The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 28, 1933, Page 4

+ oR Page Four Yorker Lisa) Usa fly Publishing C ‘Telephone ALg o the Daily Worker, xcept Sunday, at 58 B. 7956. Cable “DAIWORE.” » New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION months, RATES: $3.50; $ months, $2; 1 month, te |]/ md Bronx, New York City. Foreign and | months, $5; 3 months, $$ Sen. Norris Aids Farm' Betrayals and War Drive ist drive toward . that is to say ir intent. In ct Roosevelt to By-mall-everywher excepting Boro to conce fo of Presiden’ Muscle For bloc” s time phosphate fe lice W. Norris, one of the “farm ion of this great war ig works, to furnish an insurgent repub- presidential candidate, produc Roos r se behind the Redsevelt decision not to aid the farmers but to aid t 1 outlay not less than. $15,000,000 to ut material for mu- of liberalism in the service of im- pitalism finds ways of using all rward its war program. ‘s of the farmers rallied to the support m plank of the demo- financing of farm mortgages rates of interest on an nitions. This is c h claimed to favor n bank age 1 is the percentage of the farm popu- lation were put into 1 land banks hold but while only 4 per em. The balance | is divided approximately as follows he more than nine billion dolla n the hands of small banks outside the federal reserve system. Insurance companies hold 22 per cent throughout the country and in many middle-west states as high as 50 per cent of farm mortgages. Another 5 per cent held by joint stock banks. Federal action through its banking system would affect only a small proportion of the victims of the-loan mortgage sharks. Thus, it is seen, that the only effective form of farm relief is that demanded the Communist Party; that is to say emergency relief for the impoverished farmers without restrictions by yatiks or government. .It was to defeat the growing mass struggles for Such relief that the demagogy of Norris and other “farm bloc” leaders Was thrown into the cam gn on behalf of the Wall Street candidate, Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. A further fraud is now being perpetrated against the farmers. This consists of a “council” of “business leaders” who are studying “farm gid”. The tender mercies of such parasites on the farm population as | Burton F. Peek, head of John Deere & Co., Moline, Illinois; F. A, Thies, vice-president Simon-Shields-Londsdale grain corporation of Kansas Ci RR. Rogers, assistant secretary Prudential Life Insurance Company, Newark; Lyman Wakefield, president First National Bank, Minneapolis (grain speculators and mortgage sharks); H. R. Stafford; vice-president | Missouri Pacific Railroad; A. H. Stone, president Long Staple Cotton | Association, Dunleith, Mississippi, etc., are to be showered upon the farm- ets—like.a pestilence. Every robber group is here represented. There is not one farmer on the list. It is these buzzards who prey upon the starving men, women and children of the farm population of the country—the mortgage and land sharks, the bank the insurance magnates, the railroads, the cot- ton market manipulators—who are paving the road for the Roosevelt ad- ministration to continue uninterruptedly and in a still more vicious form, to correspond to the demands of the deepening crisis and the sharpening struggle against hunger, the starvation and war drive carried thus far under Hoover. With the most dete: cent are ined struggle the farmers should reply to this attempt to strengthen the war machine of American imperialism under the oynical pretense of supplying enrichment of the soil for them. The hypocrisy. of this is apparent when the Jones bill restricting acreage and cutting down production is considered. This visit of Roosevelt to Muscle Shoals. is one more imperialist act that should alarm and unite masses of workers and farmers in a struggle against capitalism and war. It is one more reason why inauguration day, March 4th, should be greeted With the mightiest wave of mass demonstrations that has ever swept this country. Only this struggle, rising to ever higher stages will force relief and advance us further toward the one final solution of the crisis of eapita: in the interest of the workers and farmers—the revolu- tionary way out. The Capitalist Press “Plays the Game” By HERBERT BENJAMIN [AT the capitalist press is a | powerful weapon in the hands of the ruling class for the attack upon the toiling masses is well known to all class-conscious work- ers. That every edition of the boss- controlled press is full of lies, dis- tertions.-and ruling class propa- luminating editorial. The fore- going is sufficient for our irm- mediate purpose. It serves to ex- plain why, in the face of the steady and rapid increase in mass unem- ployment, the press continues to display headlines announcing in- creased industrial activity, anti- cipated improvements, etc. It But it is serves to explain why prominence newspaper is given to the various, many times admits that lying part of a | discredited and exposed “relief deliberate, fixed policy. In-an unguarded moment such an admission was recently publish- ede . True, the article containing these admissions was not intended for the eyes of workers. It was Published in a paper that few work- ets know of and none are expected to read -— the Illinois Journal of Commerce. But, at least one editor @ould not resist the temptation to So: vital sections of this @rticle were quoted in an editorial | of a-capitalist paper in Blooming- toh, “Ill, which (unfortunately) workers still read. As a result, we have a frank confession of the role and policy of the capitalist press. And here it is, as quoted from the editorial in question "PLAYING THE GAME” “The newspapers of this state —and presumably of other states plans” that are brought forward by all shades of demagogues. ROLE OF “DAILY” Workers who know this must realize the importance of the role that the Daily Worker, their paper, Plays and the even greater role which the Daily Worker can play if it is more widely circulated. The Daily Worker is the only daily newspaper published in the English language which pursues an “opposite course” and, consequent- ly, produces that effect upon work- ers, which the ruling class is so eager to prevent. The Daily Work- er not only prints the news and facts that all other papers seek to suppress and distort, but helps work draw the necessary con- clusions and guides them in the pic and struggles that must e waged in order to alter and end sort ee ct ae et fh the conditions from which we suf- been followed . . . many a news- - . . e might have put forth a blast of shivers .. . Instead, the have sought out (or invented) the hopeful, the the unusual and have given these the play which have had the psychological effect of bolstering public sanity !) ... and ... keeping up sane con- fidence.” If you ever wondered how it happens that your local paper shows so much enterprise in secur- ing and displaying the news t! @ factory in a remote town, thous- ands of miles away, hired a few workers, and yet seems unaware of a tass lay-off right in your own neighborhood, the mystery is sow ‘solved: ‘Your kindly editor has merely gone to the trouble of “seeking out the unusual,” and “avoldéd feeding the public on sensational headlines which might easily have beer! justified.” /This, the editorial continues “is Nob, censorship, 2 suppression. of Mews which ought to have been printed, but on the contrary, a keen study of the effect which an ps rd course might have pro- » Pe ce does not permit further quotations from this very il- ENS of thousands of workers are now beginning to realize the shameless lengths to which the capitalist press goes in the effort to defeat every action of interest to the workers. This too is indi- rectly revealed by the editorial from which we have been quoting, te it ends with the statement at: “Not without sacrifice of de- finite and large proportions, the newspapers in many instances have carried on this policy (of lying and suppressing the news —H. B). The editor of one southern Ilinois newspaper, in speaking of what he and his neighboring publishers are: doing and will continue to do is quoted as saying, ‘we are fighting like damn fools, and it’s costing like hell? This means that more and more workers are realizing that the capitalist papers are full of lies. It means that capitalist papers are losing circulation in consequence. But that they will continue to take these comparatively smaller losses in order that they may save their wealth and the wealth of their masters by putting over their program hunger at | making certain small moves for- | least creating some of the pre- | the composition of this conference; DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 2: Letters from Our Readers DOES NOT AGREE WITH CRITICISM OF “DAILY” Brooklyn, N.Y. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: In connection with a letter writ-~ ten by Robert Basrak, Jan. 13th, I disagree with his criticism -that the circulation of the Daily Worker is retarded because the quality of the paper is poor and it’s being printed in small type. I do not think the Evening Journal psper is any better than the Daily Work- er. The Daily Worker is a workers’ paper publishing nothing but the truth. And what do the New York Times publish on a better kind of paper? Nothing but lies to keep the masses in ignorance, subjection and slavery. ‘To increase the circulation of the Daily Worker is by distributing, which is the. only way. When in the subway I never fail to leave the paper after I finish reading.. I dis- tribute the paper among shop- mates, friends, in department stores, in schools and everywhere Possible. It may be a good idea to collect back numbers of the Daily. Worker and distribute at the'factory gate, R..R., ferry docks, in restaurants during luch .hour, etc. I disagree with Comrade Bas- rak about the foreign news in the Daily Worker. Does he. not see the excellent column. of . news printed every. day in the first col- umn of the third page? —AMS. 19 33 DEFEAT CLASS VENGEANCE AGAINST HERNDON ~By Burck The Chief Tasks of the Communist Parties-- Communist vanguard, arid the revolutionaty trade union move- ment, however, has not since the Eleventh Plenum. of. the: E.C.C.I. succeeded in rousing the majority of the working class to the strug- gle against the unceasing attacks of capital. The chief cause of the insufficient development of eco- nomic struggles is the still unsat~ isfactory application of the line of independent leadership of eco- nomic struggles, on the basis of the tactics of the united front from below, in the underestimation of partial struggles, In the weak con- tacts with the masses in the fac- tories. and: among the unemployed, in the weakening of revolutionary positions inside the reformist trade unions, in the inability to expose the maneuyers of the reformist trade union bureaucrats, in capitu- lation to reformist trade union bureaucrats,’ openly or concealed by “left” phrases. On the basis of the experience of all the. big strike movements, since the Eleventh Plenum of the E.C.C.I. and in view of certain new objective difficulties that have ar- isen, and also the new and grow- ing ‘possibilities, the Communist Parties, which while being aniong the masses must always march at the head of the masses, must organize the struggle-of the prolee tariat for the smallest’ every: day demands of, the workers, must be ready quickly to take the leadership of all forms of the spontaneous movement against the capitalist offensive, and to raise thé: political level of the movement, extending the partial fights of the proletariat to the greatest possible extent and directing them along the. chan- nel of the mass political strike. —From 12th Plenum Resolution on Economic Struggles. Lenin Said-- «AND I continue to insist that we start real contacts: only with the aid of @ common newspaper, as a single; Tegular, All-Russian — enterprise,....which will summarize the-results, of all the diverse forms of activity and thereby stimulate.our. peo- ple to march forward-untiringly along all the innumerable paths which lead to the revolution in the same way as all “toads lead to Rome.” Smash Sectarianism -- Penetrate the Factories c Summary Speech by Earl Browder at the Chicago Shop Conference, January 1, 1933. IT is clear from the discussion of this conference and the contri- | bution of the conference that we are not standing still. We are ward in shop work, or we are at conditions for a move forward. You see IT am not boasting very much about. what. we have accomplished: However, whén we examine’some of we can say that out of 75 or 80 registered for this conference, about two-thirds are ctly connected with the work of some particular factory, and about one-third are working in factories, or are only recently unemployed, still are very close to the inside work of their particular factory. This already gave us the foundation which pro- vided us with a better discussion of shop problems than I have heard before. When I say better, it has to be taken in relation with very bad discussions that we have always had on shop work. CONDITIONS EXIST FOR RAPID DEVELOPMENT OF MASS STRUG- GLES IN SHOPS However, when we examine thé improvement of the work in con- nection with the shop, one thing stands out clearly in almost every report, that the increased activities of the workers in the shops is to a great extent spontaneous, not the result of our organized stimulation and leadership. That the up-swing of the activity of the workers in the shop is greater the: im- provement of our work, and that really we are lagging behind in re- lation to the workers in the shop even more than before. When we hear all of the reports that are made about the conditions of the part-time workers, the stagger sys- tem workers who constitute a very large proportion of the so-called employed working class, it becomes clear that in the shop there are rapidly developing a condition for a mass strike movement, mass struggles. We have been moving in that direction since the begin- ning of the crisis. We never fell under that right-wing ‘Trotskyite theory that workers will not strike during times of crises. We knew it was not so and we orientated ourselves to strikes, and the strike struggles have grown with the deepening of the crisis. Today we must say the develop- ment of these conditions which drive workers into strike struggles are intensifying so rapidly, that during the year 1933, we must ex- pect to have great mass strike struggles far surpassing any that took place in 1932. There are thousands of issues of struggle ac- cumulating in the shops, and the combination of all these causes for struggle together with that great outstanding cause, that the work- ers in the shops are actually facing conditions of eviction, the loss of all of the ordinary means of life, and starvation of themselves and their families, even while they are on the job. PERSPECTIVE FOR DEVELOPING STRIKE MOVEMENT FOR UNEM- PLOYMENT INSURANCE These conditions are not only preparing the masses for economic struggles in the usual sense and on a larger scale, they are giving a necessary political character to these mass strike struggles. And it is no longer a fantastic utopian idea for us to begin to speak about the possibilities of the development of a strike movement of the work- ers in the bankrupt industry for the demand of unemployment in- surance. We are having now mat- uring the objective conditions for a real joint struggle of employed and unemployed, for unemployment in- surance, in which we will have not only the actions of the unemployed on the streets, but around that the strike action of the employed from the . In my opinion we should be thinking about this pos- sible development and without any undue haste, we should be prepar- ing in our minds, discussing among ourselves, in just what form we can hasten the maturing: of such @ movement and bring it to real-- ization. Certainly our work in the shone as yet is far too weak and too scattered and too fragmentary to give us any immediate basis for practical proposals for action of this sort. But given even a few months of energetic and correct work. in the factories and the con- solidation of our growing influence in organizational form, this may. rapidly be changed. LIVING CONTACT WITH THE WORKERS To the extent that our work is improving in the. shops, it shows itself most clearly in our growing understanding of the methods and forms of workers’ democracy, of a close consolidation between the Party and the non-Party workers, in the joint working out of de- mands and grievances. Growing from ‘this is better connection be- tween leadership and masses, a growing initiative from the lower organizations of the Party and trade unions and growing mass initiative, liquidation of the buro- cratic methods of leadership from above by decree and the develop- ment of organic leadership which has less of the artificial about it, @ more living contact with the masses. In this effort. which we are making to get close and intimate contacts with. the miasses of the workers, to form the basis of their immediate’ needs, even the smallest of these needs, we can see that we also have to guard against certain distortions of this line. These dis- tortions take the form of a certain narrow practicalism or a certain tendency to set up economic ques- tions as against political questions, to exclude political questions, and to set the smallest economic de- mands not as the path to the larger and greater demands, but to the exclusion of the larger demands. CONNECTING UP IMMEDIATE NEEDS WITH BROADER POLITICAL ISSUES We must guard against this natrowing-down tendency, which, if allowed to develop inevitably leads toward the grosser devel- opments of opportunism. It already has been spoken in the discussion, how this tendency sees the raising of political questions in the shop work as an obstacle to the develope ment of our influence and organi- zation. This is not true. This is a completely wrong idea, that the raising of political avestions. even of the highest grade of political questions, high politics, international politics, are obstacles to the penetration to the shops. On the contrary, I will say that it is impossible to thoroughly mobil- ize the workers in the shops if we ignore these high political questions. ‘We must take up these political questions. We must bring the fight against the war danger in the shops. We must take up all of the questions of the international antagonisms. Especially we must bring out the role of the Soviet Union. We must raise the issue of China in our shop work. The ques- tion is HOW we do it. Not whether we shall raise these questions or whether we shail not raise them. ‘We must raise them. But the ques- tion is how. It is quite true that the usual method of raising these questions does not help the work in the shops. But this is merely because we do not handle these questions in the correct manner, We bring them abstractly. We bring them forward as substitutes for the questions that are closer to the workers. We bring them for- ward in the wrong way. It is the proper linking up of the shop questions with the larger questions that is the problem that we have to solve. And the solution of this question is not hastened by ruling the political questions out of consideration in the work of the shop unit. On the contrary. LACK OF ATTENTION TO NEGRO WORKERS Another outstanding weakness of our shop work is the vo our Negro work in relation to the shops. and/ trade unions. In the unemployed work, I think it is possible to say we have made some in winning the Negro masses to participation in the struggles and into our organize- and winning the white work- f ers for the struggle for Negro { rights. But this progress is not to | be seen, to any similar extent, in winning Negroes into the trade unions, and in winning the Negroes in the shops. This is not because the Negro workers are entively out | of shops—it would be absolutely untrue to raise the question in this form. Although the percentage of unemployment among Negroes i: much greater than among whites, this does not remove the prob- lems of the Negro workers in shops. | This is a question which, for us, has a significance far beyond that of merely winning a certain number | of workers. We attach far greater significance to even ‘winning a small number of Negro workers for active participation in our trade unions, in our shop struggles, than to any similar number of other workers. Because the Negro ques- tion is today one of the key ques- tions for the breaking of the im- Perialist ruling machine. In the Negro question we have one of the weak points in the armor of Amer- | ican imperialism, where the devel- opinent of struggle registers .with ten-fold effectiveness in creating difficulties for the capitelist class and improves our chance of ad- vancement. OUR STRUGGLE AGAINST SOCIAL FASCISM ‘Then, too, that aspect of politi- calizing our shop work, which is represented by the struggle against social fascists, against the Socialist Party and the Musteites, the A. F. of L. leadership, renegades, etc. It is quite true, as some comrade said, that this has been neglected in the discussion, As work in the shops comes to a higher stage of strug- gle, we are inevitably faced with the problem of struggle against the social fascists, and that it can be so much neglected shows the low | wrong approach. to explain all of our shortcomings in the shop work on the grounds that our Party members are afraid to work in the shops, that they are cowardly, they are not suffi- ciently ready to sacrifice them- selves. This tendency tries to find the answer to our weaknesses by methods of shaming our Party members and driving them into more intense activities. That is the The other and opposite kind of wrong approach is the conception that one must not be active at all, one must conceal oneself so thoroughly as to remove all possibility of discharge and thereby remove all activity and possible influence in the shop. These two wrong approaches are opposites, but they both achieve the same result.. In the last case it is clear nothing happens in the shop. We have had many .shops where we had shop nuclei for the past six or seven years. Nothing ever happened there. The mem- bership of the nuclei have never changed uniess somebody died. No new members were recruited, no leaflets were issued, no shop papers, and if there were any, it was some- thing written outside the shop and the workers did not respond. Such shop nuclei are worse than useless because if we did not have them we would recognize we would have to find some new workers there, and we would establish the new nucleus that would live and grow. But as long as we have this nu- cleus on the records we refer the shop questions to this nucleus. Nor, is it any use to merely drive our comrades into action. In most cases we will find that the lack of activities can be overcome by show- ing the comrades how to become active and how to do the work. And also, to show the comrades that we do take seriously the ques- tion of maintaining our unit in the development of eur shep work. Surely, one cannot speak of win- ning the miners of Illinois without speaking of an intense struggle against social fascism every step of the way. Neither can one speak of progressing very far even in those industries which are entirely unor- ganized, except in terms of meet- ing and defeating the influence of the social fascists. There will never be a.time when our work progresses to large mass activities in thi 2 industries that the social fa: will not appear. They will spout in a very strong positicn, because they come in not alone on the besis of getting among the workers them- selves, but they come in with the cooperation and assistance of our class enemies, the bosses. The con- quest of the shops by our forces can only be accomplished as 2 result of the defeat of the A. F. of L, and the S. P. ECH SHOP CALLS FOR SPECIFIC METHODS OF WORK It is correct, as one comrade re- marked, that we have given insuf- ficient attention to the different | aspeects of the preblem of ‘large shops and small shops. Perhays it would be a little more ccrrect to say between. centralized, trustified industries, especially the industries of mass. production, on the one hand, and the small competitive in- dustry, on the other hand. The conditions of penetrating shops in these two main categories are quite different. The methods whereby str: shop. When we do not take up ceriously, with real Bolshevik seri- ousness the problem of safeguard- ing the unit in the shop, then we achieve the same end as in shop units which exist for years and do nothing, since in such cases, our unit is destroyed by ill-planned activity and lack of safeguard. One can therefore say that in ‘most cases our best shop units are still those that live the shortest length of time, and those that live the longest are the most useless. We “tye this contradiction., We must find some way to give our rood active up's a loner life. It is intolerable where we have condi- tions that a shop unit has an active life of one ‘or two months. As soon as it begins to work it is destroyed by the enemy. SAFEGUARDING OUR MEMBERS IN THE SHOPS We must learn how to safeguard the existence of the shop nuclei, not by stopping them from working, but by giving them the correct forms of work and giving them safeguards. One of the ‘worst erimes is 2 careless altitude toward ‘he safeavardin™ of our wovk.. We have to realize that we are illegal in the factories, even though we Hill maintain eertain le-ales in the streets and elections. In the factories we are absolutely illegal, and it is entirely necessary to get the same devre2 of attention to pre- serve our units from destruction by stool pigeons, shop spies,’ etc., ‘as ot og we can wrgonize win | we $0, Hhesytnest tmp ei bag Ct gs | A a ‘2 | polities! questions of the : Party. heedis tredos choos, wives us very | We have to take it with the same little to go by it ‘kling the sicel seriovsr-ss. thet we wou'd of 7 industiy-—very They give us very little guidance in the penetra- tion of the automo’ industry, The tactics and strategy of eco- nomic struggles in these small de- centralized indusiries to a large degree cannot be followed in the development of the Struggles in large trustificd give more at the coneret> be celved in and inde: SOME WRONG TENDENCIES IN OUR SHOP WORK I think it is necessary to point out two wrong ways to approach shop work which one meets every- where. First, there is a tendency preparations for a strike or other major class battles. We must study and learn the methods of conspirative work in the shops. The safeguarding of membership rolls, the safeguarding of contects and 2) the techniave of hiding el from the boss with- the existence of. our 2 from the workers. The ing is to heve a shop ‘c; sd not throunh its shen, tiv.by bet merely through expos- ures by siccl pigeons. It is quite true that the derrse of spy systems in the factories is greatly exaggerated. The spy sys- tems are much smaller than the general popular idea gives them credit for. And if we were ~ ly approaching the could defeat most of the efforts of these spy agents. It is not impos- sible to meet them and defeat them, but as long as we neglect them, as we do now, they will con- tinue to spread the impression that the spy system is a hghly invin- cible, terroristic organization. We can only break this fear of the spies by really taking up the strug- gle against spies very, very seri- ously. A POISONOUS CONCEPTION FOR OUR MOVEMENT Then, I would give special men~ tion to the necessity of struggle against this idea that the workers in the shops have not starved enough yet, that after they have starved @ little bit more maybe they will fight. This idea abso- lutely separates us ffom the work- ers. You can not organize work- ers when your reaction -to, wage cuts is “good for him.” This is a very degenerate form of opportun- istic leftism. It is just running away from the problems of the struggle of the working class. This idea is poison to our movement. Such ideas will destroy any ‘organi- zation of the workers unless they are immediately challenged and driven out. We have to declare an intolerant war against the attitude that we get satisfaction out of the misfortunes of the workers. Our attitude’ toward every reduction’ of relief, reduction of wages, worsen- ing of conditions has got to be an attitude of anger, rave, hatred against the bossés and demand for immediate action of iano against it. HOW INITIAL GROUPS CAN CONTINUE TO LIVE AND GROW The next problem. Several com- rades have pointed out that we have to a certain degree learned how to make contacts in some fac- tories and built up small groups that grew to a certcin point. Thy we were not able to pass that point and the groups stagnate, fall apart and disappear.* What is this prob-- lem? This problem ‘is essentially that of learning how to politicalize our small beginnings of organiza- tion, and make them the center of mass interest ‘and real activity inside the shop. If in a shop of 1,000 workers you build up a‘ group of 4, 10, 15, 18, 25,.the moment you begin to get in those numbers you can no longer feed the members of that group, merely with» the me- chanical task of increasing its size. The movement. can grow beyond this first’ initial. stage, the first small grouping, only if we immedi- ateley find the. political activities for this group whereby they will feel they are affecting the masses of the entire ‘factory. If we'don’t find that, then this group will stop growing and it will disappear or will stagnate and. become. inactive. This means to find the issues of struggle in that. factory and to raise these issues before the main body of workers in the factory. Every fae- tory group that has learned, how to do this has continued to live and grow. ,It is when a factory group does not leara how to do this that it stagnates and declines. - SHOP PAPERS HELP TO EXTEND INFLUENCE IN FACTORIES ~ The lack of attention to this prob- lem is shown in the lack of attention to the shop papers. What are the shop papers? They ere the ste sttuments for ~c fie of a shep group and extending tts influence to a mass of workers. Our shop papers are too much looked upon in a routine and mechanice) fashion; we dtaw an abstract table of contents that should be put into this. paper as if we were producing a national news bulletin of some kind. But a shop paper is not worth anything at all if it is merely to carry general news of the move- ‘ment, general agitation and rra-7- ganda of the movement in the shop; that cen be don? much betisr by our. pamphlets end th: Deily Worker—much. better., ‘Th: shop contributes in the speciiic raising of the issues of the shop, and the link- ing up of the shop life with the larger political situation. DEVELOPING WORKERS’ CORRESPONDENCE After the shop paper, comes the we | use of. the language press and espe- cially the Daly Worker in connec- tion with the shops. In this.respect, the future development, of our shop work’ depends upon a much more systematic and energetic. develop- ment of . workers’ correspondence dealing with shop problems, shop conditions, shop struggles and their relation to the trade union life, and the unemployed councils.: We hope that it will be possible in the next month or two to show. 2 decisive change in respect to workers corre- spondence in the Daily Worker and in all of the language press. If we can’t do this, we.can not make the turn towards shop ,work. Every comrade who wished tobe taken seriously as a shop worker, or as one who contributes in any serious way to our shop work,;,must set himself the task to be a-worker- correspondent; that is,.sénd in to one of our papers-or many of our papers, periodically, a certain num~ ber of stories about: shop: events, shop struggles, shop conditions. A definite task should be undertaken in this respect. Each “one: should assume the responsibility. of send- ing in once or twice a week, or if that is too much, once. two weeks, at least one small itém, 100 to 300 words, a third to a'full type- written sheet of paper—that is. all. BUILDING THE DAILY WORKER IN THE SHOPS Having improved the contents of the Daily Worker, we have to ex- tend the circulation of it “and. of all of our language pfess. The problem of our press “is “also the problem of penetration of the’ shops and the dealing with shop problems in such a way as to transform these papers into necessary instruments for anyone who wants-to-do shop work. The coming campaign.of the Daily Worker for circillation and for sustaining funds, “Which is going to be one of the niajor tasks of the Party beginning in January, is a task which we nist sucteed in or we are not going to Have'a Daily Worker, This campaign must be carried through, not. mefély. as a routine monsy-raising aciivity, but as a political activity in.connection with unemployment andour shoo and trade union work, One means of making the best, possible use of these shop work. conferences is to begin the trai lormation - sof our papers; in this” , that the best contributions to the discussion, of which we have a fairly satisfactory stenographic record, should in my opinion be publ'shed-in the Daily Worker end as much of ‘them as possible in the press, over a period of three. or four weeks. I think this will probably” Be done, and I hope everybody :will- ler- stand the great value of -printing these records of our and of continuing the: discussion, mak- ing this conference the beginning of a broad discussion involving all members of the Party. Red Unions and all friendly workers sreeciae tions( a real mass Sigeueaipn of problems of shop work. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THe SHOP CONFERNCES This conference and> : a similar conference being held in New York is an example of how., Party solves very difficult - “eompli- cated problems. We cannot solve these problems by decrees from above, by resolutions of. Cen- tral Committee of Polbu: r Sec- reteria', by 2 gevtcs of? SC OnE, through a civsuler letéér,-.Ohe’ of the wecl:nc:s3s in -thaapast has been our reliatice ousuch biireau- cratic methods of sclyinz difacuit problzms like shop works It is quite clear, in ordar to solve, these problems, we have to eréate con- ditions for collective work of ail the leading members of the Party end through them ‘a lerge= section of the workers—these confevences: are ts are going tor 12 how work; “1 to Tata the vibes! that Bs | end in the prociss of leaming ‘thew to work ourselves end how selves solve these probletiis, ‘we are also learning th proper” EER of guidance and leadership eit ae en- tite working cuss ae stfuggles that are Bie soluiicu 0