The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 24, 1932, Page 4

2 : 3 H | | Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1932 orker Pecty USA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exeept Sunday, at 58 E. 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORE.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 5¢ EB. 18th St., New York, N. ¥. Dail SUBSCMIPTION Batwe: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; utz months, $8.50; excepting Borough of Marhsttan end Bronz, New $9: 6 months, $5; 3 U. S. Workers Fight for Filipino Independenec (OMMITTEES elected by the House and the Senate are now to confer bringing inte both houses @ substitute for fhe Hare Bill passed by the House on April 4th and for the amended Hawes-Cutting Bill approved ago by the Senate. Canada: One yer or a few d are supposed to be bills to grant independence to the But they are not independence bills. Already on April 15th after the adoption by the House of the Hare Bill, the Daily Wo ted an article “When Independence is not Independ- ence” which stated that these bills were not for independence at all. “Un- i of independence’ ran the article, “these bills would satisfy who have been clamoring for the shutting off of Filipino om the United States (partciularly the American Federa- nd those interests who have been protesting against en- try free of duty of Filipino sugar, cocoanut oil and dairy products (Amer- ican Farm Bureau Federation, the National Grange, Dairy Union, National Association of Sugar Beet Producers). In recent months, the Daily Worker has printed news items and edi- torials on the Filipino question, indicating the growing misery and star- vation of the toiling masses in the Philippine Islands. We*have cited cases of bitter strikes o: = nst feudal conditions that exist. Under le, the already miserable conditions of the Filipino work: nts have grown steadil yvorse. The recent sentence of 2 s of the revolutionary workers’ and peasants’ or- ganizations ( Crisanto Evangelista, to G. Manahan and Guilermo Capadocia) to long jail and ex: is was aimed by. U. S. s native Filipino bourgeois-landlord group to stop the growth of the alliance of » struggle against U. S. perialism. This he revolutionary organizations was under pressure of the economic c’ and particularly because of the war situation in the Far East. The war interests of U. S. imperialism require a pacified Philippine Islands as a war base for her operations in the Far East. 2 oa « west is the pr on indepen r pri drive against am of the Communist Party of the Philippine Islands mce? Is it to establish an independent Philippine Islands, s-landlord government? No. The bourgeois-landlord lippine Islands h: clearly .shown by their approval nd Hawes-Cutting Bills or the other bills pending, not want independence. They fear the rising revolutionary of the Filipino toiling masses. They fear independence no less the U. S. imperialists. To be sure, Filipino bourgeois .leaders m run to cov e and complete independence, but this is done to conceal the taken toward the camp of U. S. imperialism. The the Osmenas, the Roxas, the Guevaras, the Osias, and the other "s of the Sth Filipino “Independence” Mission or leaders of the no Legislature—these people abandoned the cause of immediate and unconditional independence in December a year ago when they accepted @ period of “autonomy,” a period of so-called preparation for independ- Ts.under so-called “cvilized” U. S. rule was not sufficient condemned the 9th Filipino Independence Mission, they con- demned the Hawes-Cutting Bill, but they soft-pedalled on the Hare Bill; t jpported the Democratic Party in the recent presidential elections in the United States on the ground that the Democratic Party would grant independence to the Philippine Islands! The leaders of the bourgeois and of the landlords have openly revealed their con- nections with U. S. imperialism. The struggle for national independence of the Philippine Islands can only be carried through successfully by the oppressed and exploited work- ers and peasants with the support of the revolutionary students and in- tellectuals. Through their present strike struggles, they are learning les- sons of organization, they are gaining that power necessary to win their struggle. What are the main objectives of that struggle? To free the Islands of imperialist domination and to abolish the remnants of feu- dalism on the land. In other words, to carry through the agrarian anti- imperialist revolution. The abolition of imperialist, domination means the confiscation without compensation of all establishments, mines, banks now in the hands of the imperialists and the nationalization of these. The abolition of feudal remnants means giving a solution to the land question, means the confiscation without compensation of all lands now in the hands of the imperialists or of the rich landowners and dividing this land among the working peasants. Land to the peasants! The workers and peasants will set up their Workers and Peasants Government. . * * | Uipeeeea ie of the Philippine Islands will be won through the struggle of the masses in the Philippine Islands, with the active sup- port of the anti-imperialist forces in the United States, American im- Pefialists will never voluntarily give up the Philippine Islands. Recent statements of Secretary of War Hurley, of Secretary of State Stimson, and of President Hoover, make clear their stand against the independence of the Philippine Islands. Their stand, the stand of Wall Street, was well Milustrated by the War Department memorandum of May 5, 1930, which declared that the Philippine Islands “constitute an important strategic and trade outpost in the Orient and their retention tends to ensure our fair participation in the great trade of the Far East.” Independence will ‘be won through struggle. What demands shall anti-imperialists raise before Congress at this time on the question of the Filipino masses and Filipino independence? ‘The Anti-Imperialist League of the United States has made the following demands upon Congress: 1. For immediate and complete independence of the Philippine Islands. 2. For ‘the immediate withdrawal of the American armed forces and battleships from the Islands. 3. For the stopping of the terror against workers’ and peasants’ organizations. 4. For the release of all workers and peasants now in Filipino jails for anti- imperialist activities, including the twenty-five leaders recently sentenced to long jail and exile terms. 5. The cessation of discrimination against ‘Filipinos in the United States. 6. Against all tariff barriers and against immigration exclusion. We call upon all American toilers to support the campaign of the Anti-Imperialist League for these demands. The Anti- Imperialist League supports the every day struggles of the Filipino work- ers and peasants, for unemployment insurance and relief, against usury, against wage cuts and against imperialist war. The Anti-Imperialist League has called for and announced its willingness to participate in a campaign against the fake independence bills now before Congress, to- gether with all elements who sincerely oppose these bills. It is not enough to state that one is for immediate and unconditional independence of the Philippine Islands. Crimes are being committed against independence by American congressmen and Filipino bourgeois Teaders under the very name of “independence.” We call on all trade unions, all workers’ clubs, all workers’ organ- izations to take up the battle for immediate and unconditional independ- ence of the Philippine Islands. Adopt a resolution. Send it to both houses of Congress. The Philippine Islands question is before Congress at this session. Act and act now! . 'H. M. Wicks to Write on Reformist | Press in “Daily” Anniversary Issue 1 ee Socialist Press in the Service of Capitalism,” is a title of one of the articles which will appear in the Special Daily Worker Anniversary and Lenin Memorial Edition to be published on January 14. Written by H. M. Wicks, well-known revolu- tionary journalist, it will be an incisive analysis of the activities of the yellow Socialist’ press and its part in the betrayals of working-class struggles. The Edition, which will be well iltustrated, will contain a photo- Static copy of the front. page of. the first issue.of the Daily Worker of January 14, 1924, Other leading articles in the Anniversary Issue will be “Leninism and War,” by Earl Browder; “Eight Years of the Daily Worker in American Labor Struggles,” by Bill Dunne; “Lenin and the Daily Worker,” by Robert Minor; “Leninism and Our Fight for the Ma- jority of the Working Class,” by Jack Stachel; “The Study of Len- inism in America,” by Sam Don; “Leninism and the Growth of So- ¢ialism in the Soviet Union,” by Moissaye J. Olgin. Only a few days more remain for working-class organizations and Individual workers to send their greetings for the anniversary issue. All greetings must be in bar office of the Daily Worker by January 8. r and once more proclaim themselves as advocates*of | The leaders of the Philippine Civic Union (Vicento Sotto, | ‘Communist’-- What Needs | By VERN SMITH | PY what standards shall we judge the Comunist? There is no other publication in the count: with quite the same place to fill First of all, it must be the final word, and yet always a new word in Marxist-Leninist analysis. It is the theoretical organ of the Com- munist Party of the United States of America. In the Communist every present-day movement should be probed to the bottom, for: its class basis, its origin, its direction of aim, its real motiva- tion, its covering of demagogy if there is one, and its relation to | other movements. Yet this must struggle, and the things analyzed which we either do have, or ought to have most to deal. have to be discussed, criticized, and improvements suggested—all this with cold good judgment, but at the same time without killing the initiative of workers and of their leaders, some of them keenly sensitive to what is said about can destroy a promising growth, and it is not always easy, in the heat of the emotions aroused, to be so very objective. THE USE OF HISTORY ‘Then, there is the problem of history, of how to‘use the lessons of the past, not just dissecting mummies. ‘There is the problem of present- ing in hard type what is some- times very complex material €nd argument without distorting it by over-simplification (for the Com- munist is above all the magazine on which the worker must rely for exactness), and yet, without using language that means some- thing only to a select circle of professional revolutionists (for the Communist is also for everybody). Perhaps, in comparing the Com- munist with the general agita-~ tional organs of the Party, we can say that in the Communist the emphasis should be on judgement and accuracy, while in the others it is on agitational effect and sim- plicity. Only the emphasis, of course, * 28 «@ OW, how does the December issue of the Communist meet these tests? The most importan, thing just now is the struggle o f the unem- ployed, and its relations to the struggle of the employed. in the editorial and in the united front article and debate with Ver- blin by Willliamson of Chicago there is not only a discussion of the very important tactic of the united front in unemployment work, but some explanation of the organizations in it, and of the class bias of the leadership and of the degree of development of the membership. The methods adopted by the un- employed council in Chicago to build a united front, the attitude of the social-fascist, Borders, and of the Workers’ League leaders, some of the reasons for their atti- tude, and the results of the clash between the policies of Communist and social-fascist, are brought to the front. This is the best part of the magazine.. Only, we need a more critical study of these Bor- ders and Musteite and other such movements among the unem- ployed; we need to know the real secret of their undeniable appeal to many workers—there is a key here to the whole question of so- cial-fascism. VALUABLE ARTICLES John Irving’s “How Many Un- employed” gives the proof, which is all right in the Communist but should not be confined there, of our declaration that there are over 16,000,000 jobless. A fine piece of statistical research, yet easy to un- derstand. It began in the Novem- ber issue. Haywood’s article on the Scotts- boro decision is also an application of Marxian method to a burning present-day matter. He gives the evidence, he considers the role of the landlords and capitalists and of their courts, of the Socialists, of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peo- ple. The economic driving forces back of the political acts are to a considerable extent laid bare. The conclusion is reached that the Su- preme Court decision is a battle won for our side, but that it doesn’t by itself-win. the war. The con- clusions are not new, but they are Proved. It is correct to outline, as he does, the next steps for us in the fight to free the Scottsboro Negro boys, but now it is the main business of other Party organs to see that those steps are carried out, and to draw the masses of workers and farmers into action. Cate ia Ww have two articles on imperial- ism: William Simons gives much valuable information on the imperialist line-up in South Amer- ica, including especially the. ac- tivities of Wall Street imperialism and the part that should be played by the workers in the United States in stopping vU. §. imperialist schemes. He reminds us that we entered into a solemn compact Mer’ the South American workers and peasants to support them in their struggle, that they call to us to make good, and that we have not done it. Moreover, it is cor- rect to remind the districts of the Communist Party of the United States of America of their duty to the movements in Latin America which they “adopted.” Carpio’s article on the Philip- pines is keenly, sharply critical as it is of the mistakes made by the one-year-old Communist Party in those islands: its premature cail for Soviets, its denunciation of all war as imperialist war, its going 80 far underground that no worker Must It Fill?, be done in the heat of the Party's | must be first of all those with | The tactics of our own struggle | them. The wrong kind of criticism | ; “CHRISTMAS CAROL” | | —By Burck 1 By L. MARTIN. HILE railroad wages are being cut. in the United States, they are being steadily raised in the So- viet Union. While the number of jobs on American railroads has been cut in half, the number of Soviet railroad jobs has been doubled. Hours are being progressively shortened for Soviet railroad work~- ers, working conditions improved and living standards raised, at the same time as the standards of Am- erican railroaders are being rapid- ly lowered. Soviet railroad business in gen- eral has been expanding in the last few years at almost the same rate as the American railroad industry has been declining. STRIKING CONTRASTS ‘These are just a few of the con- trasts that will strike the American railroad man in the Soviet Union. The Soviet railroad system is next largest to that of the United States; it operates under similar geograph- ical conditions; and technically it is modeling itself after the Amer- ican railroads. But the similarities only make the contrasts the more startling. For Soviet and Ameican railroads belong to two worlds mov- ing in opposite directions. The Soviet railroads are still far below the high level of American technical efficiency, it is true. They started with little more than wreck- age after the years of the world war, civil war and intervention, and they are still handicapped by lack of equipment and trained per- sonnel, eo e Be even in this respect the U. S. S. R. is rapidly overtaking America, where technical progress has been halted by the present crisis. Only one new locomotive was ordered by a Class I American rail- road between January 1 and No- vember 30, 1932, according to Rail- way Age. At the same time, a Soviet report, or peasant could find, it waver- ing on the trade union field. But Carpio does no end without re- minding us that the Filipino com- trades made their errors under pres- sure of an extremely savage white terror, while we in America made our mistake of almost totally ne- glecting the struggle in a colony of the U. S. empire, without that ex- cuse. TRADITIONS FOR LABOR James 8. Allen’s article, “Distort- ers of the Revolutionary Heritage of the American Proletariat,” is a move in the right direction. I think there is room for argument on some of his points. Isn’t it true that the peculiar dilly-dallying of northern capitalism over the ques- tion of freeing the slaves was mainly because it really had no in- terest in freeing them? As proved by the fact that in the end it did not free them? The main inter- est of northern capitalsim was in breaking the control. of the slave owning autocracy over the nation- al government, over the open land to the west, over the tariff law. True enough that it was parlia- mentary cretanism not to see that nothern capitalism at least had to issue the emancipation proclama- tion to! mobilize in its support the northern workers and farmers and the southern slaves. It needed just then this support to break the death grip of the slaveocracy on the national government without giving it half the country. But Marx already pointed that out; what is needed next to show why parliamentary cretanism took just the form it did. Maybe Allen’s ar- ticle, to appear in the next issues of the Communist will clear up some of this, Anyway, he demolishes the Lovestoneite Herberg’s idolizing of the bourgeois, many times openly anti-working class Abol- | first eight months of 1932 tells of 542 locomotives being pro- duced in the Soviet Union in the Consider the r d achieve- ments the Soviets already have to their credit. In 1917 passenger and freight traffic on the primitive Russian railroad system had fallen to 13 per cent of the pre-war level. | Most of the track was in the war zones when the Sovi 1 ing for their existence against white guardists and invading armies. Some 4,332. railroad bridges and 780,000 buildings were destroyed. In 1919 the Soviets still controlled only one-third of the railroad sy tem, and 52 per cent of the locomo- tives were in need of repair. SURPASS PRE-WAR LEVEL But once’they had driven out the capitalist enemy, ers soon showed their mettle in So~ cialist construction. The pre-war level of railroad business was reached in.a few years and has since been far surpassed. Twice as much freight and four times as Many passengers are now trans- ported as before the war. . Old trackage was repaired, and new construction increased it by 24 per cent. At the same time money Wages have been increased more than three times the pre-war scale, and real wages far more than that. Despite all this progress, how- ever, the Soviet railroads are not yet in any way adequate for the transportation needs of 162,000,000 people whose standards are being raised so rapidly. They are consid- ered one of the weaker links of the Five-Year Plan, lagging behind the rate of progress in other in- dustries, Which only emphasizes the tremendous pace being set by Socialist construction in the Soviet Union, gee eee} Be let us continue our compari- son with American railroads. In the United States, the number. of railroad employes has been halved since 1920, when 2,023,000 were on the payroll. Since 1926 ————— eee —— eee Marxian classics. SAG genkey pea of lack of space I have just touched. on the wealth of material in this magazine. Sum- ming up, I think the discussion of tactics is very good, the analysis of social forms involved is good, but inadequate. I can naturally only just mention the way the analysis and argument in the Communist is presented. This is the painful subject. The emphasis in the Communist should be on accuracy and good judgment. So what will one say about a sentence like this, in Si- mon’s article (Page 1082). “One of the aims of the native bourg2ois- landlord governments is to exter- tminate the oppressed national min- orities, the Indians and the Ne- groes, who constitute a majority of the population of Latin America.” The emphasis is mine, of course, Just to indicate that if that state- ment is true if deserves a whole article to prove it. Probably it is largely due to careless use of such words as “exterminate” and “na- tional minority,” meaning perhaps, “decimate” and “oppressed na- tionality.” Mistakes of this sort appear in the Daily Worker when comrades are writing madly to make a 5 p.m. “dead-line,” but the Communist is a monthly magazine. (Even in the “Daily” we do not excuse them), I said the important thing in the Communist should be accuracy and and judgment, but clarity is also vital. So why should Carpio’s ar- ticle refer to the Ang Bagong Kat- apunan over and over, without once letting us in on the secret of What that thing. is, or was? We gather it was some kind of fake leftist movement, but how did it differ from the present Civic Union, for example? Older cgpies of the Communist, of course, would tell you, but suppose you never saw them? If Carpio doesn't tell, itionists. Allen brings the whole discussion back into focus on the proletariat. Just by the way, the @ traditional. method ’ of - the: an editorial note is in order. We read that K.A.P. is our trade union movement, but it would be polite to tell the workers what those ini- tials stand for, a ae) ts were fight- | | y, the Soviet work- | employment has decreased steadily year bj (dropping even in the Railroad Situation in the U.S. and Soviet Union--A Contrast JOBS INCREASE IN THE WORKERS’ REPUBLIC boom jy be! the present | cras! 1,001 1931. In 1932, the decline contniued, until in August there were fewer than a million workers employed. IN U.S.S.R. JOBS INCREASE In the Soviet Union meanwhile, the number of railroad jobs has in- creased year by year from 776,000 in 1925 to 1,468,000 in 1931. At the beginning of 1932 the number of Soviet. rail workers was 1,526,000, and it has continued increasing since then. American railroad freight traffic | fluctuated around a billion and a quarter tons between 1923-and 1928. In 1929 it amounted to 1,339,000,000 tons. Since then this “originating tonnage” has been almost cut in half. It declined to 1,153,000,000 tons in 1930, to 894,000,000 tons in 1931 and has dropped much. lower again in 1932, Freight transported on Soviet railroads has increased every year from 58,000,000 tons in 1923 to 188,- 000,000 tons in 1929, 239,000,000 in 1930, 258,000,000 tons in 1931 and an expected total of well over 300,000,- 000 tons in 1932. x INCREASE IN PASSENGERS Passenger transportation on Am- erican railroads has decreas2d Steadily every year, from 987,000,000 in 1923 to 596,000,000 in 1931. In the same period the Soviet railroads have been constantly increasing the number of passengers carried, from 122,000,000 in 1923 to 721,500,000 in # to revise, 1931. They expect to carry 890,000,- 000 passengers in 1932, The much smaller Soviet rail- Toad system now transports hun- dreds of thousands more passengers a year than does the American sys~ tem, the biggest and technically the most advanced in the world. Bat te ‘The next article will compare working conditions on Soviet and American railroads , Widow of Ky.ClassWar Victim Describes How Husband _Was Killed mM. NANA MOORE, wrote to ask for help. The reader of the letter had forgotten who she: was. He wrote.to inquire and -here is her amswer: “My husbon was killed when we were cooking at the Soup Kitchen at Harlan on Sunday night 9 p.m. Aug. 30, 1931. A car load of thugs drove up to the door. Me an my husbon was in the door and Julius Baldwin and Jeff were in the yard and the thugs begun to fire without a word being spoken and killed Joe Moore and Julius Baldwin and wounded Jeff Baldwin in the left shoulder and then they came in where myself and children were and told me to get those D. kids out they were going to blow up the D. Soup Kitchen and that is all I can rite now for we are all down with flu.” | Can you read that without want- ing to help? Can you desert this | widow of a class war' victim? Buy the Winter Relief coupons of 5, 10, and 25 cents! Sell them to your friends. Support the Prison- ers’ Winter Relief Campaign! Send all. contributions to International Labor Defense, 80 E. 11th Street, New York City, Room 430. NOTE ON ARTICLE BY DON _A typographical error crept into “the article, “All In The Name of Marxism,” by Sam Don. The cor- rected sentence should read: “On the one hand, left phrases by the S. P. leaders about ‘gaining power’ and on the other hand holding back the workers as to the ‘precise method’ of doing away with CAP- ITALIST. private property.” The { “Theory Is to Action Our Guide y» ¢ “In approach to masses, we must be patient and stubborn; but in field of revolutionary theory we must be intolerant against every deviation, every effort to revise Marxism-Leninism.” (Speech at the mass meeting of the Tenth Anniversary Cele- bration of the Workers’ School, New York, Dec, 9, 1932.) ra ea By EARL BROWDER ‘OMRADES and friends celebrat- ing the Tenth Anniversray of the Workers’ School: I think we had a most excellent contribution from Comrade Olgin. After listen- to Comrade Olgin’s speech, I won- dered what one could add, except to emphasize the thought which he brought forward, that our revolu- tionary theory develops right out of and is a part of our revolution- ary practice in the class struggle. Bourgeois society has not only separated the people into owners and workers. It has also séparated the human. faculties and placed them in opposition to one another. Knowing and doing are two en- tirely different categories in bour- gecis society. Those who know— they do not do anything. And those who do anything—ihey are’ not. supposed to know anything, Bourgeois society has placed a deep gulf between theory and prac- tice—so much so, that in the or- dinary popular sense one who is particularly ineffectual in action is Spoken of as a “theorist.” REJECT THESE BOURGEOIS TRADITIONS Of course we cannot acecpt these traditions and conditions of bour- geois society. Just as it is our task not only to understand pres- ent-day society, but to change it, so also it is our task to smash this seeming contradiction between idea and action, between theory and practice. Theory is our guide to action. Theory grows out of action. Theory for us is the in- strument of revolutionary action, and it can be the instrument of revolutionary action only insofar as it is theory which is drawn from international experience of athe cla® struggle and the develop- ment of human society. EE We do not create theory out of our heads. Our theory grows organically out of the development and maturing of the revolutionary class, the working class. It is a histcrie preduct. It has the same objective character as all scien- tific principle. And in. just the same way as if is necessary to be very intolerant ‘against all those who wish to revise’ the fundamen- tal knowledge of mankind in order to insert in its place the arbitrary creations, the phantasies of the in- dividual mind, so also, it is neces- sary to be intolerant-in-the strug- ‘gle -against all tendencies to re- Place our scientific knowledge and our scientific practice with indi- vidual, small-group .. revisions | of our revolutionary body of theory. For it ‘is only ‘the: proletariat, the only revolutionary class in capi- talist Society, .which is capable of understanding and developing the scientific principles of social de- velopment. Our Workers’ School of the Com- munist Party is often accused of being narrow, dogmatic and in- tolerant, lacking in broad-minded- hess, because we struggle against all individuals and groups who try change and water down the essential features of Marxism- Leninism. In our approach to the masses whom we are striving to win, to organize, to mobilize for the revo- lutionary struggle, we always must be tolerant and patient, as well as stubborn and persistent. AGAINST REVISIONISM OF ISM, LENINISM But in the field of revolutionary theory, to. accomplish task of winning the broad masses, the. majority of the working class for the proletarian revolution, we must be resolutely intolerant against. every deviation in theory, against every : effort to revise Marxism and Leninism, ~ This theoretical intransigence, this. unyielding ‘adherence of the Communist movement. to the revolutionary theory of Marxism- Leninism is not sectarianism. It is not dogmatism. It is the necessary pre-cond'tion for the smashing of Our ‘theory: is developed, not in schools, Our theory is developed in life, in “mass struggle. Only through mass struggle can this theory grow and develop. further. Our ‘schools are auxiliaries to the mass struggles. Our schools are To Maxim Gorky ~ Several lines Daily Worker were ing the whole sense in fall. + + . e Gorky: The Trumpet of Our Socialist By A. B. MAGIL, You now a soldier, in your old age young, in your sunset armored with light, fighter, hater of the world where life is bought and sold, hhave come home now, home with the breathing tide » that hammers against the old world’s crumbling » home ‘to Lenin’s Party, to the great heart | that beats where’ Lenin died. \ You now's trumpet, voice of metal out of the hearts of millions, tongue of the new world calling _ to the final battle. Your word a hammer, tee in the following poem published in yesterday's interchanged in the composing room, thus alter. of the poem. We are therefore re-printing it your name those places where we make availe able the knowledge that has been accumulated from the experience of the past struggles in order to solve the problems of present and coming struggles. Only in these struggles, by arming oursélves with the lessons of the past struggles, do we develop the theory, the knowledge and the practice that makes up Marxism-Leninism, THE NECESSITY OF WORKERS’ SCHOOL ~ It is in this sense that we un- derstand the Workers’ School and its place in the revolutionary movement. This phase is beconi- ing more and more important, And more and more keenly do we feel the necessity of our school, of the service that it renders. Under the conditions of the class straggle today, it is impossible to imagine that we could tolerate for one moment such influences as in the past have exerted themselves quite strongly on our institution, the Workers’ School, during the ten years of its existence, The Workers’ School itself is the product of struggle, ‘The Work:rs’ School was built and grew strong in the course of our struggle against Trotskyism, and the driving out of the influence of the representatives of Trotskyism in America. Perhaps you at pres- ent in the Workers’ School may not Know that an influence in shaping the early years of the Workers’ School was Mr. Cannon, the outstanding representative of Trotsky in America. And for the development of the Workers’ School it was necessary to fight against deviations and drive out of the movement these Trotskyites and Trotsky ‘theories. Perhaps some ef you can still remember the days when the des- tinies of the Workers’ School were in the hands of Bertram D. Wolfe, representative of the right wing revision of Marxism-Leninism in America. Another big struggle was necessary to defeat this open op- porzunism in the Party, in the movement and in the Workers’ School and to purify the Workers’ School from the opportunism of Mr, Bertram Wolfe and company, representing the Lovestone group, Oe re H Hate building and the develop- ment of the Workers’ School is a constant struggle, just as.the building and development of a revolutionary workers’ party ts a constant struggle, against all of the influences of the ideas of the class enemy. The Workers’ School is that institution where we arm our leading cadres with weapons which give them the ability to re- sist the influence of class enemy ideas, to combat them, to over- come them. The school is where they master the ideological wea- pons of Marxism-Leninism and put them into effect in the mass struggles. Let us grasp the full ; meaning of that slogan of our great leader, Marx, that an idea becomes power when it is seized upon by the masses. Our ideas are not forces in themselves. ‘They are instrumen‘s of the masses for + the carrying through of the class | struggle. a 5: APPROACHING DECISIVE STRUGGLES As our class struggle develops, We more and more need the Work- ers’ School. We more and more need to sharpen these weapons, be- cause we are rapidly approaching the time when the struggles in which we are engaged are taking on @ more and more decisive as- pect, becoming more and more serious, more widespread, involving greater masses. We are closer to the days of decisive strug- gle, when through these instru- ments that we are forging in the Workers’ School and in the class struggles led by our Party, we will begin the transformation of society to Communism which is inaugu- rated with the seizure of power, by the establishment of the Prole- tarian Dictatorship. This historical moment is coming th the United States just as inevitably as it came in the Soviet Union. “ We celebrate the Tenth Anni- {) versary of the Workers’ School be- cause it has become one of the essential instruments for the prep- aration and the ‘through of the proletarian revolution in the United States. Boe aaron (Comrade Olgin’s speech, will ake bys hi ay in an early issue of the “Daily.”) as Fatherland —— Karl Radel shores; - ean ar N. eR