The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 27, 1932, Page 4

Page Four | | Dail Yorker Contre Party USA Pablished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 8 E. 13th St., New York City, ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4. Cable “DAIWORE. Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 3th St., New York, ™. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $5.50 ugh of Manhattan and Bronx + One year, 39 $2; L month, Ye Foreign and $_months, 38 8 month: New York City 6 months, 35 Economic Facts Blast the “Recovery” Deceptions aC the year closes there is let loose from all capitalist sources a flood of optimistic prophesies about the be- | ginning of economic recovery. Yesterday’s New York Times financial page goes to the absurd lengths of proclaiming not only that the lowest level of the crisis has been reached, but asserting that recovery has already set in and has been pro- ceeding throughout most of 1932. Mr. Alexander P, Noyes, who writes the daily contribution on “Financial Markets” makes this statement “There can be no reasonable doubt that, in the retrospect of future financial history and despite the numerous exacting prob- lems still ahead of us, 1932 will be described as the first year of re- covery from the great depression.” Every newspaper in the whole galaxy of the kept press of the country publishes similar comment. There is being mobilized every agency of capitalist propaganda to put o this deception. The Chi mas “mes- sages” from the pulpits were monotonous echoes of the financial columns of. the capitalist press. Ji ing in the chorus was the officialdom of the American Federation of Labor which issued a statement from their head- quarters at Washington that the bottom of the “depression” has been reached and that “with proper governmental action”, recovery will cer- tainly set in This whole agitation, without any base in fact, is a continuation and intensification of the camp to try to arrest and cripple the mass move- ment against hunger and for immediate unemployment relief, for unem- ployment insurance, for relief for the impoverished farmers and for pay- ment of the soldiers’ bonus. an attempt to administer large doses of dope to the starving toiling masses, who are suffering a furious onslaught on all standards of life. Green and the officials of the American Federa- tion of Labor, who were forced by the mass pressure of their own mem- bership to maneuver at the Cincinnati convention to pay lip service to unemployment insurance and at the same time to try to defeat the move- ment for forcing federal action for unemployment relief by putting forth proposals for state unemployment insurance, are worried by the rank and | file movement inside their own unions, But they will not succeed in satis- | fying the hungry masses by predictions based upon nothing other than | the lies of the prostituted financial writers of the capitalist press. ‘What are the facts that completely refute this campaign? They are to be found in the continued downward plunge of production, in the in- creasing ranks of unemployed, in the fall in payrolls even faster than the fall in unemployment—which shows that those wor still employed are suffering ever more vicious wage slashes. ‘ERE are some damaging facts. During the month of November, as compared to October, the general trend of employment in the coun- try was downward, with pay roll totals sliding down at an even faster rate, according to the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. A de- crease of 1 per cent in employment and 3.1 per cent in pay rolls is shown by the combined figures of seventeen major industrial groups with 67,884 establishments employing 4,487,587 workers. - Steel continued to lead the downward trend, with production at only 14 per cent of capacity. The week ending December 17 (the last week of which there is avail- able a record) car loadings declined 0.8 per cent in one week, according to the report of the American Railway Association announced on December 23. Total car loadings were only 516,796. This was 4,420 fewer than for the previous week; 64,374 cars, or 11 per cent fewer than for the corres- ponding week of last year, and 197,068 cars, or 27.6 per cent fewer than | for the corresponding week two years ago. ‘Thus the facts blast the fiction so brazenly and lyingly stated by Mr. Noyes of the Times and re-echoed throughout the country that the year just passed can be regarded as the year of the beginning of recovery from the economic crisis. Before the facts of life these prophesies are blasted. Mlusions help the capitalist class in their attempt to place the burden of their crisis upon the masses. They supplement the savage attacks of the police, the courts, the lynch gangs, directed against the mass movements of the workers and farmers showing an increased determination to fight against their capitalist and landlord exploiters. Such predictions cannot step the fight that daily reaches higher levels in the local struggles against hunger, the fights for bread, the fights against evictions, against wage- cuts, the tempestuous upsurge of the masses in the industrial centers, among the farmers of the North and the Negro and white share croppers and tenant farmers of the South. These struggles already under way and those that are bound to burst forth this winter furnish favorable possibil- ities for the Communist Party, the revolutionary vanguard of the work- ing class, to concentrate all forces on the mass work, to stimulate and lead to higher forms the struggle of the toiling masses, to carry farther the task of winning the majority of the working class for the revolutionary struggle against capitalism. Article by Dunne on “Daily’s” Role in Labor Struggles in Special Issue One of the most important articles in the Special Daily Worker An- niversary and Lenin Memorial Edition, to be published Jan. 14, will be | “Bight Years of the Daily Worker in American Labor Struggles,” by Bill Dunne. Dunne, who became co-editor of the Daily together with the late J. Louis Engdahl when it was founded, will trace the role of the Daily Worker as the leader and organizer of the American working class throughout this crucial period. Other leading articles in the Special Edition will include “Leninism and War,” by Ear! Browde’ ‘Lenin and the Da Worker,” by Robert Minor; “Leninism and Our Fight for the Majority of the Working Class,” by Jack Stachel; “The Socialist Press in the Service of Capitalism,” by H: M. Wicks; “The Study of Leninism in America,” by Sam Don; and “Leninism and the Growth of Socialism in the Soviet Union,” by Mois- saye J. Olgin. Working-class organizations and individual workers are urged to send | greetings at once for the special issue. All greetings must be in not later | than Jan. 8. | Montana Farmers Stop Sheriff From Confis-, cating A Combine DAGMAR, Mont., Dec. 26. — Dag- mar farmers stopped a deputy sher- | iff of Sheridan county from confis- | cating 2 combined harvester which he had seized for debt from a farmer near here. The Great Falls Tribune prints the following account of the | affair: combine in 1928 and harvested four crops with it but had made only one payment, Demand Relief. | “The demonstrations said to have been led by communists. The mem~ bers of this organization staged a demonstration at Plentywood a few days ago in which they demanded that cash be paid to needy persons instead of orders for supplies.” Wheels Missing. Group\Stops Sheriff. | “Plentywood, Mont., Dec. 13.—Tak- | ing the law into their own hands, eight farmers from the vicinity of Dagmar, two miles west of the North Dakota line, forced a deputy sheriff of Sheridan county to abandon a truck on which he was transporting ® combine taken! under foreclosure proceedings to Medicine Lake. “The machine, the property of the Allis-Charlmers company under the foreclosure proceedings, was taken at the home of C. S. Anderson of Dagmar by Sheriff Hans P. Madsen, who turned it over to a deputy after serving the legal papers to acquire possession. Some distance from the Anderson farm the deputy was stopped by a group of farmers, who forced ‘him to abandon. the truck and the combine. He caught @ ride to Medicine Lake and notified the sheriff. Remind Him of Battle. “Members of the posse, said they were following the example of the farmer at. Elkhorn, Wis., who last week engaged in a pitched battle with a sheriff and deputies who had come to dispossess him of a fore- closed farm. “The sheriff's record, under which ‘The Producers News, official news- paper of the United Farmers League, reprints the article from the Great Falls Tribune, “We have not been able to get all the details of this transaction. From what we have learned, the combine belonged to Clifford Andersen at Dagmar. It had not moved but a couple of miles west of Dagmar when the farmers 6vertook it and brought it back. “Next day was Sunday—and who says our sheriff don’t work on Sun- day? Sheriff Madsen was back on the job again with his deputies, but. moving the combine this time was & hopeless case. It had lost all of its wheels and stood flat on the found. Nobody seems to know what become of the wheels. “Wel All Be There,” “The sheriff had to go back home without the combine. Now they say he is sick in bed. The man who re- ported this said: ‘If anything like this happens again, all they got to do is to give @ general call over the phone and we will all be there.’ “This combine deal | PARTY LIFE | [How a Party, FractionWorks in the NTWU: By MARTHA STONE (District Organizer National Tex- tile Workers Union, Paterson), HE Party has the task of build- ing a union that functions as an independent organization with rank and file democracy ald an inner life of its own. This is a tre- mendous task. It cannot be ac- complished unless the Party under- stands just how it is to be done. The task of the Party is not to re- place the union but give leadership to it and help to develop the initi- ative of the non-party workers. A few weeks ago, the union held a& membership meeting. The weak- nesses of the Party were so glaring at this meeting that the non-party workers called it to the attention of the union leadership. The mem- bership meeting showed us how the Party must not function in the Trade Unions. First of all, the meeting was call- ed for 6:30. It was opened by the Chairman at 6:40. For the first time a meeting started on time. Fifty workers were present only one Party membes, .Party comrades kept coming in as late as 7:40, walking into the hall with looks of surprise on their faces as. they found the meeting well on its way. eV HERE were three points on the pared beforehand by the Board, to be a short and snappy meeting. When each question came up, the same Party members arose and spoke. The Chairman at the meeting, altho a Party member, did not rule democratically. A proposal was made by the organ- izer. It was carried without a vote by the membership. NO CONSTRUCTIVE CRITICISM The second point on the order of business was Shop Reports. Workers rose and gave reports of conditions and activity of the Un- ion in these shops. A Party com- rade takes the floor and criticizes the Union leadership for failing to carry out certain organization work, which involved the building where he worked. The comrade makes no proposals and does not offer to help to correct the situ- ation where he works. He shows no leadership and his criticism is not constructive. Although criticism is necessary and workers must be encouraged to speak frankly, it is necessary for the Party comrades to see that their role is to make proposals to correct the situation and to take personal résponsibility for correct- ing these weaknesses. Then the criticism is constructive. b Spee Sa UGHOUT the meeting there is noise, walking around, which inmost cases is done by the Party members. The final point on the Order of Business is the ‘Hunger March. A representative of the T. U. U. L. reports on the March. This was the first time the march was discussed at the membership meeting. Immediately after the report a | Party member arose and proposed that we proceed to the election of delegates a® no discussion was ne- cessary. Can there be a more buro- cratic proposali An attitude of “We know it all.” This motion was carried by the membership! The bulk of the union members heard about the March, and learn- ing the sectarian methods from our Party comrades forgot entirely about the new members present. HOW HUNGER MARCHERS WERE ELECTED During the election of the hun- ger marchers, a Party member arose and listed off four nominees as delegates to the March. He stated why each one should be elected and then sat down. How obvious this was to the non-party workers. One worker stated, that the fraction must have decided so therefore he presented the “slate.” The fraction did not meet and even if it had met before the meet- ing, in any case it would be wrong to come in “all prepared” and present it in this manner. To the union members it seemed as tho everything is settled outside and their task is to accept, and that they have no say in the organiza- tion. eh, ee we do these mistakes occur? These errors in every case are made by comrades who have long standing in the revolutionary move- ment, Party members who feel that the Union is in their pockets, so to speak. These workers do not form any “opposition” to the Party, | but rather they are “our workers, However, the results of such mi thods of work, and burocracy, that our union is a sectarian group of Party members and sympathiz- ers, that there is a lack of dis- cipline in the organization, and that the Union is not living an In- dependent Life. ‘The way to correct these weak- nesses is first of all that every Party comrade must become sensi- tive to the feelings, reactions and needs of the workers about him, and those in the Union. React quickly to their problems. Decide questions with the workefs and not for them. The Party must feel res- ponsible to the non-party masses and set a good example of discip- line, activity etc. The task of the Party members is to supply leader- ship end to develop non-party workers for leadership in the ‘Union. Some of the Party comrades, even after discussing the above problems with them, do not feel that they are making a serious error, Unless this is corrected quickly the Union will not become a real broad organization, and workers will constantly reply to our appeals to them to become members that “they have no say in the organization.” Finally, the Party fraction must function re- gularly, meet regularly and help solve the problems of the union. hes been| This is our Bolshevik task in the ‘how "Shot “andre Susie the padeacted ower the aig” | Mablogal ‘agile ‘Wogkscs uaa | ‘liu t { and | “HERE’S YOUR MAN, BOSS!” ANP By EARL BROWDER ‘HE Friends of Soviet Russia, ten years ago, collected $1,000,000 in money and another million dollars worth of medicine, tools, clothing, etc., for the 1920-21 famine in the Soviet Union. This organization still stands out as one of the large united front movements organized by the American revolutionary working-class movement. The Passaic textile strike of 1926, one of the most dramatic of the smaller strikes in the last decade, involved in strike relief support hundreds of A. F. of L. local unions, Socialist Party branches and workers in other reformist and reactionary led organizations. At the end of the year’s struggle it was credited with collecting $500,000 in money and an equal amount in food, clothing and fuel in strike relief. The Pennsylvania-Ohio miners’ strike of 1927, 1928, officially led by the United Mine Workers’ mis- leaders, proved beyond any doubt that our strike relief policies can win for us large sections of work- ers in reactionary unions. It proved as well that workers in other industries, organized and un- organized, will support strike re- lief campaigns led by us when misleaders of the A. F. of L. unions are concretely and factually ex- posed. More than $500,000. in funds, food and clothing were con- tributed, through our activities, to the striking miners. SPREAD UNDERSTANDING OF CLASS STRUGGLE ‘The Gastonia textile strike of 1929, the Pittsburgh miners’ strike of 1931, the Kentucky miners’ strike of 1932 add to the list. of large struggles in which strike re- lief played a very important, role in winning farmers, storekeepers, professionals and _ intellectuals, workers of varying political be- liefs and religion for the support of battles against wage-cuts and starvation. These relief activities also helped in raising their polit- ical level, their understanding of the class struggle and the policies and maneuvers of all who belong to the enemy camp. ‘What many good and a number of leading comrades fail to per- ceive and keep constantly in mind is, that in all these major strug- gles, it was the Workers’ Interna- tional Relief that was in action. To the credit of this organization must be placed the material aid coupled with the broad dissem- ination of the correct tactics and strategy in struggles among broad masses of workers throughout the country. no, Ce 'HE weakness of the entire lead- ership of the Workers’ Inter- national Relief -has always been that we did not understand how to transtorm the support given by hundreds of thousands of workers and sympathizers into compact or- ganization, into membership branches and action committees. This is a general weakness of ours. EVERY CONTRIBUTOR A POTENTIAL MEMBER The W. I. R., with its program of strike relief, aid to the hunger marches of the unemployed and the active workers of the unem- ployed councils, in its fights against the starvation and misery of working children, its fight for unemployment, old age, accident, maternity and other forms of so~ cial insurance, should become one of the broadest mass organiza- tions, Every worker and sympa- thizer, no matter of what polit- ical party, no maiter of what religion, who voices support of W. I. R. program and activities, any- one who gives a contribution of clothes, food or money, no matter how small, constitutes a potential member of the W. I. R. PA haa HOUSANDS of W. I. R. com- rades, and workers of other or- ganizations, have been approached in meetings of organizations and personally. The approach resulted in aid for strike struggles and the fight for unemployment insurance. he approach ended when the con- wae sgade. Workers International Relief in the Class Struggle wrong. Those whom we con- vinced to contribute could have been convinced to join the W. I. R. A good number of organizations not yet connected with our revo- lutionary work could have been collectively affiliated. WORKERS COME AND GO Take as a most simple example a day in the New York district of- fice of the W. I. R. (or any other W. I. R. headquarters in any city.) Dozens of workers and sympa- thizers, because of the influence of the W. I. R., gained among masses of workers, voluntarily come to the New York headquarters of the W. I. R., bringing bundles of cloth- ing, -contributions of funds and suggestions for activity. Is even one. of thése sympathizers ever asked to join; or to act as an or- ganizer in his neighborhood or shop or in thé organization he may belong to? Probably one in a hundred, and eyen then the ap- proach is sectarian and burocratic. ‘These workérs comé to us, yet we do not connect them with the Ww. R. e2 eee ‘HE medica) aid units of the W. I. R., coriiposed of physicians and nurses, have to their credit an outstanding accomplishment jn medical aid given to gassed and clubbed’ hunger marchers in the attack of Wilmington; in Wash- ington, D..C., along the lines of match, The Workers Laboratory Thea- tre of the W. I. R. must be com~- mended for its agitational con- tributions at street corner meet- ings in the election campaign; the branches and committees of the W. I. R. (Cleveland’and New York outstanding) strained every effort to assist in gathering the food, funds and sleeping quarters for the Hunger Marchers. Yet where are the organizational achievements? What is the concrete answer to the question? How many new members, new branches, new com- mittees and groups in neighbor- hood and shop resulted from these activities? BROAD ORGANIZATION FROM BELOW NEEDED The W. I. R. program of activi- ties is clear. What needs concen- tration upon is the elimination of sectarian habits and the develop- ment of a broad organization from below instead of numerous func- YOUTH AND THE UNITED FRONT IN CHICAG By JACK KLING. (District Organizer, Young Commu- nist League, Chicago) IN Chicago the number of children who face immediate starvation runs far above 50,000. They can- not get food for breakfast and lunches. Their parents are unem- ployed or work part time and get relief on a starvation basis. Many children cannot go to school be- cause they have no clothing. I went into a workers’ home at 4345 S. Langley./There are two children, one of 10 and one 12. Both don't go to school, for they have no shoes. This is true of thousands of workers’ children. ‘The question of children going hungry is a problem confronting all workers’ children, regardless what Political opinions their parents may have. Therefore our problem, the problem of the Young Pioneers, and the Unemployed Councils, is to develop a broad united front of all parents and their children, on the basis of struggle for the issues confront. the workers and their children, A CONCRETE EXPERIENCE On Nov. 27th, the Young Pioneers called an open hearing of the par- ents and children who are attend- ing the Lawson School. At the hearing about 75 parents and chil~ dren were present. They clected a delegation of parents to go to the principal of the school and de- 1. Free food and clothing for tho ctgigren: 2 he: right to. cal a | tionaries on top concerned only | with collections. What the W. I. | R. needs is cadres of organizers and the understanding that every worker that aids in W. I. R. ac- tivities is a potential organizer. Broad committees composed of non-party workers and sympa- thizers should be placed on city, district and national committees of the W. I. R. This will connect the entire life of the W. I. R. with the masses, learning to know their points of view, accepting sugges- tions from the workers and their co-operation with the W. I. R. This will enable the W. I. R. to reach news. shops and neighbor- hoods continually. Regular financial reports must go forward to all organizations contributing, to all branches and groups that function in any cam- paign, so as to establish the finan- cial responsibility of the W. I. R. Being satisfied with merely hay- ing accounts audited by accred- ited and. registered accountants abd keeping ‘thes: financial re- ports in the files is simply another form of burocracy. | DEFINITE ROLE FOR W. I. R. Though it is essential to offer | these criticisms, and , though | know that the W. I. R. is indulg- ing in self-criticism and applying itself to a correction of its short- comings, we must at this time em- phatically emphasize that those comrades who voiced the opinion that the Workers’ International Relief was an unnecessary organ- ization, thereby contributing to its disorganization, were mistaken. The W. I. R. has made errors dur- ing the last ten years which has alienated workers, but, despite this, the W. I. R. is supported, is held in esteem and has developed loy- alty among broad masses. It has a definite role in the class strug- gle and must be built. Liquida- tion can never be the solution for errors and difficulties encountered ip building mass organizations. ees aN 'E call for support of the Work- ers’ International Relief. The economic crisis continues. Strug- gles will sharpen and broaden. ‘These struggles will be more effec- tively carried on by us with the aid of a large membership of workers and sympathizers organized into the Workers’ International Relief. we | From speech at Tenth Anniversary —Workers School, Dec. 9, 1932), By MOISSAYE J, OLGIN HILE the Hunger March is still in progress it is necessary to say a few words about its connec- tion with the Workers School. At first sight, the hunger march- ers represented a heterogenous crowd. They had come from every industry, from every section of the country. They differed as to back- ground, previous experiences and education. But as I became ac- quainted with them, as I listened to their conversations, I realized that the Workers School was not alien to them. In fact, many men- tioned with great pride their study- ing at one or the other party schools. Some of them had been to a district training school, some hoped to become eligible for a dist- rict training school. One of the Negro comrades, a seargent of the late war with seven decorations, among them a Croix de Guerre, was not at all proud of his military accomplishments, but he told me spent three weeks in a New Eng- jand district training school. He was assigned, he said, to collect signatures for placing the Party on the ballot. He went with an- other comrade, more experienced. in Party work. The citizens, when approached for a signature, asked questions or offered criticism. The experienced comrade replied, ex- plaining the policy and tactics of the Communist Party. “This prac- tical work,” said the comrade, “plus theoretical work in the dist- rict school gave me a foundation. I can speak now to workers. 1 can make myself useful for the | movement.” ‘There was a gleam of | pride in the eyes of this warrior, with great enthusiasm how he had | ‘Those Who Were Equipped With Revolutionary Theory’ a veteran of the imperialist war | but a novice in the class war, | PROUD OF SCHOOL the Workers Scncol with love, ad- miration and longing. Some cherished the fond idea of being sent to the National School. Some emphasized the amount of hard work necessary to accomplish before one has quali- fied for the National Training School. The hunger-march was a very practical thing, a complete set of actions, yet somehow it was not separated \from the Workers School. The Workers School was connected with the Hunger March, yet in an- other more organic way. And it is this phase that deserves parti- cular attention. * - ‘HE Hunger March, as I said, consisted of a heterogeneous | crowd. Many of the marchers were inexperienced in the class-struggle. Most of them had been recruited on the bread lines, houses at block meetings. Many of them had never held membership in a working class organization. Many were what we call in our Party language a “raw element.” They were proletatians; all of them were out of work; most of them resented their situation. They had brought with them a few fundamental reactions. They had a wholesome hatred of the bosses, collectively and individually. They had a_ salutary contempt and | hatred for the cops, also individu- | ally and collectively. ‘They knew | that they had been selected to represent their fellow workers in a great cause. But they were raw. They had known no real prole- tarian discipline. They had not understood clearly the meaning of the workers’ demands. They had | no adequate conception of the class division of society and of the class struggle. | NOT YET LEADERS Into this mass of proletarians was injected a number of those who had gone to a Party school, who had received Party training. They could hardly be called lead- | ers. They were rank and filers. But then this is the situation of the whole Communist section of the working class. Everyone is a leader in relation of those less ex- perienced and less class-conscious, and a rank and filer in relation to those who have had a better Marxist-Leninist training. Who were those truck captains, squad commanders, even division commanders? They were men and women who, at one time or an- other, had a course in Marxism- meeting of the parents in the { school auditorium to discuss further steps to be taken, : ‘The parents visited the principal and he agreed to both demands. A meeting was called in the school for Noy. 30 at 1:30 p.m. I came late to this meeting and found over 350 parents in the hall. Most of the members of the Unemployed Coun- cil sat together, while over 300 workers were scattered throughout the hall. The principal was already speaking. He made the following proposals: 1. That the parents present should take as many children as possible who need food and feed them in their homes. 2. That they enlist as many par- ents as possible to go out and get donations from workers’ organiza- tions in order to feed the children. ee the principal was speak- a member of the Unem- ployed Council jumped up and ask- ed that a chairman be elected. An argument developed as to whether a chairman should be elected or not. Then the worker sat down and the principal continued. Later another worker jumped up and once again asked for a chairman to be elected as the parents called the meeting. An argument devel- oped again. During these arguments many workers remarked: “What do we care who is chairman, or who call- ed the meeting. We came here to find out how we are going to gev free food and clothing for our chil- dren.” The principal was able to quiet our comrades by saying everyone will be given a chance to speak, A teacher got the floor and told how she bought a pair of shoes for ‘one child and agreed with proposals of the principal. She was booed down by the members of the Un- employed Council, One member of the Unemployed Council got up and spoke, yelling: “We don’t want charity. Your pro- posals are charity. We want to present our plan.” ‘The principal said: “Let us hear your plan.” How- ever, he presented no plan, but called the one of the principal charity. GIVES DEFINITE PROPOSALS After seeing and hearing these arguments and also various expres- sions of discontent of the workers present with the way we acted, I felt, that it was necessary for me to speak. I took the floor and the main points I brought out were the following: I pointed out the starvation among the children and its causes. I pointed out how the proposals of the principal meant pushing ad- ditional burdens on the shoulders of the workers and not those re- sponsible for the starvation, those who ierinek ewe eisai then made tol g 1. A cafeteria in the school bo established and all children be fed meal a day without any dis- in the flop | Leninism, who had gone to a Dist- Many more comrades mentioned | Training | rict Training School or to the Workers School. They were equipped with the class struggle theory. They understood the role of organization in the class strug- gle. They could explain the mean- ing of immediate demands and of the final goal. They could explain perialism” and “socialism.” They had a clear notion as to the signi- ficance of the Hunger March. N They discussed those notions with the rank-and-file marchers, They discussed them at specially organized meetings in the trucks, during the travel. They discussed them at the night lodgings. They explained to individual marchers what remained unclear to them. They emphasized the importance of the decisions made by the Hun- ger March leadership. They es- tablished connections between the past experiences of the workers, their present experiences and their future struggles. Cie ean. the meaning of “capitalism,” “im- ( | ND an almost miraculous trans- formation took place before our very eyes, within the ranks of the hunger marchers. The fire of the class conception of society, the light of the Marxist-Leninist theory, added to the fundamentally sound reactions of the workers, transformed this mass of proletari- ans, strange to eacli other, and yesterday strange to the movement, into one solid body of revolution- ary fighters. If the hunger march- ers went into battle with a courage and a fighting power that startled the bourgeous world, if in Wash- ington they were ready to march defying all obstacles, if in the midst of overwhelming armed forces they made a splendid showing of unity, courage, determination and class aggresiveness in the capitol of the country to an extent that did not fail to impress even the enemy, this was due to the fact that they were trained, if for a short time, in the Marxist-Leninist theory. It is the Workers School in the broader sense of the word that made this proletarian army possible. They will go back now to their respective cities, rich with experi- ence, strengthened by their strug- gles, made more powerful and more militant by the knowledge ac- quired, both practical and theore- tical. They will, no doubt, fight in the forefront of their class. Thus the Hunger March has al- ready accomplished one great aim: It has turned three thousand pro~ letarians into revolutionary fight= ers, : TIMES REQUIRE MORE But the times in which we live require vastly more. Few of us ac- tually realize the nature of the times we live,in. Not only is cap- italism exposing itself at every new turn its bankruptcy, economic, poli- tical, social and cultural; not only is it destroying the very cultural values it was boasting of as its greatest achievements, but the tide of the revolutionary labor move- ment is rising higher and higher, Masses are beginning to stir. The time is not far when we will enter a revolutionary era. We can see clearly the approaching historical revolutionary situation where the working class under the leadership of the Communist Party will ac- tually march towards the seizure of power. The role of the Workers School, the role of Marxist-Leninist theory” under such conditions grows vast~ ly. In the very same way as the tasks of the Communist Party and its importnace have grown enorm=' ously compared with the situation, say, ten years ago, so the import~ ance of the Marxist-Leninist theory as advanced in the Workers School has grown. We have to per- meate millions of workers with the class-struggle theory. We have to teach millions of workers the class- struggle practice. We have to con- nect the theory and practice of to-day with the ultimate goal of to-morrow. We need leaders, mass leaders, rank and file leaders and great leaders. We need a Workers School that gives education not to a thousand or to fifteen hundred workers, but to tens of thousands throughout the whole country. What was done by the Hunger March to three thousand workers must be done in the very near fu- ture to a majority of the working class of this country. The centers, from which the theoretical work will emanate, must be the Workers School, 5 crimination . 2. Every child to be given free food and clothing in the school and | school supplies. In order to do this it is necessary the territory. Be erae IN order not to antagonize teachers and the principal, to attempt to win them over to port us, and if that would be possible at least to neutralize them, I pointed out that the solution is not for the teachers to make indi. get pay and face starvation theme selves. The teachers should port the parents and the in the fight for free food, and return the parents would the teachers in their fight for fe This resulted in tremendous ap- plause from all teachers and the’ parents who were present, " The principal was stunned and could not speak for about 15 min- utes. Members of the Council spoke, but not on the sues, but again on generalities. The principal again took the floor. In. his speech he did not attack mg Proposals, but spoke for his ow, “fo Be Constutag ~~S | i o ’