The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 21, 1933, Page 6

— VAILY WORKBR, Nily 2 — orker © Date BSA D ] Sontedt Poblished by the Gempredaily Publishing Co., Ins., daily exeept Sunday, of 1B. 3th &t., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 4-705. Cable “DAIWORE.” "Address end mall cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St,, Mew Yerk, W. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION marEE: ae Consde: One year, $9; © months, $5; § months, 33 ~ Smash the Southern = Slave-Code! most cruel and brazen violation of the most elementary political and human rights of the Negro people and the white toilers, has in the sa ‘peen again brought to ligh mauris of the Georgia slave ‘erganizer of the Unemployed @tarvation in Atlanta. ‘In order to get rid of Herndon, the b have brought forward the @ld Georgia law of 1861, designed to crush insurrections. The law under Which Herndon was convicted carries with it the death penalty. “Leniency” pf the court consists in having the adopted state of President-elect Roose- ge sentence imposed by the Herndon, 19-year old Negro Tuggle against elt, Georgia, sentence Herndon to death by torture on a chain gang Mnstead of death in the electric chair. Seveniy years after the Civil War, after the adoption of the thirte fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution, s roy slave insti- 0) 1e old code to crush people. This in tutions, the ruling clas: = growing national libe le-year of 1933, in the year w it-elect Roose felt is prattling about jea slave code— the “new deal” of Pre le enlightened” racy! “The forgotten r @he-second home state of the “The frame-up of Herndor most acute misery of the Negr ang. throughout the Sout tmaiking the streets, job! @nd@-oppressioin, the cha‘ ed the lyncher’s rope == Into this situation came the C all to resist starvation and opp! ey unfurled the banner of ‘wtruggle for jobless insurance, for immediate relief to the unemployed, for ‘@QMal rights for the Negroes and self-determination for the Black Belt. ‘Th the struggle for these demands, Negro and white organized together ‘for the first time in Georgia and the South, realizing that this unity for Struggle was the only way out of capitalist misery In the face of this growing resistance of the masses, the growing “mtity of Negro and white, the bos: re forced to grant some demands | Which cost money. They began to cast about for some means to crush *bis movement, which had become a thorn in the sides of the vulers, tent on carrying through their program of rvation and feuda’ oppres- sion. ‘eeeThey sought to behead the movement. They determined ‘*o get rid *gf-the leader of the unemployed, young Angelo Herndon. Thu: this Negro Wd was indicted on the basis of the old Georgia code, and forced “@estand trial for his life =“These sinister intentions of the white rulers were openly admitted im-the trial of Herndon. The crime the prosecution charged Angelo with (Was that he had organized Negro and white workers together in the gle for relief; that, as a Communist, he had led a struggle for equal Wights and the right of self determination for the Negro people. | “In this cynical and brutal sentence of the southern slave drivers is nyglved the elementary rights for freedom of speech and assembly, the sight.to organize—of the workers and the Negro people of the South. The sbhignce against Herndon shows that the ruling classes will not hesitate 40-trample in bloody dust these elementary rights in order to maintain the-system of national oppression of the Negro people and the robbery ofthe white toilers. Once again it is shown, as in the frame-up of the nine Scottsboro boys, as in the murderous terror against the Negro share croppers in Alabema, as in the case of the Atlanta six—Negro and white working- Glass leaders jailed on the same charge—as in the vicious sentences against the Tampa strikers, that ruling class justice in the South is slave justice, i§tynch justice, carried over and maintained as an integral part of im- sperialist rule. sau2The struggle for the freedom of Angelo Herndon is a struggle for the sight, to live of the toilers of the South. .,the workers must answer this challenge by a mighty movement of 3¢ and exposure, by a nation-wide campaign of mass action against whe Georgia slave code, against the chain-gang system, and against the qwhole system of robbery and oppression of the white workers and the masses. e.<The struggle for the release of Herndon must be made a focal point amthe fight against lynch-terror in the South—for the freedom of the Scottsboro boys, the Tallapoosa share croppers, the Tampa and other prisoners of the white rulers. The broadest masses of the workers must ‘be reached in this struggle. In «Jl meetings of the workers, this question ™iust be brought to the forefront. We must reach the masses in the reformist organizations, the American Federation of Labor, the Socialist Party, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and others, developing whole movement around the slogans: 1. Immediate, unconditional release of Angelo Herndon 2. Defeat the Georgia Slave Code of 1861 8. The right of free speech, press and open meetings, and the right @t Negro and white workers to organize together in struggle against starvation and oppression. _ 4 The right of the Communist Party and other working class organi- mations to legal existence. “8. Abolition of chain-gang system - Unconditional freedom for the Atlanta Six! In gangs of Warm ake and whi the s abando: thousands ff; over and above all this misery hotguns of the murder terrorists, Y organizers with a clear Three Former Lovestonites ~ Re-Admitted Into Party A loon the renegade Lovestone group as a whole (whatever insignifi- -@ant role it still may play), having begun as a right-wing deviation, ig Over into an open agency of the enemies of the working class, ‘some’ of its former adherents are still, even at this late hour, seeking and ®uding a way back into the fighting of the Communist Party. es + First revolting against the counter-revolutionary activities of the Senegades and breaking away from any organizational connections with ‘herh, then taking part in the everyday struggles of the workers under @Hedeadership and guidance of the Communist Party, correcting them- and showing their “reformation” in deeds (not only in words), Plater thus can become eligible for re-admission into the Communist rome * Thus three of former Lovestoneites, Sam Cohen, A. Guss and Kather- tae: *Coles have gained re-admission into the Party through the accept- @fiee ‘of their applications by the Chi District Bureau, although Sam. and A. Guss had at one time ed even on the “National Coun- of the renegades T is interesting to note what t eyenegades in their statemer = Sam Cohen, active in the } about the Lovestone 4 Trades "workers Industrial Union, national can only be to oppose “The role of the ‘oppositi Communist International in its historic task of rallying the workers ‘id-wide struggle. Right here in this country we see definite in- where the Right Opposition orientated toward Muste, Levin, _ the Socialist Party ‘militants’, but always against the Party. They ade official public appeals against the Party to the central com- of bourgeois liberalism, the Civil Liberties Union, headed by the Sli nett everywhere: One year, $6; etx months, 98.50; $ months, $8; 1 ment, és aeopting Boreesh of Manhatten end Bronz, New York City. Foreign and | background of the | ate of Georgia | of workers {| | to talk over maiters. ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- manent Contacts With the Workers. The Twelfth Plenum Resolu- tions of the Communist Interna- tional emphasizes that the main link to win the American workers for decisive class battles, ty the development of struggles around thelr elementary needs. The re- cent Shop Conference fn New York and Chicago should be utilized by every member of the Party and trade unions to inm- prove the contents and methods of our work in the factores. We urge all comrades to send in articles on the basis of their own experiences, as well-as questions on problems which confront them—which will be answered in this column. ORGANIZATION ENCE; PACKINGHOUSE CENTER WISH to speak about the ex- periences in a packinghouse center. It is a city which has about 5,000 population, mostly packing- house workers. We have there two larger corporations, and some small independent plants. In one of the small plants a wage cut of 15 to 20 per cent was an- nounced. These workers were members of the AFL. They ex- pressed their willingness, however, We issued. a leaflet on the facts we obtained | and we visited the workers again. Baldwin.” ; group has given birth to the Katherine Coles says: revolutionary movement. (T WAYNE, Ind. Jan. 20.— attempt to try to defeat the of the workers against. hun- ing made by a gang of busi- and agents of the railroad who call themselves the Wayne (Chamber of Labor.” im the object of their organ- to be: “the unification of ac- all individuals and organiza- who aim to educate their fel- in the industrial, commer- the statement of A. Guss with the many other enemies of the Party. joining hands with Lefkowitz of the Teachers Union and Daniels Socialist Party to fight me at the National ‘Tom Mooney Confer- b Is before me as a living reminder of the truth of this statement.” “It did not take me long to realize the and role of the Lovestone group, whose main orientation was right and away from the Party. In many instances this policy was in an open fight against the Party, jointly with other enemies ‘This position was clearly shown in the “Tt is no accident that the Love- Millers and others, who today join The picture of Bert —CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION, ©. P., U. 8. A. NEW ANTI-LABOR MOVE cial and political fields, that there shall be equality of opportunity for all to. perform .some form of useful service to humanity and receive therefrom a just and equitable re- turn for services rendered.” All this is an introduction to ® proposal to introduce a scrip plan which will enable workers on relief jobs to get rations from certain stores only that hand out garbage for such “fiat mor They agreed to come together in a house. We discussed the prob- Jems and found that they want a real union. The main qeition they raised is that our organiza~ tion is aaginst religion and that they don’t think they can belong to an organization which is fight- ing religion. They also raised the question of Communism. ewe URING the discussion which lasted about three hours we ex- | plained to them that one can be @ member of the union without | being a Communist, or giving up his religious beli¢fs as long as he is willing to organize to fight for his immediate demands. After this meeting they raised certain ques- tions as to wage cuts and other grievances. They pointed out that they are no longer getting paid time and a half for overtime. They felt that they could not get the previous wages, but that they could get the overtime back to time and a half. se We decided to call another meet- ing and at this meeting we had seven workers and they decided to organize the workers in their de- partment mainly on the issue of overtime. In the next meetings we had already 20 workers. The question raised by them was that the day before they worker fifteen minutes overtime without getting paid for it. We decided to demand the overtime back. We | had a strong group organized in the department arid they felt that this department can win the over- time back. The next day they were told by the manager to work overtime and the committee which they elected at the meeting told them that they would work only if they got their overtime pay. They started talking to the workers and after about five or ten minutes they got their overtime pay. WHEN the question of the com- munity chest came up. The workers were told they had to pay thirty cents a week for something like six months, this would have amounted to seven or eight dollars, which they were to. give*to the chest. All the workers were against it. ‘This issue was discussed and decided to refuse to contribute to the Community Chest. ‘The de- partment group decided to mobilize other departments to stop pay~ ment to the community chest. The result was that during two time they prepared this work, ‘When the manager, the represen- tative from the community chest came to ask for donations, every worker told him they were not go- ing to pay. The result was’ that, with the exception of a few, all the workers refused to pay. ‘Thru these partial struggles, we were able to establish organization in three departments. Now they have three department committees, and representatives from all .the others. Only @ few days ago when one workers was fired they were able to stop the firing. Sixty workers walked out; they sald if you fire this workers, we refuse to work. ‘They insisted they would not go back to work if the worker was fired. o,.0, | ¢ WHESE workers are-all old-timers. About a dozen of them partici- pated in the AFL. strike in 1921- 22, They now decided to establish groups in the big plants. ‘WEAKNESSES But we have a few weaknesses, While we have fifty workers in these plants we haven't one Party member in the plants. We are taking steps to get members—a few of the best in the group — into the Party. ‘THESE partial victories have help- ed, and there is talk going on among the workers for our move- ment. The A. F. of L. has mem- bers in only one department in one of the big plants. In other departments there are quite a large number of Negro workers who are all for our organization. Through concentrating on one specific shop, will give us the possibility of es- tablishing organizations in the other plants, EXPERI-| Vita, GALLAUAL, JAS ~By Burck The Hoover- Roosevelt (Editorial) War Conferences IGHT imperialist war NOW! " No more sinister evidence of the political preparation for imperialist war by the Wall Street government has come to light than the confeence between President-elect Roosevelt and President Hoover. with Treasury Mills in attendance. The powerful newspapers of the democrat and republican wings of government state in so many words that © mr this, and other conferences, is designed to SECURE CONTINUITY OF FOREIGN POLICY. With impericlist wars raging in the Far East and in South America, with the war debts issue making a rallying point for debtor nations against Wall Street’s pro- gram; with the United States in the fourth year of an economic crisis which has, in a its prestige abroad; with the great and growing dis- illusionment and discontent of millions of workers and farmers with capitalism; with the radicalization of the toiling section of the population expressing itself in many new forms of struggle in the cities and countryside, American imperialist govern- ment is in no position to afford the lux- | uries of even the normal frictions and dis- putes over tactical and administrative questions in the field of foreign policy. The Roosevelt-Hoover conferences are steps in the direction of a campaign for “the unity of the nation”, which means unity of the capitalist class at the top, and subjugation of the masses below. In older imperialist. nations like Great Britain it has been taken for granted for decades that no matter what changes took place in. parliament, the Foreign Oftice and the Admiralty carried on, i. e. main- tained “continuity of foreign (and co- large measure, weakened lonial) policy.” = * HE ship of the Pacific area. The Roosevelt-Hoover conferences will try to meet this challenge. But essentially the question before them is the question of class relationships—the line of struggle to be adopted against the mass upsurge in China, against the proletarian dictatorship in ‘the Soviet Union, against the American working class and its reyolutionary leader- ship—the Communist Party. The question is that of the war program and how best increasing power of the Soviet Union and the spread of the Chinese revolution. present American imperialism | with fundamental problems, quite asidé from the fact that its Japanese rival has made the challenge of war for the ruler- cretary of State Stimson and Secretary of the Wall Street to put it ever and popularize it—to se- cure “a unified nation behind the presi- dent.” Says the New York Times (Democrat) | editorially: “.. . Japan’s real attitude and determined purposes are not a pretense. The position taken by our government, and now accepted for himself by President- elect Roosevelt, is one that the Japanese government is obviously prepared to con- test and undermine. This must be per- teztly clear to President-elect Roosevelt and his advisers. It thus requiied on his part no little courage to announce that he is ready to go on with an effort and a polic> which are certain net only to be | treubled but troublemaking.” Says the New York Evening Post (Re- publican) editorially “We must say we are glad that Mr. Hoover and Mr. Rocsevelt are to come to- gether again .. . Mr. Hoover may have something to communicate to him in re- sponse to the President elect’s willingness to hear of actual developments . . . what- ever the purpose of the meeting, the coun- try should feel some new reassurance over the fact that another sensible step is to be taken along the path of mutual under- standing between the incoming and outgo- ing administrations,” * * * * EHIND the Hooyer-Roosevelt confer- ences is the powerful hand of Wall | Street imperialism. In these conferences it is hammering out its war policy. ‘ We urge all workers to read—or read again—the statement on imperialist war and the call to action against it issued by the Central Committee of the Communist | Party of the United States and published | January 18 jn the Daily Worker—we call on all workers, toiling farmers and work- ing class organizations to put into life the methods of struggle detailed in th’s call to action. The Central Committee call to ac- tion has now been published as a leaflet. Order it and distribute it among workers everywhere! Imperialist. war is 4 fact! World im- perialist war is being organized in Wash- ington! TERROR IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS By HELEN MARCY. 'RISANTO EVANGELISTA, lead- er of the Communist Party of the Philippine Islands, and Guil- Jermo Capadocia, militant trade union leader, have already been incarcerated in the medieval jail of Pasig, Rizal, to serve a three- month to one-year sentence on Sedition charges, after which they will be banished to mountain prov- inces for eight years each. Evangelista, after hearing his sentence read, made an |impas- sioned speech attacking the class character of the Supreme Court’s decision against the working class leaders. (Soon to be published. in pamphlet form by the International Labor Defense.) Judge Zanduetta had him seized-and dragged into jail when he exposed the alliance of the nationalist bourgeoisie with American imperialism. His cries of “Long Live Communism,” could be heard by the workers outside the jail_as he was taken to his cell. The wholesale arrests and long terms given the entire cen- of the Communist Party, the suppression of the Na- on pest NIE THE Geen of agents-provocateurs and the revolutionists to give evidence as | ists on trial. weaver, Alexayev. Now read on: vo “Do you think we do not see that all around us people are en riching themselves and making merry at our expense? Do you think we do not understand’ why | We are Valued so cheaply and where the fruits of our intolerable labor go? Why are the others able to live luxuriously, without toil? Whence -come their riches? The working people, although living in primitive conditions and until now without education, regard this as a tempo- rary evil; and they think the same about political power which has been temporarily usurped by force.” THE WAY OUT. What was the way out? P. Alex- eyev declared that first of all it was necessary to overthrow the autocracy, which was on the side of the capitalists. Considering that the ideas of. Bakunin, who repudi- ated the struggle for political liber- ties, predominated at that time, the idea expressed by Alexeyey was a bold innovation. “The Russian working people,” he said in conclusion, “can rely only upon itself; it can expect help from no one except the young in- tellectuals .. . (the President in- terrupts—“Be silent”). Only they are willing to march inseparably with us until the muscular arms of millions of working people are raised... . (the President shouts: “Be silent!”), Alexeyev, raising his v «and the yoke.of despot~ ism which is upheld by soldiers’ bayonets, will be reduced to dust.’ According to a lawyer who was present at the. trial, Alexéyev’s speeche produced such a powerful impression on the public and even on his guards that they were all dumbfounded. “If,” sald the at- torney, “Alexeyev had faced about and left the dock, nobody would have stopped him, so astonished were they all.” poi Peter Alexeyev’s speech for many decades was circulated in thous- ands of copies as a fine agitational Pamphlet. ATTACK AT TRIAL. From the revolutionists of the “i0’s the Bolsheviks inherited. revolu- tionary “courage and detérmination. | Like them, the Bolsheviks,when on | trial, did not “defend” themselves, but attacked. But in addition they introduced something new, that reflected the complicated condi- tions of the political life of Russia of the twentieth century. It was sufficient ‘to hurl ‘biting criticism’ against the political regime anc the exploitation of Russian capi- talism, It was essential at the trial to unfold the program and tactics of the Bolsheviks, and to distin- guish them from the programs and tactics of the other. illegal revo- lutionary ‘parties. The Public Pro- secutor in his indictment swept. all Farties into one heap from the point of view of the statutes of the criminal code which provided pen- alties for “those who sirive to over throw, in the more or less distant future, the existing order.” From the point of view of the prosecutor, the Bolsheviks, the Socialist Revo- lutionaries and the Mensheviks were all “criminals,” some more dangerous, others less, the differ- ence being only in degree, so ‘to speak. Under these circumstances the Bolshevik’s task in court was a camplicated one. His speech at the trial had to be a political speech, in which he had to trace very clear- ly the program, the tacti¢és and current political tasks of the Party. The Bolshevik on trial was not so much expected to make a fine ovation as to formulate the Party position, This is precisely the main trait revealed by the Bolsheviks who had to stand trial on the eve of the first which most clearly illustrate these traits; the speech of Leon Gold- man, who was arrested in connec- tion with the Kishenev illegal printing plant of the newspaper ‘Iskra,’ and the speech of Bogdan Knunyantz, arrested in connection with the work of the Moscow Com- mittee of the Bolsheviks (1914). IN 1901, in Kishenev, the Okhrana seized the underground printing plant of the Social Democratic group Iskra, from the left wing of which later developed the Bolshevik and described the means used by the well as famous spéeches by revolution- Yesterday's installment continued . Dramatie Incidents in'the Struggle Against Russian Bio BOLSHEVIKS) nantes BY T.. TCHERNOMORDIK ieee ‘THE STORY SO FAR — In the previous installments the sathor described the methods used by the czar’s secret police (OkAfans) to trap Bolsheviks engaged in underground work. tactics of It telated the methods the revolutionists 6n trial, Czarist police to force arrested. the~ speech of the printed matter ~ séf “aug. the” raid on the printin plant, was> ‘re- garded. The stupid agents “of the inept Tsarist government ‘Were not s0 much. concerned about analyzing the revolutionary movements as. in fitting the “cases” into the stat- utes of the law “whielr. provides s penalty of a long -termrof “imprison- ment, or exile to remote pee Eastern Siberia. It goes saying that all the various trends in the revolutionary.:movement in. Russia were tarred with the same brush in the opinion of the prds- ecution, with some. slight differ- ence in shade, determined, not by the character of the revolutionary party the accused: belonged to, but yy the degree of “criminality” of the accused The task of the revolu- tionary Social-Demédiats on trial under these circlimstarites was to make the trial one of Bfinciple, and to let the country.khow the true character of the Party; ‘to familiar- ize it with its program and policies. Ia short, the Bolshevik: had to do at the trial what he-did while at “liberty”—propagate-+ “the ideas arid program of his Party, and to call the masses to fight-for the demands inscribed on its banner. It was with this task in mind that Leon Goldman het his - speech. He said: “T admit thar I “took _part-in’ the work of the secret press ix. Kish- eney, which T_pri nted ‘Social-Dem- ocratic literatur But I was very. much surprised when I learned from the indictment that-I am’ accused of iticiting to riot. “Social- |-Demo- cracy has nothing dn@ommon wit rioting. I am a —Séelal-Democrat and I belong to the. Russian So- cial-Democratic “Labor Party.” Goldman then proceeded to explain the program and ta of the So- cial-Democratic Party. It must be stated that Goldman's position at this trial was more fa- vorable than’ that “of the revolu- tionists of the "70s and: ’80s.. The revolutionary wing of Social Dem~- ocra¢y Which was—united in the “Iskra” group; in which-Léenin play- ed the leading role, had victoriously from. its..struggle the opportunist elements (the “eco- noinists”) in the Social-Democrati¢ movement. In this struggle tle chief elements of the-program and. tacti¢s of the revolutionary Social- Democracy were crystallized. Par- allel with this internal struggle, an external process of». disso¢iation from the: neo-Narodiiiki (the~So- clalist-Revolutionary . Party) an@ from the Liberal movement, “Was taking place. ‘This process was a¢- companied by a bitter struggle, ‘di~ rected by the “Iskra” | oup, led by Lenin. In: this struggle on. many fronts, revolutionary Social-Demo- eracy acquired its ideological form and laid the basis of the movement which later developed. into Bol- Shevism. Goldman was thus able to come forward at the trial with the full program of “Iskra” ahd to show that the question at issue.was not a mere riot, but révolttion, .under the hegemony of the proletariat and led by the Rockies “Democracy. W hehe is sadness aspect of Golde man’s speech, “which distinguishe ed it from the speeches delivered at their trial by the revolutioniste of the "70s and “8s, “His was the speech of a revOlitionist of the epoch tinged withthe red dawn of the approaching” ‘revolution. He said: “We stand in the” dock before this court, but wesare not crim- r inal: are of war, revolution, As an example we will eee de ene shai ores quote excerpts from two speeches, this by its ards us... The governmeit Bates us from the ranks of the“fighting revolu. tionary army, kept us. in” prison for two years and “now, “In handing us over to the court, its to make us responsible. for~' the “Tevolution- ary conflagration that -ts sweeping over all Russia. But where is the logic of this? By establishi a se= cret printing press, id 'pul manifestoes. and leaflets, we. pro- tested against the enforced silence of which the government condemn- ed the country. By these means we Party. In connection with this raid | sought to meet the growing de- @ group of Social-Democrats, un- | mand of the for-freedom of der the leadership of Leon Gold- | speech, the need of which, during man, were artested. After two years of preliminary investigation, during which the accused were kept in solitary confinement, the case this period, has- béen: felt by the widest strata of ‘fhe “people BOs ciety. And, if ‘front the, tof view of the succes the Katipunan (Proletarian Labor tional Peasants Confederation and Congress) is a result of the fear and hatred of the Filipinu “polit- icos” (seryants of U. S. imperia. ism) against any revolutionary mass Movement among the Filipino workers and peasants. One of the largest islands in the Philippines, Mindanao, is experi- encing a widespread famine which may spread to proportions never before experienced in the islands. | Vast plantations, thousands of acres in breadth, growing the staple food of the people, palay and maize, have been swept by a locust infes- tation, which has laid waste to the entire Southern part of the Minda- nao, sweeping Cotobato, Bukendon, Davao, Agusan and Za:nboanga, Mig en THER islands, not devastated by natural causes, report startling figures on the deaths trom cholera and dysentery, which are assum- ing epidemic proportions. On the islands of Samar alone, there were registered during the week of ; ‘vages—H.M,) “Noveraber 17th, 234 cases of cholera and 119 deaths occurred from the disease during that week. The workers and the peasants of the Philippines are not accepting these conditions without a strug- gie.. They are well known for their revolutionary wars againt oppres- sion, first against their Spanish oppressors and later in a two-years war against American imperiahsm. American workers should not. be fooled by the present Hawes- Cutting Bill, which the Senate passed over President’ Hoover's veto. This bill does not give iride- pendence to the Philippines, but only draws the noose tighter for the workers and peasants, Roxas, in defending the bill at a hearing in the U. 8. Senate said that if it was passed Philippine exporters of sugar would “place our sugar on a competitive basis . . . we have to bring up our efficiency in produc- tion Conger hours and speedup— HM.) and lower costs” (cut- Although it is im- possible to go into. a. discussion Catholic Church, we have conimitted crimes, was brought up in the circuit court the responsibility for ‘this rests (with the “tepresentatives of the estates,” of course) behind closed | only on us but on am vee part doors, Ee aia Popul eh ones of i, whose In the old stereotyped form, the | Will we carr * entire’ indictment charged. the “criminals” || People cannot commit ser » The with “incitement to riot against the | Will of the people is law, supreme powers,” and it was from . brates: +x (To Be Continued.) \ this point of view that all the ree the fact that a larger edition was Publishee t ‘are only a few remaining ‘copies left of the. January’ issue of The Communist. The response to this issue was based largely<on: the publi-" cation of .articles, on the Twelfth Plenum of the E, O.-OrIr as come dealing. with’ basic theoretical problems of ‘Marxism-Leniniem, > 'The co tents of the January asus \of The Communist ‘include:, 661, oy «, Forward in the: of the 12th Plenum of the E.-O. cp altorlal; 2. Economic Struggle: The Fundamental Link in: Winu! by Jack Stachel; 3, The End of Capitalist ee Banic. Tasks of the British and American Sections of the C. masking an American Revislonist of Marxism, by V. J. Seca and Marxism, by M. Mittin; 6. Stalin Develops the _ and Lenin; 7, Book Reviews: A Bourgeois Attack on # review by M. Howard; Class Culture, ® review by a