The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 28, 1932, Page 4

aaee Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 28, 1932 daily except Sunday, at 5@ & Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable "DAIWORK.” Pablished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co, sth St., New York City, N. Y Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, New York, N, ¥. SUBSCRIPTION By mail everywhere: One year. 36: six month: months, 82; 1 month. 73e exeepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx Canada: One year, $9. New York City & months, $5 Foreign and To Siciais Workers Who Seek to Fight Capitalism! HERE are workers, either members of the Socialist Party or its followers, who consider themselves to be sincere fighters for socialism. They, therefore, may find it hard to understand how we can accuse the party to which they belong or which they follow, of being social-fascist. Many rank and file socialist workers, being against fascism, may consider themselves fighters for socialism. They, therefore, cannot see how, in view of their desire to fight fascism, the Party which they follow, can be accused of being a social-fascist: party Are we correct in calling the right here let us state that we cer workers social-fascists. The capitalist class in the United States is P. should retain the name “Socialist Party” contacts with the workers and be working class. One or two facts i presidential election campaign Mr. Thomas received unlimited recognition in the capitalist press. His speeches we quoted, special articles we! written in leading capitalist publications. extolling him a great m Editorials were written in t capital press, pointi out how portant it is that there should be a Socialist Party in t Ss Aftez the elections Mr. ‘Thomas wrote on t Socialist Party in the December 14th issue of The @ liberal wh®had advised him to abandon the name “Socialist Party. Mr. Thomas here, too, disagrees. He says, “I do believe that there are more adyantages than disadvantages in keeping the socialist name” y social-fascis And ot accuse those socialist 1 and for socialism of being againsi f: 2 at the S. and that it should maintain party which claims to represent the will remember that during the n. im- of the replying to he fu ation, Here, Thomas by implication admits that there are certain disad- vantages in keeping the name “socialist”. He adds, nowever, that the advantages are greater. What are these advantages? Let us consult | one of the leading papers of Wall Street, the New York Times. Th’ organ of finance capital wrote a special, leading, lengthy editorial in its Sunday issue, Dec. 18, on Thomas’ article in The Nation. This Times editorial praises Thomas to the skies for his insistence on ret mame “Socialist Party”. What are the reasons for it? The torial agrees w Mr. Thomas that only such a Socialist Party which will have contacts with the workers is useful. Useful for whom? Useful, na- turally, for the interests which the New York Times represents. Of what earthly value is a Socialist Pa to the capitalist class if it can- not with its socialist phrases fool honest and sincere workers into be- lieving that they are fighting for socialism, while the party which they belong to is a party which breaks strikes, practices forced labor in Mil- waukee; a party which has betrayed the workers in the last world war and continues the same treacheries on a larger scale at the present time? At the time of the seizure of Manchuria by Japan, the Amer- ican Socialist Party adopted a special resolution of greetings to the Japanese Socialist Party. Now everyone knows that the Japanese So- cialist Party openly supports the imperialist war of Japan against the Chinese people. But here, too, these Japanese socialists use “socialist” phrases to justify an open imperialist robber war, Suzuki, head of the reformist Japanese trade union movement, is now visiting Prague, Czecho- Slovakia, in the interests of Japanese imperialism. He is there to tell the European workers to support Japanese imperialism. What does this Socialist say? “The formation of this state (Manchukuo) was necessary for Japan and for its workers. We believe that if no exploitation of labor by capitalism is allowed in Manchw . . Manchuria can be turned into a real paradise of modern labor (!) . From the standpoint of the Second International (to which both the Amer- ican and Japanese Socialist Parties belong—Ed.) the establishment of the state of Manchukuo is also necessary because it is planned as a bulwark against the spread of Communism .. . We are con- vinced that the existence of the state of Manchukuo as an obstacle to the further spread of Communism in Asia will have only bene- ficial results for the socialist workers of Europe.” Hére in the name of socialism this Japanese socialist leader calls upon the workers of Europe to support imperialist war. He speaks in the same fascist language for war preparations against the Soviet Union as would any leading imperialist statesman. In the name of socialism he calls for a holy war against the Soviet Union, because Manchukuo “is a bulwark against the spread of Communism”. S * * This is why we tell the socialist workers that the Second International and the various parties belonging to it are social- fascist. That is why the U. S. socialists use phrases in order to fool the workers, disarm them for the struggle against capitalism, and prepare the way for fascism. The workers in the U. S. must learn from the Icssons of the be- trayals of their fellow workers by the Socialist Parties of Hurope. The best examples can be seen from the MacDonald labor government and | the Social-Democratic Party of Germany. We all know that for years the Socialist Party was at head of the government in Germany. We all remember too well how the 1 s in Germany were urged to vote for Hindenburg as a bulwark against fascism. Everyone knows now that Hindenburg is naturally the open instrument for creating a fas- cist Germany. Let us give the real opinion of the German bourgeoisie which is also the opinion of our bourgeoisie, as to why they appreciate the importance of the Socialist Pari We quote from the confidential by the National Association of German Manu- facturers to its “clients”. What does this letter say? “. .. This marginal holder of bourge power was the social- democrats during the first period of post-war reconsilidation . . . Thanks to their social character as an originai workers’ party, the social-democrats brought to the political consteilation of that time not only their numerical political power, but a much more im- portant and lasting contribution, They chained organized labor to the bourgecis state machinery and by doing so paralyzed the revo- lutionary energy of their rank and file.” Here we really get further explanation why the New York Times 1s so anxious that the name “Socalist Party” be retained and “that the Socialist Party maintain practical contacts with the masses”. This is, as the German letter states, that only a Socialist Party which can retain the “social character as an original workers’ party” will be able to “keep the workers shained to the bourgeois state and paralyze the revo- lutionary energy of their rank and file”. Thi why we call the Social- ist Party a social-fascist party. ° leaders of the Let us cite one more voice supporting the New York Times, An editorial in the Waukegan (Ill) News-Sun of December 9 takes issue with the patriotic ladies who want to bar Einstein. They say, there nothing to fear from the socialists, because “the Socialists, as it happens, are not only different from the mmunists but are today the chief bul- wark against them. a buffer party between Communism and capitalism”, Every worker who has been in a strike, who has fought for unem- ployment} relief, will learn that these socialist leaders who place them- selves at the head of struggles do it only for the purpese of beheading these struggles and to carry out the program of the bosses. The recent meeting of the Executive Committee of the Communist International advised all the parties that they must really place themselves at the head of the suffering toilers in the struggle to improve their conditions im this worst economic crisis of capitalism. In order that the Commu- nist Parties should be able to mobilize the workers for struggles, the Communist International advised its sections “that only by directing | the main blows against social-democracy, this secial mainstay of the bourgeoisie, will it be possible to strike at and defeat the chief class enemy of the proletariat—the bourge: ” We said at the outset that when we call the Socialist Party a social- fascist party we do not apply this name to the sine workers who fol- lowed it, because we know that thi workers have been misled, The bosses and the leaders of the S. P. consciously exploit the old traditions of the Sovialist Party and make it appear as a working class party in order “to- keep: the workers chained. to the bourgeois state and paralyze their revolutionary energies”. We know that the workers, anxious to fight fascism, struggling to improve their conditions, will learn that the Socialist Patty is not a vorkmy-class party but a social-fascist party. Therefore the recent 12th Plenum of the Communist International also advised all its sections that they. must, in the fight against the Social- ist Party and its leaders, adopt the method of a “strict differentiation between the social-democratic leaders and workers. Here in the United States the American So receives the enthusiastie endorsement of the New York Times, rightfully belongs to the Second Socialist International, om international of social-fascist parties. We call upon those socialist workers who are sincere fighters for socialism and against fascism, who under pressure of increasingly worsening conditions in the country, are ready to fight against capitalism, to join hands with the Communist workers in the common struggle to improve their daily conditions, to destroy capitalism and, through the dictator- ship of the proletariat, build a classless socialist society, alist Party, which x a | ing questions and problems of our SCHOOL CRIMINALLY | NEGLECTED. School of YCL (Statement of N.E.C. of Young Communist League on National Training School), HE resolution of the Young Communist International to our League points out that in con- nection with the carrying out the tasks of that Resolution one of the most important steps we inus take is to change the ethods and work of the whole leadership. As t of this it gives us as one of the Basie Tasks the “drawing into leadership of the growing proletarian in the localities.” Immediately after our June 1932 Plenum, the National Executive Committee made a decision for the holding of a National Training School, as an urgent step the carrying out of the above tasl We gave ourselves almost four months to prepare for the school ITS IMPORTANCE CLEAR TO ALL How necessary and important is the fulfillment of this task must be clear to the whole membership, In every District, in the last yea many new members have come ir to the Young Communist Leag’ At the same time many new pro- letarian comrades have been drawn into the leadership in the Districts, Sections and Units. The task of drawing the new membership into k, of organizing | “systematic Marxist-Leninist education of membership” (¥.C.1. Resolution) elements scious effort is made to train new comrades everywhere to lead in this work. HE growing misery of the youth, their growing readiness for struggle (only one example of which, is their active participation in the Hunger March), the increas- work intensifies the need for trained youth leaders of the Y.C.L. and masses of youth a thousand- fold! Never before was a National Training School: as important as it is today! In spite of this, in spite of the fact that from all sides comrades are crying, “we must take steps to train our new cadres’—the work for the National Training School to date, has been criminally neg- lected. Leading comrades in the Districts (N.E.C. members who are District Organizers) in practice have sabotaged the successful carrying through of the school which is now in its second week. The N.E.C. understands very | well the difficulties with which the Districts are faced, especially in connection with finances. We un- derstand that in the preperatory period for the school, we were also involved in the Election Campaign, the Hunger March—both of which required finances. This, however, does net and cannot excuse the faet that the small quotes which were assigned to the Districts were not raised during a period of three months! rict leadership, to the N.E.C. mem- bers in the Districts have gotten no adequate response whatsoever! Glaring examples of this irrespon- sibility is the sending of $2 for 2 students from the important Dist- rict Of Chicago (financial quota— $30); $4 for four students from Cleveland (quota—$50) ; three students from Detroit, (quota —$45); no money from California (two students—$20), no money for the New Haven District student All these have District Organizers who are N.E.C. members who agreed with all the Y.C.I. Resolu- tion had to say on this question, who never onc agreed with the necessity of the school—but who in practise did almost nothing to help carry thrn this important step! The N.EC. considers these actions hinder our work in train- ing and developing new forces. SBR Ser F the students are really to be additional forces for our League. then the school must be carried through. The question of fin- ances is one of the most important political questions in order to do this. To date, the Districts have raised $109.25; this does not even pay for one week’s food for the student group. The District leadership, especi- ally the N.E.C. comrades are held responsible for immediately ful- filling their quotas. Collection lists, unit parties, appeals to lib- erals and sympathizers, tag day these must be organized at once! We call on every Y.C.L. member to help their District in this work! The carrying thru of the school is our job, comrades, and we must. all work together! We consider the carrying thru of their obligations by the District leaderships very seriously. Con- tinued disregard of N.E.C. calls for assistance will mean failure to take important steps to carry through the Y.C.I. resolution! It will mean a continued dirth of trained pro- letarian forces in the districts! It vill mean irresponsibility to the student comrades who are so seri- ous about the task assigned them! a a 'HE N.E.C. has decided to censure before the whole membership those District Organizers who have shown till now their complete neg- lect of the school. Further, if these comrades continue in this line (which amounts to supporting only in words good resolutions), the N.E.C. will consider it neces- sary to take organizational meas- ures to discipline these comrades, as an example that once and for all decisions must be carried out, once they are agreed to as politi- cally necessary for the work and development of our Young Com- munist League, Members of the Young Com- munist League. CARRY THRU THE NATIONAL TRAINING SCHOOL! —Buro of the NEO, Communist League. ‘Young $7.50 for | ‘Broken Pledges| “YOU'RE A FREE MAN NOW!” On Training a BHILIPPINe Youth and Children--the Worst can never be done, unless a con- | Sufferers from the Crisis SEEK TO USE THEM TO BUILD FASCIST ARMY By I. AMTER ILLIONS of boys and girls have graduated from the high schools and colleges and have never seen the inside of a factory. Not that they do not want to work; they want to wofk, but the growing gap between production and distribu-" tion, caused by capitalist exploita- tion, brought about the crisis, and their entrance to the factory was barred. Even if the crisis should “lift,” and there is not the slight- | est prospect of it, they would not get jobs. Millions of workers are doomed to permanent unemploy- ment—and today the young work- ers and children are the worst suf- ferers, Not long ago—in the days before the present crisis—it was seen that young workers were taking the place of the older men. This be- came so sharp that organizations of men above 45 years were formed to fight for jobs. Young workers would work cheaper and faster, and skill was becoming less of an asset, owing to the application of highly complicated machinery. Since the crisis broke, and particu- larly in the past two years, young | workers have been turned out of Numerous appeals to the Dist- | the factories in masses, and wherever there was need of work- ers, their places were given to the older men, These older men, on the other hand, are given the pay of young workers, and they are speeded’ to the limit. Out of fear of the direst hunger, they are working like slaves. Only one exception can be made in this respect; in the lighter in- dustries—food, light metal, needle, textile, ete—young workers still role, but their wages : ble, going down to as low as 2 cents a day for part- time work and $1.08 for 80 hours of work in Connecticut! This is utter slavery and starvation even when working! os ‘HE masses of young workers in the streets get no relief what- ever and no jobs. They are openly discriminated against. They are supposed to have “supporters” at home—the unemployed father who receives hunger relief, if he gets any at all. The Negro young workers are the worst sufferers of all, for their parents get no relief or a greatly reduced relief, it be- ing the “theory” that the Negroes and certain foreign-born workers (Latin-Americans and Italians in New York) are used to a “lower standard of living,” and therefore must be satisfied with less relief. The young and single workers get relief only whap a stiff fight is put up for them. The task of mobilizing and or- ganizing the young workers for re- lief is a MAJOR task. The capi- talists do not regard it of no moment. ‘The many clubs being organized, the interest taken by such “humanitarians’ as Newton D. Baker (former secretary of war) and Alfred E, Smith, Tammany chiéftain, shows that the capitalist class realizes the potential power of the youth, This is seen particularly in con- nection’ with the homeless’ youth, Who are the homeless youth? They are American boys and girls, who are driven out of their homes by hunger, Their families are un- employed; relief is insufficient. They starve at home, and in order to relieve the family of the bur- den of feeding more mouths, they leave home, hit the road in search of something to eat, somewhere to work (if that can be found), Out on the road, they are re- garded by the bosses as enemies of society. The police are against them, The railroad guards regard them as criminals. They are shot down in the railroads, many of them are kiled and injured climb- ing on and off the freight cars, | They wander from place to place, going to the warmer climates in inter and returning north in the summer, in the hope of finding food and possibly work. They have been treated as out- casts—as unteuchables—they- are nomads. Therefore they band to- gether, They feel that the com- munity is against them—and their experiences convince them. When they arrive at a city, ganged to- gether in larger groups as the only way of protecting themselves from the police and company guards, they frequently fall into the clutches of the law. They are taken before the judge, who either sends them to jail or gives them suspended sentences, with a warn- ing to get out of town. This means a ban upon them in town after town. Therefore they are on the go, with the “jungles” and box cars as their homes. PROBLEM SOLVED IN SOVIET UNION ‘HIS was a problem in the Soviet Union after the Revolution and particularly after the famine, when the parents and relatives of many children died fighting against the counter-revolution and hunger, and the children were deserted. They became nomads, /little brigands. But today they are completely re- habilitated and there is no youth problem in the Soviet Union in this respect, for worker studies and works. But in the United States with no prospect of the crisis lifting, with the assurance even of capitalist economists that should we return to the peak production of 1929, 45 per cent of the workers will never again find work, the home- parts of the country. Fifteen hun- dred pass through Kansas City a day. They gather in gangs of 200 to 300 in the warmer parts of Cali- fornia, Some even go to Mexico, to escape thé winter. But even: in the big cities, they are to be found in the jungles, Hoovervilles, flop- houses. They are being offered “higher education” in the schools, just as the city governments adyo- cated keeping the children in the high schools, because there was no work. But the government did not say how the children would be fed and clothed, on the miserable relief and wages the work:rs re- ceive. BOSSES PLAN FASCIST ARMY—. With the number of homeless }_ th growing by leaps and bounds, so that some reports declare that there are at least 2,000,000 of them, the capitalists are using these homeless boys to build a fascist army. Yes, literally a fascist army. In the Newsboys Club.of New York City, they welcome the homeless boy. Once in the club, he is in prison. He dare not leave. The police seek his parents, no matter in what part of the country, with every young | less youth are congregated in all | the aim of sending him home. The boy refuses, knowing that there is no bread at home—just the reason he left. He is threatened with jail or— ee The “or” is embodied in the pro- posal of Glassford of veteran fame in the bloody battle of Washington on July 28. This great “friend” of the ex-soldiers, who engineered the attack on them in Washington, has suddenly discovered a “soft spot” in his heart for the homeless youth. Glassford proposes a gov- ernment appropriation of $15,000, 000 for the establishment of mil tary camps for the homeless youh. At these camps they will be offered food and lodging,. sports, military training—everything that the aver- age boy “desires—but they will be under military’ regime. They will receive the proper “education” against the workers, the unemploy- ed, the Communisis, and all fight- ing sections of the population. This idea is being embodied in a bill proposed to the Senate by Senator Wagner, who demands an appro- priation of $10,000,000. And Sona- tor Wagner is also regarded as a “friend of the people,” supported by the reactionary chiefs of the Amer- ican Federation’ of Labor, ‘There is still another proposal in- troduced in the House to put the young unemployed into the army for a period of six months, with reduced pay, to “improve their morals” and their bodies. Pascal 'HESE are steps of the gravest na- ture for the revolutiontry move- ment. It is a formidable army that Glassford, Wagner, Baker and Smith have in mind—an army to be used against the. unemployed, against ‘strikers, against all the struggles of the workers. It pre- sents a problem of the greatecst moment to the workers. The Unemployed Councils, Young Communist League, the revolution- ary unions and the Party must carry on intense work among the young workers. We must concen- trate at those places where the young, unemployed are particularly to be found, connecting them up with the employed workers. We must build up organization among the homeless youth. In each city and town they must be sought out, and a fight be made for their re- lief. Such fights have been won de- spite regulations. These youth must be provided with the forms of ac- tivity that youth demands. This is not a question only for the youth —it is a burning question for the entire working class, (Continued) During the speech of the prin- cipal one member of the Unem- ployed Council booed him. Another member told the one who booed to shut up: The first one refused. So the second one took a punch at him. This resulted in a fist fight that put the whole meeting in' an uproar. Many parents, seeing this, began walking out of the hall. Some came over to me and told me: “You see we agree with you, But look at those people (pointing out those who started the fight), ‘They are a bunch of Communists; they were sent in to start a fight and break up the meeting. During the fight the principal got about 25 parents in a_ corner who were willing to accept his proposals and held a meeting with them, At the same time four mem- bers of the Unemployed Council jumped on the platform yelling that they had taken over the meet- ing. One yelled to the principal: “We brand you a traitor to the working class.” Despite this they were able to get a number of wom- the demands. I was informed a tew days later that the children had been given meal tickets in the school and also tickets for clothing. en to go to the alderman to present , Youth and the Chicago United Front point of view of what lessons we can learn: 1, The comrades from the Un- employed Council, instead of going to the meeting with the idea of uniting all the workers for these issues, actually went with the idea of “capturing” the meeting or “forcing” the workers to accept our leadership. A united front of all these parents cannot be formed on the basis of who will be chairman ot the meeting. The United Front can only be formed around the is- sues of the workers, 2. Instead of.our comrades boo- ing and hissing those who dis- agreed with our proposals, our com- rades should have discussed. them, with the aim, of convincing every- one of the correctness of what we proposed. 3. This experience shows that before such large meetings, where all kinds of workers will be present, the Unemployed Council should meet and work out its plans so that every member of the Council will know what to do, and also as- sign a number of speakers from the Council so that not everyone acis as he pleases, 4, Another serious weakness in this struggle was that the children were not sufficiently involved. 5. The Young Communist League IT. | By L, MARTIN MERICAN rail Brotherhood lead- ers haye been talking for a long time of shorter hours (with shorter _p: Soviet rail workers have actually been putting shorter hours into effect, with increased | wages. One of the first Soviet railroad jobs ‘the writer visited this sum- mer was the Perova car repair shops, a few miles outside Moscow. I arrived about 3:30, only to run into a steady stream of workers quitting for the day. They had started work at 7:30, had an hour for lunch, and now had completed their seven-hour day. They were hurrying home, eager to make the most of the summer afternoon— not quitting near dusk, like most American workers, with only the evening hours to call their own. THE 7-HOUR DAY On every other job we visited we | found the 7-hour day strictly en- | forced. Overtime is permitted only | in an emergency, must be paid at time-and-a-half or double time, and is limited to 150 hours a year for any, one worker. Working hours of Soviet train crews are limited on a monthly basis to the equivalent of a 7-hour day.. They work 168 hour$ a month. : In presrevolutionary days Rus- | sian railroad workers had to put in 13 of any number of hours a | | | | | | it the &hour day, and introduction | of the 7-hour day began w Five-Year Plan, By Januar more than 350,000 Soviet rail work- ers had had their hours shortened to seven, and by the end of the year the 7-hour day will have be- come universal, And the 7-hour day is only a step to still shorter hours. A 6-hour day is already enforced in dangerous or trying work, and the Second Five-Year Plan calls for its general introduction. jee i day. The revolution brought with | | | | 'HE working week has been short- ened as well as the working day ¥ ith it increased not,de- d. weekly wages, unlike the American shopmen’s 5-day week). | Practically all Soviet railroaders are now either working five days and resting the sixth, or else work- ing four days and resting the fifth. This means, of course, far more rest days in a year than American railroad men have. And the leisure enjoyed by Soviet rail workers is increastd still further by paid va- | cations, The American il” must | lose wages if he takes any time off for a vacation, and few can afford to do so. But his Soviet brother gets two to four weeks’ vacation each year with full wages paid for all the time he is off. NOTE SHARP CONTRASTS Talking with locomotive engi- neers, trainmen, shopmen and la- borers’ at the Oktyabrskaya ter- minal and shops in Moscow, we . noted many other contrasts with American eonditions, particularly in | regard to promotioen. In the United States it takes the best part of a lifetime to become a locomotive engineer. In fact, few firemen can hope for promotion at all at the present time. They are lucky to be eyen on the extra beard, since most firemen’s jobs are now held by demoted engi- An American Visits a | Soviet Railroad Shop | | 's. Engineers with 30 or more ars seniority have not only been demoted to firemen, but bumped oul of jobs altogether. On the Boston & Maine, it is reported that there is hardly a man in the com- pany’s employ with less than 25 years’ service. On the Soviet railroads, on the other hand, there is such @ short- age of locomotive engineers that a. fireman is promoted as soon as he is qualified. Many get locomotive engineers’ jobs in one year, ac- cording to Oktyabrykaya workers. In the shops there is the same shortage of skilled workers. And the union has no interest in re- stricting entry into the skilled crafts by long apprenticeships, ete., as is done by American craft unions. For this there’is the fol- Jowing good reason. Paar NN the Soviet Union there is no capitalist class to take advan- tage of any increased supply of skilled labor by lowering wages and worsening conditions. ‘There it works out like this: The more skilled workers there are and the greater their efficiency, the greater will be production; and the greater production, the more goods there will be to go around, the higher general living standards, the shorter necessary working hours and the more money available for higher wages and better job conditions. Consequently the Soviet rail workers and their union are eager to make it as easy and quick as | possible to graduate to the skilled trades. All the shopmen we met took great pride in pointing to the many technical classes, the large number of ‘orkers studying in them, and the speed with which skilled men are being trained. Promotion is almost as easy and rapid for Soviet rail workers today as is demotion for American rail- roaders, WAGES DECLINE IN U. S.; RISE IN U. 8. S. R. Wage changes present another striking contrast between Soviet advance and capitalist decline, Earnings of American rail workers haye been declining rapidly since 1929, The general 10 per cent wage-cut accounts for only part of this drop. Most of it is due to demotion from higher to lower paid jobs, to short-time, reduced mile- age and other “share-the-work” or stagger plans. Case studies made by Lloyd White of the Cleveland Press show that all these causes combined have meant about a 50 per cent reduction’ in the actual earnings of the typical American railroader in the last few years, In the Soviet Union, on the other hand, railroad wages have been in- creasing rapidly every year since 1924. By 1929 average monthly wages of all Soviet rail workers were twice as high as before the war, In 1930 they increased nearly 15 per cent over 1929. In 1931 they showed a further increase of about 19 per cent. And in 1932 still an-" other average increase of about 16 / per cent is being put into effect. Money wages, however, make up only part of the real wages of a Soviet railroader. He receives in addition many social benefits which an American worker does not enjoy at all or else must pay for out of. his own pocket. These will be dealt with in the next article. AGAINST THE PHRASE,| “IT’S WHITE OF YOU” Dear Comrades: T should like to call your atten- tion to a white chauvinist expres- sion that got by in a recent issue of the Daily Werker. In the issue of December 21, on page four, appears an article— quite a goed article, too—on “Mr. Bate Fish in Debate,” by Nancy Quite preperly, Comrade Nancy | F. gets sarcastic about Mr. Fish’s cemagogy, and at one point says: “What's that you say, hollow man? ‘E believe in the people’s right to revolution?’ Mighty white of you, Mr. Fish!” Now just what does that ex- pression, “mighty white,” mean? Undoubtedly, Comrade Nancy F. didn’t know it, but that is only on? of the many expressions that have crept into the language as the result of the American system of national oppression of twelve million Negroes in the © United States, and, in general, the whoie system of oppression of the darker peoples by the white imperialists all over the world, EXPRESSION REFLECTION OF SYSTEM, Now we all know that popular~ expressions and idioms—the whole language, in fact—are not sheer accidents. The expressions that a certain language uses grow out of the whole system and life and ideology of the country where that language is used. Teday in the Soviet Union, the phrases “shock brigades,” “tempo,” and so on are to be heard not only in the fac- tories and in meetings, but also in the home, from the children play- ing games, and so on. Such words and others are an expression of the prevailing system—the Soviet system—and of its effect on the everyday life of the people, whom it_is moving to conscious social effort. The oppression of the Negroes is one of the most important props of the capitalist system in America, and the idea of “white superiority” is one of those ideas which all the forces of the capitalists do their bost to keep up. The schools, with their distorted texi-books; the press, with its stories of “rape” by Negroes; the churches, with their sanction of capitalism and oppres- sion; the. radio, which broadcasts “ ‘a Andy” and such songs as “Somebody had to pick the Letters from Our Readers were born’”—all the forces of cant- talist. education, help along the idea that Negroes are inferior, that whites are superior, and so on. “WHITE SUPERIORITY” IDEA. Our very language and folk-ex- pressions have absorbed this pre- vailing idea of “white superiority.” y not now speaking of such out: -aut, obviously chauvinist expressions as “nigger,” “darky,” “pickaninny,” and so on. I am speaking of expressions that we use almost without thinking, but. which are nevertheless the result of this same race-hatred and “white superiority” idea. The very fact that we don’t even notice them shows how _ all-pervading such ideas are in this capitalist society. How did this expression “mighty white of you” originate, anyhow? First of all, there is the usual idea that “white” is identical with “good” and that “black” is iden- tical with “bad.” (Thus the chufches show angels as white.) Then also, the expression means that Mr. Fish, in this case “acts white,”—that is, like a white man and therefore in a good and agree- able manner. ‘There are a number of other ex- pressions that result from the same “white superiority” idea, and which we have come to use without thinking. There is expression “they treated we —that is, like a white man, deserves something better than black person. There is also common expression “free, whit and 21" which is intended to that you are king of the and able to do as you whereas.if you were black you wouldn’t be in the vileged position. MUST ROOT OUT THESE EXPRESSIONS. All these expressions show how much a part of the present system. the oppression of the Negroes is; and how all-pervading is the ideology of “white superiority,” so that it even creeps into our every tis Se Hl 2 8 i 3 pressions. We must become cons scious of them, must know what they mean, must root them out of our speech just as we strive to root out of our minds all ideas of “white superiority.” _ TAWHON, al