The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 17, 1933, Page 4

Baily WoRKeR, new yORK, TUESDAY, JANUARY 17, 1933 og Net Dail orker’ Party BSA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Ce. 13t1 . Inc., daily except Sum New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonqnin 4-7956. Address and mail cheeks y, of OB. Cable “DAIWORK.” to the Deily Worker, 50 K. 13th St., New Yerk, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION Rares: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $5.50; § months, $2; 1 menth, Tie excepting Borongh of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 5 months, $3 The Hunger March: An Estimate (Statement of Central Committee, Communist Party, U. S. A.) HE ‘through in the face of innume National Hunger March of which was successfully carried le difficulties and the obstacles, ob- structions, hostility and attacks of all agencies of the government and all other enemies of the toiling masses, constitutes a splendid achievement and an inspiring demonstration of the courage, militancy, endurance and discipline: of the American working class, The successful mobilization’ of over three thousand elected delegates; + their passage through the main high’ campaign of “discouragement” wh: the many concessions of food. by. the mass struggles columns in Washington s, towns and cities despite the h was from Washington; oter fuel which were won ties; the arrival of all ie previously set schedule plan of the government to bar their entry, deny the right to parad id present the demands of the winemployed to congress, all represent tremendous victories that were ational Hunger March and the de- organized represented the basic needs and support of broad masses of the employed and directed and nds around which i used the enthusiast: employed. The principal demands of the unemployed, for Federal Winter Re- } f and for Immediate Unemployment Insurance at the expense of the yvernment and employers were fur popularized and the struggle for these demands greatly advanced by aching and enlisting the sup- Port of new broad masses. The stimulus given to the development of local struggles preparatory to the march and by the marchers them- Selves as they passed through the localities, resulted in many more im- Mediate and tangible gains in the form of relief increases and defeats Of proposed and announced relief cuts, etc. . . . "FHE conspicuous success of the National Hunger March, a success which «=~ could not be possible without the hearty approval and enthusiastic Support of the masses, confirms the correctness of the decision of the 35th Plenum of the C. C. which determined to organize this action on the basis of a correct estimate of the constantly deepening economic erisis and th: growing readiness of the masses for struggle under reyolu- tionary leadership. The Hunger March conclusively exposed the fact that all opposition to it, all doubts and hesitations, were expressions of an opportunist tailism, of the right danger within our Party. Furthermore, the brutal treatment,-the campaign of incitement and “Provotation, the attempt to deny the marchers even the right to enter ‘Washington and to present their demands to congress at a time when the Democratic Party, the Party of President-elect Roosevelt, is in com- Blete control of congress and in a position to decisively influence the ad- ministrative organs of government, exposed before broad masses the hostility of the Democratic Party and its chief, Roosevelt, towards the workers and poor farmers. Thus the Hunger March served as an effective ™means of counteracting the new attacks upon the living standards of the masses which the ruling class is carrying through in an effort to save | millions of relief dollars during the present winter by pleading that the | workers shall “Wait till Roosevelt is inaugurated”. The March gave impetus to the necessary campaign to dis-illusion the masses who were deveived by Roosevelt's pre-election demagogy. This is of especial im- ‘portance because this latest propaganda Campaign of the ruling class thad begun to develop so successfully that even many workers and some Members of the Communist Party were influenced by this. <oel e 1 the National Hunger March as a whole was an effective and Successful action and a first rate achievement of the Party, it never- theless revealed once again many of the basic weaknesses and short- ‘comings from which the mass work of the Party generally suffers. The most important of these were: The preparatory campaign was in many instances carried out in a formal manner and almost everywhere suffered from the still strongly rooted sectarianism which prevents the approach to the broad masses in the reformist unions, in the shops and in the mass organizations under reactionary and social-fascist leadership. The fact that despite this, more such organizations (A. F. of L. and S. P. locals; Unemployed Citi- wens Leagues, etc.) were involved and directly participated in the Hunger March then in any previous campaign must serve to emphasize even more * sharply the favorable conditions for broadening the united front and the Seriousness of our failure to direct our energies properly to this end. The central demands of the Hunger March were not linked to the Wsues around which the local actions and struggles took place in such a manner as to show on the basis of the immediate daily needs and ex- periences of the masses, the correctness of our central demands and na- tional action. . HILE our central slogans were of such a character that their mere JY repetition served to evoke favorable response, we failed to explain #hese in a convincing manner in relation to the many demagogic schemes ‘of the government and social-fascists. The weakness of our political pro- “paganda was also evidenced in failure to bring forward sufficiently our Slogans and program for struggle against imperialist war, for defense @f the Soviet Union, Scottsboro, etc., and in the inadequately organized Political discussion while en route. Some of the slogans shouted by #pme marchers (“We want Hoover with a rope around his neck”, etc.) ‘were devoid of political content or of a distinctly infantile leftist char- ‘@cter, yet these went unchallenged throughout the march. There should Jrave been a strong struggle against such slogans. _ These weaknesses and the original failure to make the preparations for the Hunger March an integral part of the election campaign of the ‘Party, served in many instances to reduce the preparations for the ‘unger March to merely formal execution of the tasks of securing dele- gates from organizations already under our ‘nfluence and providing the technical requirements of the march. The contrast between this formal gpproach of certain Party sections and the enthusiasm of the masses Was sharply brought out in the fact that while the organized meetings tO greet the marchers were in many places smaller, the spontaneous out- Pourings of workers to greet the marchers on their route were larger and even more enthusiastic this year than last. ‘These shortcomings account also for the failure to conduct systematic Party recruiting among the splendid proletarians of whom the Hunger ‘March was composed; in the insufficient attention to the development of Organization and contacts in the towns through which the marchers pas- séd; in the failure to encourage and develop the initiative of any but the~ most aggressive delegates in the march, and for many bureaucratic prac- tices that were noted must also call attention to the serious disorganization in the ranks of the Western Columns on the return trip as a reflection of the Iposeness which all too frequently is manifested in winding up serious ‘actions. Even though the splendid self-discipline of the delegates in the march prevented more serious consequences, this disorganization greatly matred the success of the returning campaign. ‘; «The Central Committee urges all districts and units of the Party to discuss the many rich experiences of the National Hunger March to make these discussions the basis for a fundamental improvement all oyr mass work and particularly of the unemployed work, utilizing m this purpose the forces involved in the preparations and the militant letarians who actually participated in this magnificent action. The 1931 resolution of the C. C. which set forth the basic tasks in the tion and development of the struggle against unemployment must ue to serve as the guide for this work which must now be greatly red and strengthened as the only effective means of struggle for of ever-increasing masses of unemployed. IN A MINING TOWN body. Her request was for a mass funeral for -herself because she died of starvation forced on the workers by the capitalist class. “So we made preparations for a mass funeral. The police and the undertaker told us that she died of @ contagious disease and that we would have to bury her within 36 hours, “We mobilized a few of the work- ers 8, went through with a mass e story of how the coal barons di the police attempted to hide the der of a worker's wife who died tion, and how they failed tt a mass funeral for this , of the capitalist class, is told fia letter written by a miner to the Worker from New Kensing~ had a death of a woman de on Jan. 6,” he writes. “She strong sympathizer of the rev~ y movement, and her hus- | funeral,’ in Which some 150 workers tock part and heard H. F. Robinson, wko was the main speaker at the cemetery. The funeral was ended vith the singing of revolutionary hy s to the National Miners’ re were a few workers at her when the last breath left her ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- manent Contacts With the Workers. The Twelfth Plenum Resola- tions of the Communist Interna~ tional emphasizes that the main link to win the American workers for decisive class battles, is the development of struggles around their elementary needs, The re- cent Shop Conference § New York and Chicago should be utilized by every member of the Party and trade unions to im- prove the contents and methods of our work in the factores. We urge all comrades to send in articles on the basis of their own experiences, as well as questions on problems which confront them—which will be answered in this column, e297 |Some Experiences in A’ Metal Shop ] WORK in a metal shop which, during the war, produced bullets Yor the air ‘service. ‘This shop employs mostly women workers—55 per cent women—most of them Spanish. The wages in the shop average $12 a week, but most get $8, including some skilled workers. STRENGTHENING OUR WORK We tried to strengthen our work when we came there. First, at our unit meeting we took up the ques- tion of how to become personal friends with the workers. We started agitation inside the shop around the immediate grtevances: low wages, speedup and the ques- tion of overtime. We visited some workers in their homes. We had one article in sthe Daily Worker during this period, and the article was pasted up inside the shop; also, there was a distribution from the outside. During the election campaign we had a distribution inside the plant of the platform of the Party, in English and Spanish. During the period of the Hunger March, a non- Party, worker collected $8 on a list in his department. Workers con- tributed as high as 50 and 75 cents for the Hunger March. The total collection for the March was $10. As a result of that we gained 40 contacts on the Hunger March list. * * Won the question of the shop nucleus and the guidance the Party gave us: First, the district did not call us in even once to dis- cuss what we are doing in the shop. The section only for the last five weeks has given attention to our problems. But they paid attention only by sending a representative to the nucleus. But no .work was @arried on from the outside. The same is true of the union leader- ship. During the entire time the only leadership given to us by the union was four or five weeks ago, when a comrade came down and tried to help us out. NO DEPARTMENT NUCLEI We did not have department nuclei. We had a joint Y. C. L. and Party nucleus. We always met together. The comrades of the nucleus usetl to come to the union office almost daily. We did not bring forward the Party nor the Y. C. L. The League and Party members acted as union members. We did most of our work as union members, with the result that we | recruited only one member into the Party during the three months, and that was on the basis of per- sonal contacts. We picked one of the best leaders in that group and recruited him into the Party. In our Party units there is no discus- sion on political matters. We had only one discussion, and that was on the 15th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution, and some dis- cussion on Party organization. CONDUCT PARTIAL STRUGGLES—WIN DEMANDS We conducted some partial strug- gles in the shop. First, in the —— department, as a result of certain chemicals used, there was a very bad odor in the department. The comrades immediately raised the question that they could not work unnder such conditions.. They mo- Dilized the workers in that depart- and we had decided to stop work. On the basis of that, all the work- ers. stopped for 10 or 15 minutes, demanding that they stop the use of that chemical. An hour later they changed it and the workers went back to work. This was a result of a sharp struggle. Through this we recruited eight members into the union. See ar NOTHER struggle was conducted on the question of overtime work. The workers said they would not work overtime unless they were paid time and a half. They were also forced ‘to .work on holidays and sometimes on Sundays. The comrades, together with the other workers, demanded that on holi- days they get at least 50 cents lunch money. The boss refused to do anything and the workers quit an hour and half before the sched- ule, and the boss had to pay them for the hour and a half. ‘There was a girl in the shop who died as a result of an accident. We immediately issued a leaflet when the girl was injured. The boss didn’t pay any attention to'it. We put up a union lawyer and doctor on the job and they told us that we must have a private nurse for the girl. When we issued our sec- ond leaflet it was already too late— the worker had died. There was then a question of mobilizing the workers to come to the funeral. We asked them to come directly to the union headquarters. Very few workers responded. The first day no one came, During the whole period the Party members did not respond, with the exception of one or two. On that day it happened that @ special leaflet was issued calling the workers to the funeral. Certain Y. C. L. members were assigned to distribute the leaflets. ‘The comrades overslept, and as a ial NEWS ITEM: Tammany fires experienced Negro doctors in Harlem Hospital to make way for inex- ‘perienced political appointees, with great loss of life among Negro worker patients. By GIL GREEN HE National Student Congress Against War held in Chicago on December 28 and 29 was an impor- tant step in the direction of unify- ing all students who sincerely. wish to struggle against imperialist war. This congress with its 680 delegates elected by approximately 15,000 students from 89 colleges and uni- versities in 30 states was truly of a united front character. The fact that these students representing various shades of political opinion united behind a revolutionary pro- | gram against war is an eloquent expression of the growing radicali- zation of the students under the leadership of the working class. The program adopted by the con- gress follows very closely the line and program of the Amsterdam Congress. It points out that wars are a product of capitalism jand thus the struggle against war be- comes a struggle against capital- ism. It recognizes the need for the major struggle being directed against American imperialism. It accepts in principle the fact that the students cannot conduct an in- dependent struggle against war, but must fight under the leader- ship of the working class. It cails for international solidarity, for support of the colonial masses in their struggles against imperialism, for unity of the Negro and white students, and for the defense of the Soviet Union. DELEGATE ELECTED TO MONTEVIDEO CONGRESS. The congress endorsed the. Mon- tevideo Anti-War Congress and elected a delegate to it. It also concretely expressed its solidarity with the Latin-American peoples by having at the congress a student delegate from Colombia, a country now participating in a war insti- gated by American imperialism. The congress rejected all proposals for passive resistance to war and declared that mass action alone is an effective weapon in combating imperialist war. It unanimously endorsed National Youth Day (May 30) as a day of struggle against im- perialist war. ALTHOUGH the call for the con- gress received jimmediate sympa- thetic response from the mass of students, there was one group which from the beginning sabo- taged and attempted to split the work for unity. This was the group of socialist leaders of the League for Industrial Democracy, the result the workers who ‘wanted to come down did not know where to come. Only in those departments where the comrades were most active did we mobilize the most workers. Five new members were recruited as a result. 'HE last point I want to raise is on the question of our perspec- tives. The perspectives are very good. In discussing this question with the comrades of the section committee, our perspective is to develop a struggle in that shop. ‘We have quite a number of sym- pathizers for the movement. A certain situation developed in the shop where everybody was. laid off for one week. Certain workers were told to come back the following week. On the day when these workers come back to work, we will have to develop a struggle on the question of at least getting carfare. ‘There are many tasks in the shop. ‘The main thing is the concentra- tion on. the part of the section committee from the outside, to- gether with the comrades from the inside, and I hope that as a result. we will be the next shop to be en- tirely organized: \ . ° EDITORIAL NOTE: The Party has been brought into the shop. through |the Election campaign, ete., but the failure to bring for- ward THE PARTY AS THE FIGHTER FOR 'THE IMMEDI- ATE DEMANDS OF THE WORKERS resulted in the fail- ure to establish the Party leader- ship in the shop and brought practically no increase in Party membership. This could have been avoided if the higher com- mittees would have |paid more divect and personal attention to the work of the shop nucleus. } o ‘Chica io Progii Follows Line of, Amsterdam Meet Young Peoples Socialist League and the Socialist Party. In this they followed the example set for them by the leadership of the Second International in its: attitude to- wards the Amsterdam World Con- gress. . In order to detract the student masses from support. of the Chi- cago congress, they hurriedly cal- led their own conference in New York. The I. L. D. also warned all their college chapters against sup- Porting the Chicago corigréss be- cause of its “Communist character”. ‘The leadership of the Y. P. S. L. also tried to influence their fol- lowers against participation. De- spite the position of the leaders however, a number of Y. P. S. L. branches elected fraternal dele- gates, and many members of the L. 1. D, Y. P. S. L. and Socialist Party supported the congress and were elected as delegates. MISLEADERS FORCED TO SHIFT TACTICS. ‘The tremendous mass response to the congress, plus the rank and file revolt inside the ranks of the socialist, organizations, forced the leadership to make an eleven. hour about-face. A number of socialist leaders (Sweetland; Luxumburg) came as delegates to the congress and others (Most, Porter) were there to try to control the social- ist delegates and to give the ap- pearance of being in favor of unity. The National Executive Committee of the Y. P. S. L. also sent a some- what belated wire of support to the congress. Those students who heli any naive illusions as to the sincerity of these last minute changes of heart soon learned bet- ter. .* ‘The real reason for their partici- pation became obvious. They were there to hinder in every way the adoption of a united program based on militant action. They were there to give obejctive aid to paci- fism—to the conception that peace is possible under capitalism. To crown their work, they were there to split the congress and demoralize the honest elements seeking unity in the struggle against war. ,iet es W Li ee first fight in the congress ‘was against the adoption of the » Pledge of the Amsterdam Congress and against co-operation with its American committee. On this ques- tion they were in such a hopeless minority that they were forced to give up the fight. TRIED TO DEFEND LEAGUE OF NATIONS. They next fought against the paragraph in the proposed program which rejecied the League of Na- tions, Disarmament Conference and Kellogg Pact as instruments in fighting war. These so-called “Marxists” could not accept the conclusion of the paragraph that: “It is absurd to expect these powers (imperialist) to establish peace among themselves.” When in the ensuing debate their position was exposed their final defense was: “Even if it cannot stop war, it was the League of Nations that gave Litvinoff the opportunity to present his proposals for complete disarma- ment.” : As opposed to the stand of the congress for support of the revolu- tionary struggles of the colonial peoples for national liberation from imperialist} they proposed the en~ dorsement of the program of the Indian National Congress and Gandhi's theory of passive resist- ance. When 8 delegate, member of the Young Communist League proposed an amendment to the program warning the students against a repetition of the betrayal of the Second International and other corrupted working class leaders in August 1914, the socialist leaders were furious. It was on this issue that they tried to muster their forces for a split. 2 A The mass of student delegates, including the rank and file social- Students Join Revolutionary Struggle Against War P ists, felt otherwise. To them. the need for such a warning was ob- vious. Everyone knew of the posi- tion of the Second International towards the Amsterdam Congress, of the role.of the Japanese and Co- lombian Socialist Parties today. The amendment was carried over- whelmingly. * PACIFISTS AGAINST DEFENSE OF SOVIET UNION. The pacifist delegation at {first conducted a militant fight against the line of the congress that “the struggle against imperialist war is at the same time a struggle against @ social order which makes wer in- evitable.” They fought against the slogan for defense of the Soviet Union, and against support of colo- nial peoples. However, before the end of the congress the majority were convinced of the correctness of these slogans and the rest de- cided to accept them so as to main- tain unity, AA TN analyzing the results of the con- gress it is necessary not alone to yoint out the achievements but also the shortcomings. First, it must be admitted that the Young Commu- nist League prior to the congress conducted entirely insufficient ~ ac- tivity in popularizing our program on war and in exposing concretely the socialist and pacifist leadership. ‘The Communist students did not conduct a shatp enough struggle against certain tendencies to create a united front not with the rank and file students bué with the lead- ers. This was expressed in’ Cornell and in a few other universities. This opportunist conception of the united front had its reflections in the. work of the congress it- self. Too much time was spent towards “winning over” the «few leaders present, although they ac- tually represented nojone but them- selves, as the bulk of the delegates were convinced.. This was shown by the fact that Wilson, a member of, the Socialist Party, took the floor and ‘pointed out his agreement with the line of the congress. This wrong attitude towards these so- cialist leaders was expressed later when Sweetland and Luxumburg were proposed for the permanent committee as a sign of unity. Cer- tainly, it should be clear to every- one now that these elements. will have as their main aim the break- ing of the unity now established! The congress made an error also in rescinding from the main reso- lution, at the last moment, the ‘paragraph for. support of the Amer- ican Committee formed on |the basis. of the Amsterdam ess. It is true that a special resolution includes this point, but this act was nevertheless an expression of weakness—a sign of weakening be- fore the demands of the socialist leaders, The congress further made a mis- take in formulation in its resolution calling for the recognition of the Soviet Union. This _ resolution states: “Whereas, recognition of the Soviet Union by the U. 8. would immediately reduce the ‘war danger”. Such a formulation can but lead to the pacifist conclu- sions that capitalist diplomatic re- Jations reduce the war danger. If we agree with this, we open the door for the arguments made by some pacifists at the congress that the recent improvement of diplo- matic relations with the Soviet Union liquidates the possibility of an attack. NOT ENOUGH NEGRO DELEGATES “Tt is necessary to also sharply point out that one of the greatest political shortcomings of the cony gyess was the very smal]] number of Negro delegates, This was due to the lack of work conducted at the Negro schools'in the South and among the Negro students in schools of thé North. It is neces- sary that this be immediately cor- rected in the further work of the Student's Committee. 2 conclusion it {s necessary to emphasize that while the con- gress was a step forward, it only was a beginning in the |task of mobilizing the students for struggle against imperialist war and for t) defense of the Soviet Union. The program and decisions of the con- & E THE BOLSH ON TRIAL) es BY T. TCHERNOMORDIK een Dramatic Incidents in the Struggle Against Russian Tsarism. EVIKS|. THE STORY SO FAR—In the previous two installments the author described the methods used by the czar's secret police (Okhrana) te trap Bolsheviks engaged in underground work. It related the methods of agents-provocateurs and the tactics of the revolutionists on trial, Now read on: . it Frank testimony by a revolu- tionist was often the beginning of his political death. The Okhrana utilized this frank testimony to compromise him in the eyes of his organization or to invite him to become an agent of the Okhrana. “You maintain that you don’t know so and so, and never met him,” says the Okhrana agent, “but here your colleague “N’ denies the truth of your statement in this matter. Here, would you like to glance over his testimony?” and he gives him a statement alleged to have been written by “N”. Returning to the prison cell, the prisoner denounces “N,” and hastens to tell all the political prisoners: “N is betray- ing us, beware of him.” And “N”, through his lack of caution, hav- ing been caught in the net of the Okhrana, drifts away from the revolutionary movement and is branded as a traitor all his life. It also happened that the prisoner, forced to the wall by the evidence given by the weaker comrade in his “frank confession”, is compelled to admit the correctness of the evi- dence, or give contradictory evid- ence, which of course got him more entangled. Often, with the best: of intentions, a prisoner would take the whole blame upon himself and try to keep his comrades out of the business. But no good came of this, it was all grist to the Okh- rana mill. The comrade did not succeed in saving anybody, but either got himself entangled in contradictions, which confirmed the evidence of traitors, ran the risk of becoming a traitor himself, or at least of compromising him- self in the eyes of the Party. There was a case in Kharkoy of a worker, named Voikov, who was very popular among the workers and who had been deported for the active part he took in the May Day demonstrations. He was brought back to Kharkov to give evidence on the work of the Khar- kov Social-Democratic Party. He gave testimony, repented and ad- mitted his sins. As a reward he was liberated from prison and his deportation was cancelled. eae’ AX then one of the prisoners in this. case decided that since Voikovy had betrayed everything, there was no sense in refusing to give testimony, and he too gave evidence at his own risk, partly affirming and partly denying the evidence of Voikov for the purpose of deceiving the gendarmes, and of exculpating his comrades. The result was that he supplied the Okhrana with valuable material and himself nearly became an accom~- plice of Voikov and barely escaped being branded as a traitor. Only when this case was cleared. up was he sayed from shame and public disgrace. But there were not a few cases when frank confessions led to a direct betrayal of the revolutionary causo. The Okhrana resorted to blackmail. “Although your testi- mony is frank and even if the court should find extenuating circums- tances, it cannot give you a favour- able verdict. Severe punishment. awaits you. On the other hand when your comrades hear that you have. frankly confessed (and the court cannot conceal it) you will be compromised in the eyes of the revolutionists and they will try to take revenge on you, perhaps kill you. ‘Yes, you are in a bad fix. But there is a way out. Come and work with us. We don’t demand much from you. You can remain in the organization, continue to carry on your work and keep us informed. If you. agree, we are ready to keep your testimony secret, set you free, and thus save you from your dismal] fate.” DECEIVED BY THE ENEMY ‘This reminds us of the proverb: - But long experience taught “Give the devil a Singer and. he will take the whole hand.” Many inexperienced young revolutiontsts were caught in the net of the cun- ning, hyprocritical agent of the Okhrana under such circumstances. They made the mistake of believing that the ferocions enemy was “human;” they were deceived by the suave manners of the agent and allowed themselves to be drawn. into discussions. For a moment the flame of hatred and contempt for the enemy was extinguished. That sealed their fate. It was the first step in ‘the moral collapse of the revolutionist. Most often (even in the case of experienced revolutionists) evidence was given with the best of inten- tions. The revolutionist often gave testimony, not in order to try to clear himself, but, as he thought, in. the interest of the revolutionary organizations, Some revolutionists took the entire blame upon them- Selves so as to clear the more responsible leaders of the organi- zation. But these tactics gave posi- tive results only in those cases where they were employed by ex- perienced revolutionists. Generally speaking the Okhrana knew’ very well who its most dangerous enemy was and it had sufficient means at its disposal to keep its hold on him; it was not deceived by the evasions of the prisoner, but the prisoner's evidence was of immense value to the Okhrana, because it provided clues for completely un- earthing the » revolutionary © or= ganization, provided material for the prosecution and for the liquida- tion of the organization on “lagal grounds.” For these reasons the Bolshevik Party, during the Tsarist regime, advised its members to refuse to Bive evidence of any kind during examination. In this the Party was not only guided by its awn experience but also by that of the preceding generation. It remem- bered the testament of that out- standing revolutionary organizer and conspirator of the end of the ‘70's, a member of the “People’s Will” Party, Alexander Mikhailov, who said: “I ordain you, brothers, to employ a uniform method of giving evidence prior to the trial; furthermore, I recommend that you refuse to make any statment under examination, no matter how clear the denunciation, or the reports of the Secret Service appear to-be. ae will save you from many mis- ah * * @ [i must be borne in mind that the refusal to give evidence carried with it heavy penalties, particularly for the Bolshevik evolutionists, Generally speaking, it was not easy to be an active Bolshevik . under illegal or semi-illegal conditions, but it was doubly hard for. the Bolshevik When he fell: into the hands of his enemies. But they had to be prepared to take the consequences of these tactics, TORTURE As was said above, the Tsarist Okhrana strove to obtain: evidence from the arrested revolutionist by every conceivable means. But they did- not always employ “humane” tactics and “refined” manners. The Okhrana usually employed those tactics during the first stages of the examination in the hope of luring the prisoners into its net. Bolshevik to defeat these en Oa rey a fewer victims were caught on the hook of the Okhrana. Then Xe agents of the Okhrana showed their true colours. After the Revolution of 1905 there were very few “friendly discussions” with arrested Bolsheviks on the teachings of Marx, or the tactics of the Bolshevik and Menshevik Parties, and on general political questions. “ty (To Be Continued) ’ The Reply of the Czar gress must reach every student. The decision of the congress for the establishment of united front anti-war committees 1n every col- lege must be immediately carried into life as the organic expresions of the united front on the carnpus. Mass actions must be organized of the students against the R. O. T. C., against the wars in Manchuria and South America. A mass campaign ‘must. be organized for the sending of the delegate to the Montevideo Congress. The National Committee must not in any way compromise the line of the Congress for winning the favors of the socialist leaders. Everyone must now be tested in the daily struggle against militari- zation of the schools and imperialist wat. The students must also remember their program which states; * student body cannot be an independent force in struggle against war... it mt therefore, in the struggle war, join with the working the class which bears the brunt of all wars...” They must co-operate with the American Committee against war and support every ac= tion of the working class. ‘ The Young Communist which was active from the bee ginning in the organization Congress will continue to co-operate in every way possible in the - ing of @ broad united front: movement neni imperialist fils