The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 19, 1932, Page 4

————— Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDA orker Porty USA Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 00 B. Telephone AL gonguin 4-7956, Cable “DATWORK. Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. Daily, Published by the Comprodail: 18th St., New York City, N. ¥ Address and mail checks to the # SUBSCRIPTION maTEt ry mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 8 months, $2 ‘ N hee ede ‘Canada: “One gen 3” ac peeeiny months New Attack on Disabled Veteran: \ JHEN U.S. imperialism plunged into the world war there were no promises it did not make to the youth and young men in its armed forces. These soldiers were told they would come back to a country fit for heroes to live in, they were the salt of the earth, there would be nothing too good for them when they got back. No sooner was the war ended than those promises were repudiated. The attempt of the *x-soldiers along with the workers who were in industry to 1 month, Ye Foreign and t some of the t promised them was met by fierce suppression in the teel strike of 1919-20, in the wave of 1922 that embraced coal min- ers, railway workers and textile workers to fhe number of a million and a quarter. The Hoover butchery at Anacostia field last July was a continu- ation, into this period of the e stabilization, of the same cy pursued aga war yel he day of their re. 1 the imperialist war shambles further special epublican poli- d from the ers and the ange to re- ff bonds and s ms prepares further attacks 1 committee of congress istened t Administrator, General Frank T. Hines, who proposed to t of the government hospitals and cut off from relief. those who are not 50 er cent or more permanent Hines, would save $51,- 344,000 in government expenditure Th ccording to Hines, head of the de nent that apposed » protect them, those hailed as heroes in 1917 are to be treated worse than dogs in 1932-33. What chance have these ex-soldiers who were crippled and maimed but “not 50 per cent or more permanently dis- abled” to get jobs of any kind at a time when capitalism dooms to starv. at'on millions who are not disabled except from the pangs of hunger? veterans should meet with mighty bureaus and municipal relief bu- fight for the bonus, to defeat the ex-soldiers should participate yment relief and unemployment THIS dastar against the protests before all the veterans’ reaus. Besides their activity in the drive against the disabled veterans, in joint struggles for immediate unemp! insurance. Many of the ex-soldiers, lil millions of other workers, will never be in industry under capitalism. Those starving ex-soldiers who have not been workers must realize that only by identifying themselves with the working class struggle can they solve their problems. Now, in the transition of decaying capitalism to another round of Ts and revolutions, the ex-soldiers must organize and become a power- source of strength in the fight against imperialist war. At a time when U. S. imperialism is trying to induce its potential enemies to cut down their military machin while Yankee imperialism is spending billions to strengthen its own army, navy and es, the ex-soldiers can tremendously strengthen the fighting front of the unemployed and part-time workers that demand that all war funds be used for the un- employed, for the ex-soldiers and relief of the impoverished farmers. ‘They can strengthen the forces fighting to compel the government to aid the impoverished masses and not the bankers and R. R. owners as they are doing at pres “4 These ex-soldiers who fought in t worl r, and the mil- lions of youth and yotihg men whom U. S. imperialism intends to con- i in the new round of wars that are on the order of the day will of revolutionary workers who caying capitalism can be solved s is to smash capitalist rule and es- government add strength to realize that the on vi nv y way the crisi toiling ma: gre Thomas Helps Roosevelt Deception pee the election campaign Norman Thomas and the leadership of the Socialist Party did everything in their power to defeat the mass struggle against the hunger and war program -of Wall Street. They told the workers they did not need to fight; all they needed to do was to vote for Thomas then the capitalist parties, as a result of such vote, would do something for the starving unemployed. With the election eampaign over these socialist leaders on the same anti-working lass campaign under different forms Just before the opening of the short special session of the state legislature called by the New York governor and president-elect, Roose- velt, a Socialist Party group of leaders headed by Norman Thomas isited the state house at Albany. According to the report in the Eve- ning Post of December 9th, Thomas, before the opening of the legis- lative session, conferred with Roosevelt and emerged from the presence ef the governor “with the word that Mr. Roosev seemed ‘sympathetic’ to the idea of taking what action is possible the special session to e**- reforms beyond the economies already agreed to.” ‘The special session was rushed through in record time and confined itself exclusively to making provisions for wage cuts against the teachers, the firemen, the workers in the department of sanitation in New York City, and paving the way for Wall Street receiverships over various city and local governments of the state with the object of beating down wages of workers so that rich bondholders could get interest on their investments. ‘The session ‘under the’ slogan of “economy” was a sienal for wage cits against tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of workers in the state and is.an oven invitation to private emvloyers to speed up their offensive against the workers’ standards of life. It was the particular job of Thomas and his associates to deceive the workers into believing that Roosevelt is not an agent of Wall Street but @ person “sympathetic” to aiding the workers. It was an attempt to Weaken mass support for representatives of the unemployed so the mass fight for local relief throughout the state would be weakened. It was also @ part of the game Thomas has consistently played—to try to cripple the maés movement against hunger by aiding capitalism put over the illusion that something can be expected from the Roosevelt administration at ‘Washington after the inauguration March 4th. Thomas tried to prevent the workers fighting against Roosevelt's program in New York for the double purpose of helping put over wage cuts in this state, and to avoid exposing before the workers of the whole country the faci that Roosevelt’s program is no different from that of Hoover whose ineffable |in- famy as a “hunger president” has long been established. Thus the re- publicans, the democrats and socialists find a common ground today— after the election—on the same capitalist program against the working. class that clyaracterized their activities before the election. Today, as then, they still maintain that division of labor essential to the deceptive practices of capitalist democracy, which is only a concealed form of the capitalist dictatorship. A relentles campaign ot exposure and struggle must be carried on against the anti-working class part played by the Socialist Party leaders. On the basis of united action of the working class, unemployed and part- time workers, Negro and white, native born and foreign-born, organized and unorganized, the mass struggle must be carried forward and reach such dimensions that capitalism will be forced to come through with winter relief and establish a system of unemployed and social insurance at the expense of the state and the employers. One of our chief enemies, and ‘thé ‘most polsohots enéniy in the ranks of the workers, is the treach- erous socialist party leadership. of the Communist deputies. Besides *** 1 Greek ‘workers who spoke at this Greek. ‘Workers. in. meeting, Wm. Browder, secretary of the Chicago District of the Interna- Chicago Protest ; | tional Labor Defense, spok tne Terror in Greece |tional tater Defense, spoke on tne ss F yi .|U. 8. government and urged the su tema chiar held preg tore workers to stand in a solid front to night in the Hull House, between |Tepel these attacks. Halstead and Poik Streets, over 200) The meeting adopted a resolution Greek workers protested against the, of protest to be sent"to the Greek raging white terror in Greece and | Embassy in Washington, to the press, particularly against the latest, mur-|to the Greek government and to the Chicago Consulate. Athens, the closing of al no) elven Meee and the azveet to. from ‘ | | For the latter, f delegation of 13 workers wan elected Recsent the nasolutioms - | even some members of the Com- Bared Facts of Oppression of Negro People By JAMES W. FORD (Communist Candidate for Vice- President in the 1932 Elections), HE facts in “Georgia Nigger,” the novel by John L. Spivak, show by means of the most start ing and amazing documentary evidence and photographs of Neg- roes in chains, the modern slavery of Negroes. The book shows in cross-section something of what is meant by the national oppres- sion of the Negro people in the United States in 1932 when capi- talist “culture” thas reached its highest point. It shows what a Hie it is to pretend that Negroes are free, especially in the Black Belt. of the South. It exposes Negro reformists and _ sociajist “friends of the Negro people” who ignore the basic cause of the op- pression of the Negro masses, and sing praises and boast of Negro progress and “justice” for Negroes in capitalist America America is still a slave country teeming with oppressed masses— Negro toilers, foreign-born wor! ers, the entire working class. Facts in “Georgia Nigger” strike like a whirlwind sweeping the veil from capitalist pretense, deceit and hypocrisy, and expose in the clear light, the conditions of mi: and suffering of the most exploited sec- tion of the oppressed masses, the Negro toilers. The dramatic usc of the word “nigger” in the title and in the story of the book brings out the contemptuous attitude of the white chauvinist American slave drivers to their victims. The bitter National oppression and | wholesale robbery of the Negro masses—intended to keep up the worst and lowest conditions of life for millions of Negroes in this country—stand out clearly. It all scandalizes American capitalist slavery; the title does not popu- larize white chauvinism, as some of our comrades seem to think; on the contrary, it stigmatizes the | capitalist bandits and their con- | temptuous term “nigger.” ene eae | HE conditions pictured in “Georgia Nigger” make the | anger of every Negro rise to the highest pitch, and should arouse every class-conscious worker, Negro or white, to redouble his efforts | towards building a powerful move~ | ment that will destroy forever the | stem that is the cause of jim- crowism, segregation and lynching, | as well as the oppression of the en- tire working class. Of course, Mr. Spivak, the author of the book, is not a revolutionary. He is a long way from being @ Communist. He is a liberal in political outlook. He is not fully clear about the meaning of the horrible things which he found in his investigation. He often un- necessarily uses the expression “nigger”; and has many bourgeois notions about the conditions which he found in Georgia prisons. I for one, however, am thankful for his efforts. PURPOSE OF EXPOSURE. What is the use, and to what purpose is an exposure such as he has made to be put? It is to be used to expose the horrible condi- tions of the Negro masses and to educate uninformed workers, and munst Party, who don’t know in order to arouse them to fight for Negro righis. “Georgia Nigger”, because of its | fictional form makes this more easy. The book is popularly written | and people will read it. It is how- ever necessary to conduct a fight to convince some workers. The exposures in this book is a vindication of the Communist Party program of struggle against the oppression of the Negro masses, ‘To see this, it is hardly necessary to do more than ask, what was the reaction of the enemies to the book? What was the reaction of the capitalist press? They tried to avoid printing anything about it; they tried to hide the horrible con- ditions exposed in it. The state of Georgia threatens to indict Spivak. “DAILY” BARED CONDITIONS. The Daily Worker by means of a series of populargarticles and by running the serially, dares to expose the terrible conditions of the Negro masses for the pur-~ pose of intensifying and stimulat- ing the fight for Negro liberation. ‘The Negro bourgeois press refused to do this. Personally, I have found the facts | set forth in “Georgia Nigger” to be of great value in exposing rave prejudice, and the horrible condi- tions imposed upon the Negro masses. During the election cam~ paign I especially found it valuable in rallying and convincing white workers to the necessity of sup- porting the program of the Com- munist Party, unconditional equal rights for Negroes, and the Right of Self Determination for the Black Belt. 'HE book has a very definite meaning for me and I am sure it will arouse thousands of Negro and white workers in the South and throughout the country, against the system that is the cause of Negro oppression. Dur- ing the election campaign a Negro worker said to me: “Comrade Ford, I stopped reading the book because it made me so mad I didn’t know what to do.” The following, for example, are some white chauvinist expressions that aroused this feeling in Negroes and is a part of the story of “Georgia Nigger’: “NIGGGER READ ANI} RUN. TY YOU CAN’T READ RUN ANYHOW.” "NIGGER Do? Ler & DECEMBER 19, 1932 The Land of Plenty! Y GO DOWN ON YOU." Such expressions are used in some towns in the South where the Negroes are not allowed to live. Most every town in the South has | its “Niggertown,” “Buzzard Roost,” “Darktown,” and so on. “Dogs and Niggers Not Allowed” is found on signs in parks. “A Nigger has no rights that 2 | White man is bound to respect.” This i s why, as Comrade Brow- der said in one of his speeches, that the Negro comrades can smell | the stench of the slave market wherever there is the slightest tinge of white chauvinism. Many white workers know little about these conditions of the Negro masses, even some are absolutely ignorant of them. ‘That is why many of them do not whole- heartedly support the fight for de- mands for Negroes. During the election campaign a white worker said to me that he just didn't believe that such conditions as ex- posed in “Georgia Nigger” existed today, and asked me if I believed it. GRANDFATHER LYNCHED. I remember to this day, when a boy nine or ten years of age, clinging to my mother’s dress, hearing a white collector say to her in the harshest chauvinist manner ‘You nigger wench, you will either pay up or I'll come back and clean out the whole lot of you.” In the state of Georgia my grandfather wads burned on a pile of cross-ties bya white lynch mob. ‘This was done before I was born; but later on, as far as I can re- member I have overheard members of my family talk of this lynch- ing. The white lynchers said: “He was a smart nigger” or “the nig- ger didn’t know his place” or “the nigger not only talked back to white men but tried to associate with white women.” When my father, as a young man, got his first job In a coal mine in North Alabama, he gave his name as Force. The white foreman misunderstood him and wrote his name down Ford, and. when my father protested in order to correct it, the white foreman said: “Keep that name and number, it don’t matter about a nigger’s name anyhow. Furthermore, I don’t want to spoil the book by changing a nigger’s name on it.” I know something also about the conditions of Negroes in the prison. camps of Alabama, and they are exactly like the conditions pictured in “Georgia Nigger.” At Pratt mine, Alabama, I have seen Negroes arrested for the least of- fense and leased out to the coal mine operators by police authori- ties for a few cents a+day and used like mules to draw cars of coal in the mines. Out of these transactions the coal company made big profits. Pratt mine had ® reputation throughout the state ag the hell-hole of Alabama, where’ “bad niggers” were sent. During the election campaign 1 was arrested in Washington, D. C. with some Bonus Marchers. At the police examination, when 1 attempted to sit down, the chief of detectives, O. T. Davis said to me: “Don’t put your black—in that chair, You may be good enough to run for Vice President on the Communist Party ticket, but no nigger is good enough to sit his black—in my chair.” . If I, as a candidate of a political party with the backing of work- ers throughout the country was treated in this way at the capital of the country, think of what must be the fate of share-croppers and convict laborers, with no friends or backing, caught up on a rural chain gang in the heart of the South. At an election rally in Denver, Colorado I was scheduled to speak. Before the meeting the ku klux klan got out leaflets with the fol- lowing inscription on them: “The Black cat of the nigger party speaks here tonight.” MRADES, what js the mesn- ing of all thie Negrophobia? ‘What ie the rosemiene ft “Camcnte NO TRES Passing The Class Content of Exposure of Chain ~ Gang Torture in South Shown by ‘Daily’ ! --By Burck Nigger”? Capitalist landlord rule over the Negroes in the South is not only kept up by means of force of arins, lynch terror, but also by such conditions pictured in “Georgia Nigger”. The bosses, furthermore, in order to maintain their ‘rule over the entire work- ing class, pursue the imperialist policy of “divide and rule.” They stir up race’ prejudice and white chauvinism, and “white superior- ity” bunk to prevent the unity of Negro and white workers. BOSS PROPAGANDA Chauvinism, race prejudice and so-called‘ “white supremacy” is kept up. by the capitalist class. For example, the English ruling class tries to poison the minds of British workers by telling theht that the English nation is better than any other nation. They then proceed to divide people into four general groups: (a) “Nordics,” the so-called “superior” Anglo-Saxons, (b) “Squareheads,” lower types, Germans, Dutchmen, and so on, (c) “Dagos,” the mixed Mediter- ranean races and (d) “Niggers,” that is Negroes, Indians, Chinese and so-called “colored” colonial people. The aim of such propa- ganda is for the purpose of split- ting the’ ranks of workers. This is the tactic of all capitalist coun- tries. “Communist Bandits” is the so- called, degrading name the foreign imperialists apply to Chinese work- ‘ers and peasants to stigmatize them as “no gooders.” “Coolie” is understood throughout the world to mean the: very lowest conditions of life. So we see how widespread this bourgeois Onmauyinist propa- ganda is. The Communist Party leads a relentless fight against Negro- phobia. That is why it is not afraid to face the facts in “Georgia Nigger.” Every Com- munist knows that it is not his duty to condone such words as “nigger” or the conditions pic- tured in “Georgia Nigger.” It is his duty to use these facts with firm revolutionary under- standing to combat these condi- tions. The Communist Party is the only party which carries on a real fight not only against these contemptuous terms, but against the whole monstrous system of national oppression whch they symbolize. Words, of ‘course, have im- Free Scottsboro Boys, Is the Keynote of the Jan. ‘Labor Defender’ Reviewed by CHARLOTTE TODES LOUIS ENGDAHL'S last words, + “Free the Scottsboro Boys,” sounds the dominant note in the January issue of the “Labor De- fender” which is dedicated to his memory. The issue, just off the press, and one of the best pub- lished in recent months, is full of important articles and vivid, dra. matic. photographs on the Scotts- ‘boro case and other current work- ‘ing class' struggles. William L. Pat~- terson, national secretary of the LL.D., analyzes the Scottsboro de- cision in the first of a series of articles on the background of the Scottsboro case. Joseph North tells about the picketing demonstration for the Scottsboro boys before the Supreme Court. Articles by Louis Colman on the railroading to jail of Washington unemployed work- ers, by Ortiz on what's back of the South American wars, makes the January issue one which no worker should miss. Workers reading these pages of working class heroism in the face of boss terror, in the chain gang South, in Socialist Milwaukee and in Roosevelt's New York and other sections of the country will be im- pelled to support the Winter Relief Drive of the LL.D. to provide funds for these prisoners and their fam- ies, The last issue of the “Labor police because the car- ries ‘in it stories and pictures, 4 call to struggle against ruling class | ‘ portant significance. But Com- munists are neyer led into bour- « geois traps by softening words or to use implications that would tend to lessen the necessary vigorous struggle against rotten conditions. That’s what reformist and es- pecially petty bourgeois Negroes do. It would entirely be their method, for example, to change the title of “Georgia Nigger’ in order to soften it, and have it read: “Con- ditions of Colored People in Georgia,” or to try in some way to soften the use of “nigger,” which Would take away all of its op- pressive significance. So far, how- ever, they have been too wise to do this. They know it would make them utterly ridiculous. pe their policy in the Scotts- boro case. They do not look upon the ‘Alabama Supreme Court as a lynch court that meant and means to lynch the nine innocent Negro boys. They talk about “justice” in capitalist courts; they look upon the Scottsboro case as “just another case,” to quote Walter White of the National As- sociation for the Advancement of Colored People. When the Communist Party went to the root of things, expos- ing thé whole rotten system of | lynch terror, Negro oppression and “nigger status” set up by the white ruling class, as the basis of Scotis- boro, the Negro reformists and the N.A.A.C.P. turned upon the Com- | munist Party as bitterly as did the white lynchers. S. P. LOCALS JIM-CROW NEGROES. The Socialist Party leadership | has downright contempt for the Negro masses. That is why social- ist perty locals in the south jim- crow Negroes. That is why Nor- man Thomas, recent presidential candidate of the Socialist Party, in the face of the whole system of the National Oppression of the Ne- gro people and in the face of ex- posures in “Georgia Nigger,” said that there are no special problems for the Negro masses different from the problems of the white workers. That's why the socialist leaders refer to the Scottsboro Defense as a racket. But “Georgia Nigger” shows clearly to every honest | worker that Norman Thomas lies, the Socialist Party's declarations about equality for Negroes is an empty gesture. They support the shameful system of American white supremacy. oP. ie, , comrades, the struggle for Negro rights is one of the most important struggles of the Ameri- can working class. It means that we must carry on a relentless struggle against the conditions so amazingly exposed by “Georgia Nigger” and for the release of the tsboro boys which is the most crete expression of Negro op- pression and immediately connect- ed with the conditions in “Georgia Nigger”. It is the task of the Com- munist Party to lead the struggle for Negro Rights. It is the duty of every Communist and especi- ally every white revolutionary to break down among white workers all bourgeois prejudices and white chauvinism. They must break down the wall of this American ruling class “nigger status” “for Negroes and jim-crowism. Throw the full light of day on “Georgia Nieser”. Explain its meaning fully. Negro comrades! We must car- ry on tireless activity among the Negro masses to free them of their mistrust of the white proletariat. We must explain the bourgeois cause of the conditions exposed in “Georgia Nigger”. We must not allow rotten liberalism, let alone bourgeois influence, to prevent us from relentlessly conducting such a struggle. ~ “Georgia Nigger” is part of the background of Scottsboro. The ‘Negro masses mist be aroused toe struggle for the release of the Scottsboro boys. Forward to the struggle against white chauvinism! For the national liberation of the Negro masses in ie the chain- gang system! t! > overthrow WHAT WAS SONG? THAT 32 A STORY OF AN UNEMPLOYED WORKER |e BY FRED KR. MILLER (Copyright by Revolutionary Writers’ Federation) THE STORY SO FAR—Previous instalments of “What Was That Song?” described the conversation between an unemployed worker and his wife who were about to be evicted. The worker has told her that the j judge had given them five days to move; he then described his fruitless: t visit to the charities, and the demonstration for relief outside. Return- ing to his flat, the worker scrapes together the last bits of stale food. He goes out and s “ow read on: SEEN the cop's club traveling up. in the air. One of the Reds grabbed it and took it away from him. The crowd was hollering and pushing to beat the band. People come running up from all over. A man with a derby on come out on the stoop,, and somebody says, “There's the landlord. Get the dirty bastard.” He was yanked down in the crowd before he knowed whet it was all about. Somebody knocked his hat off with a floor- mop. ‘The cop lit out up the street blowing his whistle. He wasn’t wearing his hat, either. I guess he was going to call the riot squad. Everybody pitched in and helped.. the Reds take the furniture back in the house. I picked up a little | table and carried it upstairs. The old lady that was throwed out was up there, standing in the middle of the room. Maybe she didn’t look glad. Two young fellows ‘and a woman was fixing up the rooms as quick as we brought the stuff up- stairs. Going back downstairs I must of passed about ten people lugging pieces of the old lady's fur- niture. The halls was full of ten- ants giving us cheers. Fa 8 Right after we got the last of the stuff inside, a police patrol ceme tearing down the street. The kids beat it away in every direc- tion, and so did some of the big people. The patrol stopped in front of the house and a gang of coppers jumped out. They all had their clubs in their hands. I got caught in the vestibule with a couple of other fellows. The cop that runs in first says to me, “Look at this Bolshevik bastard, will you. Come here, you.” TI let him have one. He went flying ass backwards off the stoop’ He landed on his es an eviction fight in the street. rump and sat there nice as ahy- thing. My knuckles is sore yet where I hit him a I still had the burlap bag with me. I tried to get it over .the head of the next stinker, but. 1 missed ,and that was too bad. Be- cause they lammed into me right. HEY locked up a whole bunch of us. Up to the time they took us all out of the station house and brought us over to the jail, the Reds kept singing songs. ‘They was bunged up pretty bad, but that. didn’t stop them. They was sing- ing in the wagon while we was gét~ ting took to the jail, too. There ‘was one song they sang a lot of | times. In the jail I got put with | two Reds, so I asked them, “What was that song youse was singing-al: | of the time?” 4 | ‘ They says, “Which one? Oh,-you vi mean ‘The International?’ ‘Arise, a ye prisoners of starvation; Arise, y: wretched of the earth.” <ooer i T says, “Yeah, that’s the one. i ....“That’s. ‘The. International?”.. © they says. “It’s the song of the. ; working class all over the world, The workers’ anthem. Like they. - try to tell you the Star Spangled. Banana is the American national | anthem, see, only it ain’t, it’s the apthem of the American capital= _vists and landlords and them cops. ; that prettied your face up. Well, ‘The International’ is the anthem. of the workers all over the’ world.” bene I says to them, “It ain’t a bad \ tune.” : They says, “It’s your tune, com- “Yeah?” But by the time I got. { out of that jail, it sure was my. tune, and that’s no lie. (The End) PARTY LIFE “It Is an Everyday Task!” 1OMRADES: I am in the Daily Worker drive. I know that we must break through the wall of lies that the capitalist press has woven around the workers. We also know that people will believe what they read before they will believe what they hear. “Daily” now. Why don’t you put an ad in the Daily on the front | page for the Saturday special as well as the “Daily.” And have a blank to be filled in with name and address. Half of the comrades know nothing about the Saturday edition, All I know is that it is $1 a year. So I made my own price of 60 cents for six months. Here is my own personal experi- ence. I work every day; I have for several years, I joined the Party without any soliciting. Very shortly I was on the section committee. Then I was drafted into a unit as organizer. Then, because I got the idea over to the section that our unit territory was too large and that a new unit was necessary in the territory, I was relesed as or- ganizer of my unit and told to go ahead and organize a new unit. This I haye done. Last night we had our first meeting. 1 organized the new unit in one week. I must | go right out in raw territory and | Already we must | form an unemployed council. Now | organize a unit. I am not kicking so much about that. Here is what I do kick about. CRITICISM, AND MORE CRITICISMS It is criticisms, 1 will be criticized next Tuesday -night at the Or- ganizers’ meeting, because the unit is not larger. Because 1 have not done more. Because I did not at- tend sume meeting or other. [ work hard every day in a building as a painter. I have a few there who read the Daily Worker and subscribe for it. I do the best I can, However, no matter how much I do,.I always hate to show my face at the organizers’ meeting, because there are some things that I did not do but I was told to do. Directives, directives, directives! An organization letter, sometimes of three pages; Hell, I could not do one tenth of it! I am just as much a Communist as ever, but I am not 10 Communists. Sure, as organizer I should see that others help. But if I was to go to all the meetings I would be so busy learning what to do that I would not even get a chance to try to get help ‘to do anything. If we are going to have a Daily Worker drive-—let's*have it! ‘However, I\can’t be at everything all at once. I must sleep some- times. We have spent enough energy at our meetings to over~ ‘throw the whole capitalist system. My wife won't stand for it either. I want to criticize the | a little? Make very move count. We all know that anyone who reads the Daily Worker for a while, will lose the prejudice that the capitalist class has instilled in His mind. How do we go about. it? Now, we go about it wrong. We make a “Red Sunday.” Everyone-i&, supposed to go out and sell Daily | Workers and get subs. . . . I have | gotten ten or twelve subs but never a single one on Red Sunday. { It is an everyday task to put } the Daily Worker over. It is a personal-contact proposition. It is a territory proposition. A man must look over two or three” blocks and say to himself: This is my field. He must make a route there, Call each week and sell a Saturday Issue. Always suggest that they subscribe. Tell. them about meetings, ete. other words, sell the whole idea of our movement to them. We must popularize it under system. Not make it so mechani= ¢’ eal. The American will be re | munist as soon as him right. i ey ‘Well, I can’t spare any + now so I must close. More plan- ned work, more results and less | directives. Less ‘criticising of com- vades who are doing their level best. They will do better if their - work is recognized. a / Comradely, - FRED STANLEY, ‘Try to Frame Worker = } ‘in: Bombing of Dairy . | Co-operative in Oregon ASTORIA, Ore. Dec. 18.—Desper ate attempts are being made by the authorities here to frame up some worker for the recent bombing af the Youngs Bay Cooperative Dairy, which is owned and operated — militant workers‘and farmers, ated to the International Labor fense. : ‘The bomb, exploded on Nov. 30, demolished the boiler-house and pare tially wrecked the main building, Fortunately, no one was injured. A second bomb was found Dec, 2, which had failed to go off. If it had exe ploded, it would have killed boa dreds of people who were at a ing a block away. od Ever since the dairy’ was opened, has been the subject of threats from fascist groups here, with American Legion and other pat organizations. Evidence showing ‘direct connection with the “has been presented by the I. L. Dy bub the authorities have/refused:'to pay any attention to it, Now they. have announced they are going 19 charge some member of |