The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 8, 1933, Page 3

— d Pz DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, APRIL 8, 1938 Page Three Can United Action be Achieved in the Fight to Free Tom Mooney? | MOONEY WIRE OF MARCH 28, 1983 TO | THE SOCIALIST PARTY | “As result of militant campaign I have | won new trial which is greatest victory in my.case stop I call upon you to exert every | effort to have unaffiliated organizations join the United Front Congress which con- | venes during my trial stop Strongly urge | Socialist Party to join United Front be- cause as Socialists they must realize that | only by standing together at this critical | time can final freedom be achieved. | | (Signed) TOM MOONEY.” By C. A. HATHAWAY The Executive Committee of the Socialist Party has, so far, stubbornly refused to join with other labor forces in a joint fight to secure the release of Tom Mooney and other | class war prisoners. This fact is bluntly stated in the New Leader of April 1. In an official Party statement, signed by the Na- tional Chairman of the Party, Mayor Daniel W. Hoan of Milwaukee, Clarence Senior, the national sec- retary, and Louis Krzycki and Powers Hapgood, members of the national committee, the following is stated: “o. . the organization committee, ACTING UNDER AUTHORI- ZATION OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE of the Socialist Party, deems it INADVISABLE for the Party or its subdi- visions to take part in the Chicago congress” (the “Free Tom Mooney Congress” called to meet in Chicago, April 20th-May 2nd. —C. A. BK) Socialist Party Executive Responsible. This fixes the responsibility on the Socialist Party ex- seutive for the continued division in the workers’ ranks at a time when the most solid fighting front is needed. It is in line with their persistent refusal to enter into a joint struggle against fascist terror which is daily taking the lives and freedom of hundreds of German workers—Com- munist and Social Democratic alike. It is in line with their refusal to enter into united action against Roosevelt's new attacks on the workers’ living standards, and into united demonstrations on May First. The Socialist Party executive seems willing to assume the serious responsibility for split- ting the workers’ ranks, They try to conceal their refusal behind a false, bombastic statement, which by its very tone proves the insincerity of those who drafted it. For instance, in a sub- head over the signed statement, probably concocted by the | brilliant Mr. Oneal, we have the absolutely false assertion, “United Fronters’ Denounced by Mooney”, implying that Mooney has repudiated those he had assigned to organize the Chicago conference. In the body of the official state- ment -we find the following equally false and stupid state- ment: “Scott, his (Mooney’s—C.A.H.) chief representative, stands branded by Mooney’s own letter as a person not to be trusted in charge of a united front congress”, again im- plying that Mooney has somehow or other repudiated the one person he designated to take the principle lead in orga- nizing the Chicago conference. Such faise statements re- flect in themselves the hysteria within the socialist leadership under the pressure of the demand of their own members for united action. We leave it to Louis B. Scott The Socialist Party, Which Until Now Has Obstructed Joint Action, Must Answer to the Workers and Tom Mooney to answer properly. Slanderous Attacks on Communist Party. We want to devote ourselves to equally false state- ments pertaining to the Communist Party. The opening paragraph of the New Leader story states the following: “Preliminary activities of leaders of the proposed congress have convinced the Socialist Party that Mooney himself will have little control oyer the gathering, but the Communists will use it as a tool in their campaign to wreck other working class organizations.” We know, to begin with, that it does not require much to convince established oponents of united action, that there should be no united action. We know also that they will inevitably try to find some plausible excuse for their split- ting tactics. We would also suggest, that the Socialist Party, which has always been the stumbling block to effective joint struggle in the workers’ interests, hardly has a case against the Communist Party, which alone has consistently urged and organized united struggles for the workers’ needs. One can point to one or another mistake that we have made, but not a single case can be pointed out when we have failed to strive for working-class unity. Mooney’s Voice Decisive. But directly to the point. “Mooney himself’, they state, “will have little control over the gathering’. This is not in accord with the facts. As the socialist executive very well knows and as everybody else knows who has had any contact with the Mooney case, Tom Mooney, from his prison cell, has retained complete control over every aspect of his case for the more than 16 years of his imprisonment. Tom Mooney has retained his own defense committee, answerable | only to himself, during this entire time. He decided on the Chicago conference. He drafted the call, laying down him- self the purposes of the congress, the manner in which it | was to be organized, the terms for the united action of the | various groups, and the program for the congress itself. | Furthermore, Mooney sent out his own personal rep- resentatives—all of them free from affiliation to any polit- | ical organization—to carry out his wishes. The socialist executive have falsely charged that Scott, Mooney’s eastern representative, was a Communist. This is not true. If he discussed questions with us, it was only because the Com- munist Party has continuously and actively fought for the release of Mooney, and because we immediately agreed to give full and unconditional support to the Chicago congress in accordance with the line laid down in Tom Mooney’s personal call. Finally, we happen to know, and the socialist leaders also know, that every question of policy, every disputed point, has to be referred directly to Tom Mooney by letter | or telegram for settlement. This fact, so rigidly adhered NEW YORK.—The following telegram | from Heywood Broun was received Thursday by the Daily Worker: | “To the Editor: Speaking for myself as an individual in the Socialist Party I think that all radical groups in America should be able to get together in presenting the united | ifront upon the Mooney question, the Scotts- | | boro trial and Hitlerism. There are other. matters in which they might all work to- || gether to advantage but this would do for a | start.—(Signed) HEYWOOD BROUN. to by Scott, has even hampered the work, because replies to letters and telegrams were frequently held up by prison regulations (waiting for visiting days, limited correspond- ence, etc.). All of this effectively refutes the first weak excuse of tne S. P. executive, about Tom’s lack of personal control, Facts Refute Wrecking Charge. The second point: “.. . the Communists will use it (the congress—C.A.H.) as a tool in their campaign to wreck other working class organizations”. The Socialist Party is on the road toward wrecking itself, with no assistance from the Communists necessary, through its persistent refusal to join in united action on the basis of a truly working class policy. The questions that will determine the life of the vario} organizations are the honesty, sincerity and de- termination with which they rally the masses for resistance to the bos: efforts to destroy their political rights and lower their living standards. And on this score, the gent- lemen of the Socialist Executive Committee, have a record which is not so good; it does not qualify them of all people, to pass judgement on the Communists. But we Communists 1m more effectively answer this slanderous nonsense about our alleged desire “to wreck other working class organizations’. We will refer only to the Mooney congress and to our proposals. We wanted, and still want united action in the struggle to free Tom Mooney. We know that freedom for Tom Mooney, won through de- termined working class struggle, will not only restore Tom to the workers’ front ranks, but such a victory would inspire the millions of workers to more determined action against American capitalism. For these reasons we want the re- lease of Mooney, and we know it can only be achieved thru united action. Remove Issue of “Communist Control.” We were therefore much concerned about the hin- drances put in the way by the Socialist Party. When we were informed that they were making alleged “Communist control” their chief excuse, we decided immediately to remove this as an issue. We decided to prevent them from using this as an excuse any longer, and to force them to come out in the open with a yes or no answer and an open explana- tion to the workers. We decided to consult with other groups who had clearly indicated their desire to achieve united action in the fight to free Mooney. After consultation, started on Com- munist initiative, with A. J. Muste of the C. P. L. A. and Frank Palmer of the Federated Press and through them with Norman Thomas, we agreed to wire Tom Mooney ask- ing him to set up a joint management committee made up of representatives of all groups. Norman Thomas agreed to write his fellow cutive members asking them to favor- ably consider these proposals if they were accepted by Tom Mooney. This occurred on March 29. On that date the telegram was sent to Tom. On March 31 we received the following reply which indicates both the original pro- posals and Tom’s counter-proposals: “Agree appointment congress management committee suggest two Communist Party, two Socialist Party, one International La- bor Defense, one League for Industrial Democracy, one Conference for Progressive Labor Action, five trade unionists, three liberals (this was our proposal—C.A.H.) and two Moulders Defense Committee (reflecting Tom’s desire to have his own voice heard in the com- mittee—C.A.H.). This proportion need not rigidly be followed. However before management committee finalized wire full person- nel for my confirmation (further evidence of Tom's determination to have his way!—C.A.H.). Similar wire sent Scott Chicago. Im- mediately inform Palmer and Baldwin--TOM MOONEY.” This proposal of the Communists, confirmed by Mooney himself, provides for a management committee of 17 mem- | | | “To the advance of Hitlerism in Germany | jand the atrocities committed by that regime |the workers everywhere must reply with gi-| |gantic protests. We give our support to all! such demonstrations. | “Those who fail to join in efforts to | achieve genuine unity at such a time as this |are traitors to the working class.” | From the statement of the Conference for Progressive | Labor Action to the Madison Square Garden mase meeting against German fascism, held April 5, 1933. bers, of which the maximum possible number of Commu+ nists would be three, Who Are the “Wreckers”? While the Socialist Party was apparently trying to sabotage the congress, the Communist Party, which is slan- derously charged by the so st executive with desiring to “wreck other working class organizations”, came forward with sincere, constructive proposals which effectively refute their false charges. They tried to kill the congress on the grounds that we would control it; we reply with a proposal which does away with all y s of such control, and thereby also with any possibility, assuming even that we had such stupid intentio ing any other organiza- tions. » The test of on n always be found in committee of 17 with only three Communists is our refutation of their second slander- ous charge. The Socialist Party proposals first on March 2 telegram of the content of Ti As yet they have not chang last New Leader of April 1. least, in open opposition to a to free Tom Moo- ney. They still try to hide behi se statements charg- ing “No control by Mooney” and “Communist control”— statements that are refuted by the facts brought forward in this article. The Masses Must Insist on United Action. We have been patient, giving them every opportunity to change their position. We e waited 11 days—from March 29 until tod April 8. We might remind the so- cialist leaders that this is more time than they gave Tom Mooney to reply to their communications before they issued their public condemnation of the congress, although he is in jail and hampered by prison regulations. A new issue | of the New Leader has appeared, containing no correction of the previous slanderous statements, and above all no expression of a willingness to support the Mooney congress. Their rejection of united action has been further shown during the past week by their refusal to enter into a strug- gle against fascism. We, therefore, make these facts—the proposals for the Mooney congress — public in the most restrained manner possible, considering the viciousness of their attacks in re- cent issues of the New Leader. We leave it to the workers to fix the responsibility for the delay in establishing one milit- ant, working-class, fighting front. As for the Communists, we stand ready and anxious for effective united action—for the freedom of Mooney, and for struggle for every need of the workers. | | The masses generally, and the workers’ organizations neerity ¢ one’s deeds; our proposal for 3 tive was notified of these they were again informed by Mooney’s wire of the 31st: and as reported in the stand, publically at in particular, can speed up this effort to weld together the workers’ now scattered forces y uniting for struggle in every locality, by giving united local support to the Mooney congress, and by sending letters of protest and resolutions to the Socialist Party and to the workers’ press demanding a stop to these sabotaging activities of the Socialist Party executive committee. United action will be achieved only upon the determined insistence of the masses, STATEMENT OF CONFERENCE FOR PROGRESSIVE LABOR ACTION TO MADISON SQUARE GARDEN MEETING Umdorses United Action Against Fascism and) Hunger April 5, 1933 Reply to Lynch-Incite (CONTINUED FROM PAGE ONE) He then traced Victoria Price’s own | story, exposing how preposterous it j Was In itself, | the courtroom murmured with “yes” and “no” at intervals during Wright's speech. Leibowitz Sums Up. In @ speech full of emotion, Leib- Leibowitz, in a masterly fashion, | then proceeded to expose the fr: up point by point. He asserted sharp- ily that the bigotted panting of the| j of the defe owitz, chief trial counsel of the In- two previous state attorneys was an} slamming the table vizorously, Opening the suman on fouowing lynch-inciting speech, Ge George W. Chamlee, def declared: tale as told by Victoria Price.” le opened by if as sout eorgia and Tennessee. ther fought in the Confederate Army. He struck to the end and it was April. It is April now and we are in the midst of another big George se counsel, “When this verdict cam ‘We the workers of various organiza- ‘Mons assembled in Madison Square Garden, April 5, 1933, for Protest Ageiest Fascism— Comrades and Fellow Workers: The National Executive Committee of the Conference for Progressive La- bor Action extends heartiest greet- ungs. To the advance of Hitlerism in Sa eeyrent the atrocities commit- ted by that regime the workers ev- erywhere ‘must reply with gigantic protests. We give our support to all wach denionstrations. It is essential that not only politi- cal groups protest but especially the @conomic organizations of the work- ers and farmers—trade unions, co- operatives and fraternal organiza- tions, farmers’ unions, organizations of the unemployed—should join in these protests against fascism. The first 11 fascism has done wherever it has “into power has been to destroy the unions, co-operatives, farmers’ unions, free schools and all the indépendent institutions and or- ganizations “of the workers. It is of the utmost importance therefore that in their own interest these economic organizations offer the most militant opposition to every manifestation of fascism. — It 4s fitting that the workers of The ‘United. States should denounce Hit- lerism in Germany, should organize relief for-the victims of fascist ter- ror in Germany and elsewhere and should pledge solidarity with the German working class. Our foremost and basic task, how- ever, is to expose and combat fas- cism and fascist tendencies in the United . A virtual dictatorship of the big bankers now exists here. The behests of that dictatorship are being carried out, sometimes under the guise of democracy and progres~ pretense at any disguise by the Roosevelt. administration. The most brutal terror is exercised against Workers also here in the United States. The simplest attempts of workers to organize for the tion and advancement of their inter- ests meets with bitter opposition. If We can make the workers of the United States understand the mean- ing of fascism, if we can defeat fas- cism in this, the foremost capitalist |and imperialist nation, the spread of jfascism everywhere can be halted | and crippled, The events of recent years have given conclusive and often tragic Proof of the contention that « di- | Vided working class is unable to stay an advance of fascism. We call, therefore, for the most vigorous and sincere efforts to' bring about unity in the struggle against fascism, as Well as in the defense of 'Tom Moo- ney, the Kentucky miners, the Scottsboro boys and other class-war prisoners, in the defense of the So- yiet Union, against all capitalist and imperialist attacks, and on other concrete points. Those who fail to join in efforts to achieve genuine unity at such a time as this are trai- tors to the working class, We shall continue to strive for the widest pos- sible unity even with elements with whom at many points we differ. A few instances of triumphant, united activity on vital, concrete is- sues now before the American labor movement will strike terror to all reactionaries and capitalists, and in- spire the masses of American work- ‘AD SCOTTSBORO |sivism, sometimes almost without any | ternational Labor Defense, made an exivemely sincere and moving plea | against bigotry and prejudice—a plea addressed not only to the jury, but to the people of the South. Leibowitz, whose life has been threatened by the same lynch gangs who menace the lives of the Negro boys, proceeded to give a detailed and concise analysis of the evidence submitted during the trial—some- thing which had not been done by either of the attorneys for the prose- cution, “I am here today for the sake of justice. Mobs mean nothing to me. Let them take me, let them hang me. My life doesn’t mean any- thing to me unless it serves the cause of right and justice,” declared Liebowlts in his speech which he began at three o'clock, after Gen, Chamlee had concluded. Leibowitz's speech was a direct challenge to the ranting, lynch-incit- ing speech made by Wade Wright, the Devatur solicitor. The LL.D. trial attorney spent the first part of his Speech in overcoming the sectional and racial prejudice set boiling by Wright. Victoria Price, Leibowitr said, is the kernel of the state's case. If she is not believed then there is no case. attempt to cover up the frame-up. “This is a contemptible frame-up, -@ cock and bull story,” he declared, FREE AeA NL ita ea a ers as never before in their history. Yours for a united and militant labor movement. The a, for Progressive bor Action By A. J. MUSTE, Chairman LOUIS BUDENZ, Executive | state of Alabama, it shocked the civ-| Vv they | ilized world. cou |ous | THREATENING DEATH IF I DO NOT STOP MILITIA HAS EVERY-| fight,” he declared. For Negro Rights. Earlier in the day, replying to a telegram from the editor of the Brooklyn Eagle inquiring after the lawyer's safety, Leibowitz wired: INTENSE FEELING BECAUSE) WE HAVE BROUGHT QUESTION OF NEGRO RIGHTS INTO OPEN STOP HAVE RECEIVED NUMER- ANONYMOUS LETTERS THING UNDER CONTROL NOW BUT ARE SITTING ON MOUNTAIN | OF TNT STOP THE NEGROES ARE| rs in Court by Defendi describing | tion which began a ern-born and reared | cach side having three h “My | prosecution having the fin: the preparation for the final summ one “Where did you get us try to repeat yes- y's effort to show that the gif S bribed to repudiate her testimony, Scores Vital Point and the word Before the prosecution rested its rebuttal testimony, it attempted to spring a “surprise” witness in the person of Bertus Frost, who oc- cupied a death cell Scottsboro boys in Kilby prison and while awaiting electrocution on a murder charge had his sentence commuted to life imprisonment by Goy. B. M. Miller of Alabama. The reason for “executive clemency” in this case became apparent today when the prosecution attempted to have Frost testify that he overheard &@ conversation in the cell between Haywood Patterson and Charlie Weems. Judge Horton refused to permit Frost to testify when Leibo- wits vigorously protested, Earlier in the day Prosecutor ABSOLUTELY BEING FRAMED Knight had recalled Patterson to the AND I'LL FIGHT TILL witness stand in an effort to make FREEZES OVER TO SAVE THEM. jhim admit such a conversation in Late last night—following word that armed K.K.K, gangs were form: | | which the Negro boy was supposed | “I told you if we had| |to have said, | killed those girls we wouldn't be here ing around Hunisville and were on) poy.» their way to Decatur—a heavy guard | armed with riot guns was thrown} around the Cornelian Court apart- ments where the defense lawyers and | their star witnesses, Ruby Bates and | Lester Carter are staying. Significant is that the fact that Attorney-General Knight, eager to maintain the illusion of safety for the Negro boys and their lawyers, pleaded with newspapermen to “await developments” before send- ing thelr release to their papers. He gave as his rason his desire to | Knight had continued to make “protect the reputation of the com- munity.” The prosecution concluded its Te-| ing when Ruby Bate: | buttal testimony at 11 o'clock this stand under cross-exa: morning, and both sides then began‘ Attorney-General pointed a finger at! Thwart Attempt The attempt to put over this stool- Pigeon “evidence” is an obvious proof of thé frantic manner in which the | Prosecution sought to overcome the | damage done its frame-up case by | Ruby Bates’ clear-cut denial of the |“rape” story on the s \in which she characte he orig- |inal Scottsboro trial in 1931 as an | “out-an-out frame-up,” The defense today again mov |® mistrial, charging that | prejudicial statements. | flagrant instance occ’ The was on the tion. The facing the | yesterday | Taking advantage of this oppor- tunity, Defense Attorney Leibowits scored another vital point for the de- fense when, on re-questioning Ruby Betes, he brought out the fact that the small pearl pen-knife which the | rain whoutb itmflabo i..... p m, ldk | Prosecution claims was taken on the |train from the girls by one of the | Scottsboro boys and found on him, | actually belonged to Victoria Price, | Who turned it over to Deputy Sheriff Wann at the time of her arrest. Testifying today, Dr. Charles Clingman, pastor of the Episcopal Church of the Advent in Birming- ham, Ala. said that Ruby Bates had come to him after he had been in correspondence with Dr. Harry Em- ‘son Fosdick, pastor of the River- side Church in New York, who re- quested that Dr. Clingman provide safe keeping for the girl. The desperation of the prosecution is further seen in a last-minute de- cision made today changing the charge of “rape” to “conspiracy to in the case of three of the ‘© boys. This new strategy s evolved by the prosecution after testimony of Ruby Bates had hed the case of the state to Fearing the inability te con= . Viet on the original charge, the pros- ecution changed it to the new one.. While indica part of the pr of the charg as in the ng a retreat on the conviction, “con- also carries the EXTRA SUNDAY FOR LATEST NEWS OF TRIAL!, }