ame~ ricans stated substantially as fol~ lows “The tesinicad of prisoners passed the station and tt was generally know in the station that they were to be killed. The Serv- ice Corps men started to go to the place of execution but were stopped by Semenoff’s_ soldiers. Tm one how and fifty minutes the empty train returned to the station. The following day these two men went out to the killing place, and saw evidence of the wholesale execution and & was evident from the shells on the ground that the prisoners had been killed with machine guns, as the empty shells were in piles just as if they had been ejected from machine guns. The bodiew had been placed in two ditches which had been freshly dag. In one ditch the bodies were entirely covered, in the other ditch mang arms or legs were left uncovered. (Page 241) U, 8S. Army Supports Bolshevike But all was not quite on the Si- berian front as the papers back home admitted. The American sol« diers fell under the influence of the Bolshevik examples, They saw with their own eyes what was’ taking place. And the capitalist press shrieked in their columns bout mutinies. It began to d&awh’ upon them that the American soldiers just like other armies which are made up from the ranks of the workers will join in solidarity with the heroic men and women who defended the victorious Russian revolution The New York Times editorial on April 12, 1919 writes: MUTINY AT ARCHANGEL” American soldiers are not often unwilling to fight. There has been regrettable episodes in our military history—three months men whose time was up going home on the eve of battle in the Civil War, militia in fusing to cross the Niagara they could not constitu- be called into foreign but the refusal of troops at Archangel to go back to the front has no parallel since the mutiny of some starving Continen- tals in 1781.” service; The We ds and the Deeds of Pacifists On March 10, 1917, the American Peace Society announced that it nized “with deep appreciation fforts of President Wilson to- ard war and at the same time to rotect the honor of the nation and the rights and lives of our citizens, We wish to assure him of our hearty support in his determination to se- cure recognition of the claims of justice and humanity.” These pacifists prated against war but immediately came to the support of their imperialist even before it was declared. Howe ever the position of these pacifists changes when it comes to support the wars of oppressed of (China, India) and the sup (the proletarian reyolu- civil. war tion) here they say that “Ié is of that armed insurrece the opinion, tion, both in the social revolution and in the struggle for colonial lbe eration, brings with it the great danger of the establishment of @ new militarism (Russia, China), . .” From a pamphlet by the Anti-Mil< itarist Burcau (® pacifiss See tion),