The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 18, 1933, Page 4

- ; . ey ag Cu \ = Page Four DAILY WORK J Yorker Party USA daily except Sunday, at 58 &. 56. Cable “DAIWORK.” h St., New York, N. ¥. Dail Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Coe., Ine 18th St., New York City, N. Y. Telephone ALgonguin Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 1 SUBSCRIPTION By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $5.50; 5 months, { excepting Borourh of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, RATES: it; 1 month, Ts Foreign and 33 Fight Imperialist Wars I ° Statement of C. C. of C. P. U.S. A. (CONTINUED FROM PAGE ONE) igtdriving them at the same time to unite in the counter-revolutionary War. against the Soviet Union the capitalist way out of the crisis. ‘The undeclared war against the Japanese people in the Far East, ‘the wars going on in Latin America, represents the beginning of the Hew world massacre. The markets in the Far East and Latin America ‘are the new great Balkans from which sparks will again set the world on fire. ‘The war is going on only with the tacit consent of the League of Nations, but also with the consent of the Second International, which is following consistently its role of supporter of capitalism, as is to be Seen ‘by the open support to its own imperialist government by the N a Japanese Socialist Party. t ‘The Second International, the Socialist Parties under the cloak of peace declarations, are helping the bourgeoisie to blind the masses to what is going on, is trying to prepare a docile cannon fodder for the im- sti, Perialists. The position taken by the Japanese social democracy is an 1 indication of the position which will be taken by world social democracy {a8 a whole when the new imperialist war breaks out Certainly the strong peace po! of the Soviet Union, its proposals for complete disarmament as a consequence of this pol signing of the non-aggression pact with France, Poland, the renewal of diplomatic relations with China, is a victory for the genuine proletarian peace policy of the Soviet Union. At the same time this is a victory for the workers and farmers of China, Poland, France, who have com- 1 pelled their governments to make this gesture of giving up war provoca- tion against the Soviet Union. These treaties, however, must not delude 1 us that the war danger, that the attack against the Soviet Union has Iessened. On the contrary, the deepening of the crisis, the growing contradictions among the imperialist powers, the growth of the strug- gle of the masses against misery is driving the imperialists to settle their antagonisms at the expense of the USS.R. The Wall Street Government in its stubborn refusal to recognize the Soviet Union, in its policy of preventing Soviet goods from entering the country under the manoeuvers of claiming that they are products of forced labor, shows clearly that while having differences with Japan concerning the interests of Wall Street in the Far Ei the U. S. Gov- @mnment is encouraging and supporting Japan and the League of Na- tions in the preparations of the attack against the Soviet Union. ‘The Japanese refusal to sign a non-aggression treaty with the Soviet Union, the continuous declarations of the Japanese military for the necessity of strengthening the army and navy especially in Manchuria, the support given to Japan’s imperialist aims by the great imperialist | powers shows clearly the Japanese aims, the aims of imperialists | @8awhole. The League of Nations in its shameless manoeuver on this question, in passing the buck from one committee to another, exposes openly its role as an instrument of war and intervention. ‘The League of Nations, for the support of which the Second and Amsterdam Internationals and the American Socialists were appealing to the masses, calling it the “instrument.of peace,” is exposing its role as an instrument of world imperialism. Larger and larger masses of workers and farmers of Japan are par- ticipating in the most heroic strus le against imperialist war, against the occupation of Manchuria, against “their own” imperialism under the Jeadership of the Communist Party. Battalions of revolters were sent back from Manchuria. The demonstration of Japanese toilers at the departure of their sons for the murderous war against the Chinese people are following one another. Hundreds of Japanese Communists are sentenced to long terms in prison and to death for their heroic struggle at the head of the toiling Japanese people. But their place is «taken by new hundreds, new thousands that are entering the ranks of “ge the vanguard of the Japanese proletariat, the Japanese Communist wa Party. ni ‘The masses of Manchuria do not accept the puppet Manchouko #] government. The guerilla war of the workers and farmers that has been 4 going on for months is the expression of this bitter struggle of the t Chinese people against the invasion of China by Japanese imperialism, ds the expression of this struggle of the Chinese people against the im- perialist invaders. The Chinese bourgeoisie and its Nanking government, while Jap- nese imperialism is dismembering China, continue to arm expedition after expedition against the Chinese Soviets, sending thousands upon thousands of the most vigorous forces of the Chinese people into death, spending millions against the real liberators of China; betraying the Manchurian people, betraying the Jehol people. They will continue to betray, to sell out the Chinese people to imperialism to safeguard not the independence of China, but to defend and extend capitalist in- terests. But the Chinese Soviets are growing in power, are extending their territory and today are appealing to the Chinese masses to resist the Japanese invasion. The Chinese Soviets have offered to come to the defense of China against Japan, against the imperialist attack, against its dismemberment. And the Chinese masses will answer this appeal. ‘The masses of China are realizing through hard experience that not the League of Nations nor the United States, but they themselves, through their organized power, will free their country not only from Japan but from all imperialist bandits and from the Kuomintang, the murder re- gime that permitted such robbery. Tollers of the United States: What*is our position? What is our attitude in regard to the war in the Far East, to the approach of a new murderous imperialist war? Are we to remain in a position of inertia? Will the new imperialist war bring back prosperity? No. <-> ‘The new imperialist war will send millions to their death, will bring prosperity to the pockets of the capitalists, will bring prosperity to the hospitals and will bring new misery, new desperation to the masses of workers and farmers. The memories of the last world slaughter are still vivid in our minds. The fifteen millions of dead in the last im- perialist war, the hundreds of thousands of crosses on the battlefields of France, of Italy, of Galicia, at Gallipoli, are there to remind us of the horrors of the Jast imperialist war, and there to remind us that ‘under those crosses are hundreds of thousands of workers and farmers in uniform who murdered each other for the glory of capital. Are we to support the U. S. government in its maneuvers in the line of defending the interests of Wall Street in China? Are we interested im supporting the U. S. Government which perhaps tomorrow will ap- neal for the defense of American missions, instruments of capitalism in colonial countries? Are we interested upporting the American bourge- oisie that exploits us? Are we to support all the burdens of the economic crisis and give new blood on the battlefields for opening the way out of the crisis for the benefit of capital? Are we interested in fighting "against the Japanese workers and farmers who are oppressed in the same manner by their own capitalists and landowners? Are we in- terested in fighting in the war waged by imperialism as a whole against “the Soviet Union, against the only country in the world where the work- ers and farmers rule and are free from capitalist exploitation. Are we interested to help capitalism in its way out of the crisis over the bodies of our brothers? No, a thousand times, No! Our position is ‘one of uncompromising struggle against imperialist. war, against the counter-revolutionary war against the Soviet Union. Our position is to abolish war which means abolishing the causes that bring war—the overthrow of capitalism. Our task is not only to fight against Japanese m and to raise our voice in defense of the Chinese people, but primarily to fight against “our own” imperialist government. ‘The way out for us toilers of the United States, for the toilers of all imperialist countries in the world, is to strengthen our struggle against capitalist oppression, to develop our fight against “our own” bourgeoisie which starves us; to struggle to stay the hand of the Japanese bandits, to be ready to stay the hands cf U. S. imperialism, and be ready in case @f war to transform it into Civil War, into proletarian revolution. ‘At this moment all our energy must be directed toward the stop- of the war in the Far East, toward the stopping of U.S. imperialism help Japan with continuous shipments of munitions, in its encourage- it to attack the Soviet Union, towards the stopping of a new world Tr. . Forward with the toilers all over the world in the strugyle for the @etense of the Chinese Soviets, the Chinese people, and for the defense of the Soviet Union. 4 Moribund capitalism is trying to play its last card with our flesh and ' bload. The League of Nations, the Kellogg Paci, the Disarmament con- ference, are shattered by thelr own creators, are revealed as only ma- Neuvers to blind the millions of toilers all over the world. Toilers of the United States! Unite with the oppressed of all coun- Fight against the developing imperialist war! Set up anti-war committees in every shop, neighborhood and workers’ the shipment war munitions! Demonstrate axainst the bloody Japanese imperialist bandits and in ade the heroic Japanese revolutionary workers! with the imperialist war-makers in Wall Street and Washing- itd along the road of strugely) that will eliminate the causes x: that will eliminate capitalism. ; } ot ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- |] manent Contacts With the | Workers. | The Twelfth Plenum Resolu- tions of the Communist Interna- | tional emphasizes that the main link to win the American workers | | | for decisive class battles, is the development of struggles around their elementary needs. The re- cent Shop Conference &1 New York and Chicago should be | | utilized by every member of the Party and trade unions to im- prove the contents and methods | of our work in the factores. We | urge all comrades to send in | articles on the basis of their own | experiences, as well as questions on problems which confront this column, oe fe * in a Foundry | Now | had four direct wage-cuts. they introduce another system— piece-work. Each worker used to make between 50 and 60 cents an hour, and now he makes 30 cents an hour doing the same work, The workers have not been organized in the shop at all, Last summer there was somebody who distributed leaflets there and there was a little news in the Daily Worker about the shop, but I could not find anybody who was doing the work. Later on I found that I wouldn't be able to do anything until I joined an organization. So I joined the Unemployed Council— and then the Parw. Then we started to work in the shop. We organized a group in the factory, but some stool-pigeons exposed the workers who attended, and they were fired. We started to organize workers in our department alone. And so far we have ten workers ready to join the union. I also have two fellows ready to join the Party. Here is the way I got them fellows together. They have a scheme in the shop here to replace workers at lower wages. Instead of a German they have a Pole. The Polish worker who takes the job gets his wages cut. I explain this to the workers at dinner time. I tell them that we have to organize so that the company can’t take advantage of us. The workers begin to listen to this. And I bring some Daily Workers and leaflets, and give it to them. One time it was very cold there. No heat. We have to take a bath in the shop because we get so dirty, but we can’t. We couldn’t eat our dinner—so cold in there. About ten fellows sitting down came and I said: “How about elect- ing a committee to see Mr. 6 They laugh at me. “They won't give it to you,” they say. But we finally convinced them. So two fellows went. We told the boss that the fellows get sick. The boss | | | | promised the heat. The fellows Jaughed at us, not believing we | would get the heat. At 2 o'clock | heat was coming in. I go around to the workers. They see heat is on, Then, the next day, there is no heat. The workers come around and say to me, “Where is the heat?” Next day, only ten work- ers are working. I meet the boss and tell him the heat is shut off. He said, no. Well, I said, there is no heat in there. He said, “Well, you better see the man who takes care of it.” I find out that the heat was not shut off, only pipe stuck. So the workers now trust me. I tell them we got to organize against the wage-cut. They tell us they were going to cut our wages 10 per cent. The workers were get- ting $4. Now they are going to cut 35 cents. It takes a day and a half to make that $4. Some of the workers earn as little as $2 in two weeks. I have seen checks between $2 and $4 for two weeks. I tell them they would be even better off if they get relief from the relief bureau. So I tried to organize. They say it is impossible to organ- ize now with so many unemployed. I ask them if he want a job with four children and a wife to feed like this. So the workers don’t | care no more for that job. | One worker who I first. thought was not responsible ‘proved to be a | good contact. I had to do some work for him and then 4 started to talk to him and he said he didn’t give a damn for the job. He said he would rather be on the relief. He came, to our meeting and now all our department is going to be organized except five fellows whom T suspect, I am going to make the others join the Unemployed Coun- cil and maybe later the Party. ee a Editorial Note—Here the cor- rect emphasis placed on partial demands as a means of approach to the workers succeeded only in winning a partial struggle In the shop, but resulted in gaining the confidence of the workers. This already lays the basis for build- ing the organization in the shop, developing further the struggle for partial demands and strength- ening the organizational basis of the Party in the shop. But here, also, it is essential to link up the struggle for the immediate de- mands in the shop with the fight for Unemployment Insurance, SALE IS BLOCKED PHOENIX, Ariz—A court action stayed the sale of Phoenix property for non-payment of paving assess- | ments on Jan. 10. This order, how- | ever, is only temporary. The, State Hanger March exposed the condition which existed among the small worker-home owners. Ban- ners were carried in the march and leaflets were distributed denouncing this sale. A mass meet was held at which a committee of workers were appointed to go before treet, them—which will be answered in | § Organization Problems' § | WORK in a foundry. We have \f | NEW YORK, WED: AT DAGGERS’ POIN Bem, SDAY JAN “Some Day the Whole World Will Know It” Interview with the Widows of Slain Ala. Sharecroppers We are re-printing from the “Birmingham World,” a Negro weekly, the following article in connection with the Tallapoosa, Ala. atrocities because of the facts set forth as revealed by the widows of the two victims of the murderous assault by the authori- ties upon the share-croppers in that vicinity. The publication of this article in no way implies any endorsement of the policy of this paper—EDITOR’S NOTE. BOTS ae By GORDON DE LEIGHBOR. “YJHAT will happen next we just don’t know. © But whatever does happen, we want to get out of that place. We don’t want our children to have to keep on living there and working on farms.” That is what the widows of Cliff James and Milo Bentley say as they tell the story of the Tallapoosa County massacre. Beaten and shot at and widowed, the destitute women face the future with nine fatherless children, one shoat, one cow, 4 little corn, some fat meat, the clothes they are wearing and a load of debt. They have one other thing. That is courage. The landlords and the white mob that called itself the law took everything else away from the wo- men when bullets in the back snuffed out the lives of their hus- bands. For 12 years, Mr. and Mrs. Bent- ley and their two children had been with the same white man. Now the children, a boy and a girl, are 14 and 18. Back when they were born, even before they were born, their father and mother were in debt. Today Mrs. Bentley has a shoat and a cow and nothing to feed them with. She is still stiff and sore from the merciless beat- ing given her by a mob of white men. She is worried about her children and the future is nothing but a blank wall. SEVEN IN JAMES FAMILY There are seven children in the James family. The youngest is a tot of seven while the oldest is 18. All have worked since they were old enough to toddle into the field or to care for younger members of the family. Three of these children were treated by Dr. Dibble of Tuskegee Institute, last year. Yet Dr. Dibble called the law when their father reached the school to ask for medical treatment. He had walked 17 miles with two quilts. wrapped about him in order to obtain help. Instead he was bund- led off into the jail where he died from his wounds. “ye eae HIS is the brief story that the widows tell. Behind that story is a perpetual struggle with debt and fear, Once Cliff James owned an automobile. ‘The landlord told him that he could get no advance for the tag. So the car was sold. ‘That happened a few years ago. Today conditions are worse. Now even the white croppers are not allowed to sell their own cotton. Of course the colored people are treated even worse. While all the share croppers are going hungry the landlords have come to a point where they curse the colored ten- ant who dares to leave his plowing on a Monday to drive into town , for food. All through the week the farm work must be carried on. Only on Saturday afternoon may the farmer go to get his supplies from the store which the boss owns. “Sometimes they gave ‘us a -re- ceipt for what we bought; some- times they didn’t,” said one of the widows. “They always kept the books and we were always in debt anyhow. Day after day we all worked until late at night and still there was almost nothing to eat.” SCHOOL—TWO MONTHS A YEAR Two or three months of school a year is all the orphan children have had.To secure even this scan- ty education they have been forced to walk from two to three miles twice a day. Of course their par- ents bought their books, Meanwhile the landlords rode Farm bureau men and home demonstration agents never got around to the back country spots. where Mrs. James and Mrs. Bent- ley lived. Neither did the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Everyone was eager to meet folks who could sug- gest some way of securing more de- cent living conditions. All the people of the section rushed into the Share Croppers’ Union as soon as they heard of it. Even two ministers in the murder area sup- ported the movement. Meetings were held in houses. Sometimes literature was distrib- uted. Self determination of the Black Belt was mentioned at the meetings. Nobody knew very much about the details of the idea, folks in Tallapoosa County way, but all were eager to work for a chance to escape from poverty and fear. re IOMEHOW the landlords heard of the union. They threatened to kill off the women and chil= dren and to do anything else that, would break up the organization. They made good their threat in the murder of James and Bentley. They made good their threat in shooting at Mrs. James and her son and cousin as they ran, un- armed and terrified, across the fields. Perhaps the union is dead today. Perhaps it is alive. Folks tell you that it will be alive again if it is inactive now. They say that more an more croppers will join it. Many believe that white croppers will support it. They point to the two white men who came to the aid of the mob victims and say that these two are but’ the leaders of a considerable group who will join in the fight for decent living conditions that is being made by the Share Croppers’ Union. “They shot through my bed- clothes. They shot a little boy in the leg. If you see my children, tell them to write to me.” THE WIDOWS’ STORY This is what the mothers say.” They tell you how white men whipped colored men at the cross- roads store owned by a landlord. They tell you how uneasy they were when their children played with white children. Very simply they ‘say, “I don’t know what will happen to my children. I’ve got nothing left. Just nothing.” They also tell you how old literature was passed from hand to hand and from cabin to cabin. “Our hus- bands were good men. They never had any trouble with the land- lords.” This is the story of the widows of the men who died at the hands of the mob. There are other details. Once one of the dead men was working at a cotton gin to eam a little money for clothes for his family. His wife and children were picking the. cotton they had grown. The landlord forced the husband to stop the work that brought him small wages and return to the cot- ton patch that did not need his at- tention. Another time one of the dead men sold a bale of cotton at a neighboring town instead of taking it to his landlord. Of course the landlord got the check, but even then he was angry. He insisted that all the cotton be brought to him. ei aDeNe Perhaps the landlords have for- gotten the dead. They may have forgotten the nine orphan children, the whipped widow and the bed- clothes pierced with bullets. They may have even forgotten the union. But there are people who will never forget. Mrs. James and Mrs. Bent- ley know this. Tallapoosa County knows this. One day all of Amer- ica will know it. Workers Education and the Revolutionary Press RKERS' education must be based on the principle of the unity of theory and practice if it is to be an effective weapon in the class struggle. This principle is strictly. adhered to in the full-time training schools conducted by the Communist Party and the revolu- tionary unions, as well as in the courses given by .the Workers’ School. To carry out the full meaning of the motto: “Training for the Class Struggle,” the subjects taught at the school cannot be given in an abstract academic manner. They must be linked up closely with the daily struggles of the workers; they must be illustrated with actual events in the life of the workers. In other words, the courses must be concretized in every possible way. One of the ways is to bring into the discussions in the class- room the actual experiences of the workers. Experiences in strike struggles, in the struggles of the unemployed, hunger marches, dem- onstrations, etc., brought up in the class create a lively interest in the study, and offer an opportunity to the students and the instructor’ to apply the theory to the immediate practical problems. ae Tine} To Daily Worker, in , this , case , plays the most important role. ‘Through the news, through workers’ correspondence, the “Daily” brings to the attention of every reader a vivid‘ picture ‘of' the’ life ard strug- | gles of the workers in this coun- try. In the discussion of the class struggle in the U. 8. A., the role of the state, Imperialism, History of the American Labor Movement, or By A. MARKOFF events illustrating the problems in- volved. The Daily Worker editorials and the special articles on the last page supply vital material for a Marxist- Leninist training. So far we have discussed the Daily Worker only in connection with the schools. But of far greater importance is the education of the broad masses of the workers out- side of the schools, ‘Thousands of workers are reached by the daily press. ‘ Here the Daily Worker carries on political education on, a wide scale. The process of radicalization of the workers in the U. S. is proceeding at a much faster tempo than ever. Thousands of workers and farmers who had previously been passive are now being drawn in more and more into the struggles for uneim- ployment relief, unemployment in- surance, against wage-cuts, etc. ‘These masses must be trained. The Daily Worker is the most effective instrument in this respect. sal ai The members of the Communist Party, Young Communist League and of the revolutionary unions | must realize that if we are to be successful in the mobilization of -the, masses for the decisive strug- gles against capitalism, we must make possible for the Daily Worker to reach into every nook and corner of this country. The “Daily” is the mass, organizer, the mass agitator and the mass propagandist. It is the mouthpiece of the revolution- ary movement of the working class in America. ‘Therefore the finan- cial support of the Daily Worker, the increase in circulation are at present most important problems for out movement. Let us all support the $35,000 for ve for ‘9 build. Dramatic Incidents in the Struggle Against Russian Tsarism. ee By ‘I. TCHERNOMORDIK ‘THE STORY SO FAR—In the previous three mstallments the author described the methods used by the czar’s secret police (Okhrana) to trap Bolsheviks engaged in underground work. It related the methods of agents-provocateurs and the tactics of the revolutionists on trial. Now read on: * . * “attempted to escape;” they could simply strangle them or shoot them in the back while in prison. But, the Tsarist government tried to punish the Bolsheviks in a “legal” manner, by putting them on trial. The Russian Bolsheviks refused to be parties to this “judicial farce,” and to the last the defenceless Bolshevik expressed his revolution- ary determination; he refused to give evidence and, utilizing the right to the final speech in defence, held aloft the banner of the revolue tion and hurled his defiance at his enemies. The shadowing of the Bolshevik did not cease with his arrest. The Okhrana tried to exploit the life and conduct of the Bolshevik while in prison, for the purpose of col- lecting material for the trial. For this purpose the Okhrana placed its agent in the same cell as the Bolshevik, if he was put in a com- mon cell, or in the next cell, if Iv. After the progroms that were organized by the Police Depart- ment and: its agents all over the country on the eve of, and during the first revolution, after the brutal suppression of the 1905 Revolu- tion, by the Tsarist government, the Okhrana could catch or deceive hardly anybody, not even the most inexperienced, with its hyprocritical tactics at preliminary examinations. The Zubatov movement suffered complete collapse. Zubatov himself was released from the duties and sent out of Moscow. The cards were exposed and the Okhrana appeared openly as the bitter enemy of the revolutionary move- ment. The Okhrana agents aban- doned the practice of “conversa- tions” and “persuasion” and adopt- ed the tactics of terror. The enemy was triumphant and strove to con- solidate its victory by means of terrorism. During this period of the Russian he was in solitary confinement. Revolution, the Okhrana mostly ‘They counted on the inexperience of the advice, on his indiscretion, or his dropping the rules of sec- recy whilst in prison. The agent of the Okhrana in the cell tried to gain his confidence, to be-friend him, and discover the details of the work. Sometimes, afte © lengthy stay together in the mame cell, if the agent were experi(mced and did not arouse suspicion by his conduct, this manoeuvre sue- ceeded. The desire for socizl in- tercourse on the part of thi} im- prisoned revolutionist often let him into unguarded discussions with his fellow prisoners, make him forget the need for discretion ‘even while in prison. “The new and in- experienced revolutionist particu- larly, sometimes thought the rules of secrecy were not required be- resorted to physical force against arrested revolutionists under ex- amination in order to compel them to give evidence. Torture was ap- plied systematically during the ex- amination: suspension by their finger tips, twisting of the hands and legs, pouring of large volumes of water with oil into the mouth, mutilation, flogging, these were the methods employed by the Okhrana to compel political prisoners to give evidence.. Many Bolsheviks, who fell into the hands of the Okhrana still bear the marks of the torture inflicted on them. “TRIAL” The more stubborn the Bolsheviks were in refusing to give evidence the more this system of torture was employed. The tactics of re- ‘ Ne, SS By QUIRT ‘hind prison bars. The agents of the Oshrana were able to play on this. They even tried to obtain in- criminating documents ftom the Bolshevik. They tried to persuade him to send letters “outside” which. were intercepted by the Okhrana and produced at the trial as evidence against him. But, if the Bolshevik did not be- come intimate with him, the agent limited himself to watching his victim. He listened to the con- versation carried on by the Bol- sheviks among themselves; made note of the tapping of signals be- tween the Bolsheviks incarcerated in different ceYls, and thus, in one way or another, obtained good ma- terial for reports to the Okhrana. . . fusing to give evidence were dic- tated by the political conditions prevailing at that time. For the purpose of liquidating the Bolshevik moyement more rapidly, the Tsar- ist government began to hand over the cases of the Bolsheviks to the military courts and to the circuit courts, on charges ‘which, accord- ing to the Criminal Code, carried penalties of death and penal ser- vitude. The practice of administra- tive exile without trial to remote parts of Eastern Siberia which pre- vailed until that time did not at- tain its end, because the Bolsheviks did not stay in exile long and very often escaped, sometimes even while on the way to the place of exile. The Tsarist government therefore decided to put the active Bolsheviks thoroughly out of com- mission. Under these conditions every careless word uttered during the examination might cause irretriev- able harm, not only to the entire organization, but also to the person under examination. The attempts of some weak spirits to clear them- selves by giving open testimony did not accomplish the purpose; long terms of imprisonment or penal servitude awaited even them. sane aENIC) ORE frequently, when the Bol- shevik was in solitary confine- ment, the agent of the Okhrana occupied the neighboring cell. As soon as the arrested Bolshevik ar- rived in this cell a tapping was heard in the political prisoners’ code, asking: “What is your name? In what case? Under what con- ditions were you arrested?Who else was arrested with you?” ‘The novice, insufficiently experlenced in conspiratorial work, thought this “correspondent” was @ com- rade and so swallowed the bait. Sometimes the new prisoner was warned in time by his comrades: “Comrade, be careful, so and so, in such and such a cell, is a police agent.” If this was not done, the agent succeeded in gaining his con- fidence, induced him to write let~ ters, which of course, would be handed over to the Okhrana. Not only were agents of the Okhrana placed in cells with the prisoners, but the prison guards, the prison warden and his as- sistants closely watched the ar- rested Bolsheviks and reported what they saw to the Okhrana. For this reason the general rule was established that 2 Bolshevik must observe the rules of secrecy in prison as strictly as “outside.” (To Be Continued) HE tactics of refusing to give evidence involyed immeasurable suffering for the Bolsheviks. But this was only suffering of the body. . The torments and torture of the hangmen threw no blemish on the revolutionary honour of the Bol- sheviks. On the contrary, the re- fusal to give evidence under tor- ture expressed the courage of the revolutionist and his contempt for the enemy. By his refusal to give evidence during examination, the Bolshevik signified his determined refusal to take any part whatso- ever in “exposing the work.” Of course, the agents of the Tsarist government had sufficient means at their disposal to punish the de- fenceless Bolsheviks who fell into the clutches. They could shoot them on the pretext that they TOMORROW~ N this page in tomorrow’s issue of the Daily Worker, we will publish a joint Manifesto of the Communist Parties of China, Japan an@ the United States addressed to the workers and toiling peasants of the news Islands, and their revolutionary leader, the Communist Party ol ie P, 1, “s This Manifesto is of outstanding significance at this particular time when the farce being played by congress and by the Hoover veto in con- nection with the bill for “Philippine independence” brings out sharply the determination of American im} to maintain this im it | military and naval base in the Pacific, at all costs. Kal te ‘The joint Manifesto of the Communist Parties of Chins, Japan and. Se ee sve ee eee me of language, distance, isolation through ¥ (China and Japan) in thelr relentices fight against imperial, i