The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 15, 1932, Page 4

arn SR er ETT i Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1932 Daily, 2Worker aetioe! ny 3 Party USA Pebihed by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 58 &. 19 St, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. ble “DAIWORK.” Afdsets and mail checks te the Daily Worker, 50 E. 15th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, §: 3 months, $2; 1 month, "e excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and 3_month: months, 35 One year, 39: 6 What Rail Workers Can Do Now N CHICAGO we have the spectacle of the heads of 21 rail- way unions—the four Railway Brotherhoods, 16 unions affiliated to the American Federation of Labor, the Railway and Steamship Clerks—SHOWING THE SAME FEAR OF STRIKE ACTION AGAINST WAGE CUTS AS THE REP- RESENTATIVES OF THE RAILWAY COMPANIES WITH WHOM THEY ARE IN CONFERENCE. for whom the the The total number of organized worker in i in the railway ir union bureaucrats are supposed to be speaking is neighborhood of 1,000,000—although ne dustry Resolute preparations for strike action against the atened wage cut and attack on working rules and conditions would probably force the y companies to retreat f it a railway strike, around which could be rallied huge other industries upon whom the fightir off ita 5 placed intoler- able burdens in the form of wage cuts, speed and part-time work, would not o defeat the rail companies and their own , the Wall Street banks, but in all likelihood would the rise of a power- ful mass strike movement against the capitalist offensive on all fronts. In such a strike ployment insurance movement the issues of compulsory federal unem- for all the expense of the government and employers, the shorter workday, lition of the speedup, etc., would be brought into the center of the struggle. Such a struggle from the very first day would come into conflict with the federal and state goy- ernments of capitalist America. workers at In such a struggle the mass influence of the Communist Party and the fact of the existence of the revolutionary unions and oppositions of the Trade Union Unity League would assure the raising of the issue of the right of capitalism to continue to live at the cost of ever growing mass suffering. nd Dem Parties, with Socialist ng the r categories of union of- are committed to the defense of capitalism, Members of the Republican Party members and influe ficials, these leaders low They are, in fact, among its most anxious defenders. In the face of the well organized and railroads and Wall Str conditions of the rail workers, in the face of the clear attempt to alienate working class sympathy and support ers by cooked up figures and distorted interpretations of statistics relative to wages and living standards, the railway union officials continue to cling te formal legal gibberish about the sanctity of contracts and agreements, that the railway companies haye tossed into the ash-can, nation-wide attack by the their the wages and working et owners upon from the rail wor! They are talking of the virtues of extending a wage cut for a definite period rather than for an unstated time when the railway companies, lnaving secured a 10 per cent cut in spite of agreements are making now all necessary atrangements with the incoming Roosevelt administration to put over another. The way out for the railway workers is the organization of rank and file committees in shops and terminals to carry out the fighting program of the Brotherhoods Unity Committees for struggle against both bureau- crats and the companies; to insist on every proposal in regard to wages and working conditions being submitted to the rank and file; to pre- pare and conduct strikes in shop and terminals wherever possible against the continual worsening of conditions and the abrogation of working rules: to enlist the unemployed rail workers in these struggles; to carry out on the widest scale the exposure of the surrender policy of the union of- ficials. These are immediate steps that can be taken. The rail workers are confronted with the necessity of organizing for strike struggle or of surrender. Their union officials will sell them down the river into worse slavery unless the power to do so is taken out of their.hands by an aroused, militant and organized rank and file bringing into the united front of struggle the unemployed and the working class allies in other industries. If this is done victory can be won and a tremendous blow dealt in behalf of all workers against the hunger drive of American capitalism and its government. Where to Get Money for the Unemployed 'HE one-year loan of $250,000,000 asked by the United States treasury, bearing interest of only three-quarters of one per cent was over-sub- seribed 16 times. The total sum offered was therefore $4,00,000,000. ‘The banks have at least this much money they are willing to loan the g ernment even at this low rate of interest because of the more risky character of investment in private enterprise at present. The bankers’ press emits loud shrieks when the Communist Party and the Unemployed Councils demand $50 cash winter relief for every unemployed worker. A tax on the wealth and incomes of the millionaires and billionaires which the treasury loan incident shows are anxious to get their money into tax exempt securities would take care of the financial problem of federal relief, Incidents like these show the appalling contrast between the enorm- ous wealth of the few and the poverty and hunger of the 16,000,000 un- employed. This is one thing we have in mind when we point out the fact of mass hunger in the richest country in the world. Fight for cash winter relief and federal unemployment insurance for all unemployed workers at the expense of the government and the em- ployers—and let’s include the banker Central Control Commission of C.P. on Death of Engdahl T a recent meeting of the Central Control Commission of the Commu- nist Party a resolution was passed on the death of J. Louis Engdahl, who was a member of this Commission and of its presidium During the 25 years that Comrade Engdahl purticipated in the Amer- ican revolutionary movement he exhibited unswerving loyalty and devo- tion to the cause of working-class emancipation, aly to take up any task for which he might be called upon and readily responding to additional demands made upon him by the developing struggles. Comrade’ Engdahl's' death; which ‘can be traced directly to the ardu- ous campaign in behalf of the nine Scottsboro frame-up victims, is a great loss to the revolutionary movement, and is deeply felt by every member of the Central Control Commission, as well as by the entire Party membership. Mya iWiee IMRADE ENGDAHL died at his post in the service of the working class, His revolutionary ardor, his self-sacrificing zeal and the devotion and loyalty which characterized all his activities in the Party until his untimely death, should serve, as an inspiring example for ail the new Tecruits whom the Party is enrolling in its ranks, as well as for the older comrades. We honor the memory of our comrade, J. Louis Engdah!, a loyal and valiant soldier in the fighting vanguard of the American working class, the Communist Party of the United States, CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISS1U! iT PARTY OF THE 0. 5. \ ” \ oA Impressions of the National Hunger March By NORMAN DRAKE S a bourgeois newspaperman in the Washington camp of the Hunger Marchers, I was able to fraternize freely with both Marchers and the police. A com- parison of the morale of the Mar- chers, steeled by the mighty the sig- WHEN THIEVES. FALL OUT! nificance of their organized effort, with that of the police, was one of the finest Marxian lessons I have ever had. For three days and two nights the entire army of cops fixed their activity of the Marchers. Yet it was not vigil- stupid eyes on every ance or discipline that inspired this constant attention. Their com- manding officers had to rebuke them every half hour for their lack of discipline. It was the ur tiring moral strength of the Mar- chers that compelled the attention and hatred of these cops. Deprived of their weapons, they wouldn't have dared for a moment to en- gage in a hand-to-hand encounter with the Marchers, because they perceived the fierce fighting power of men and women who knew what they were fighting for. Bourgeois military experts, often the shrewd- | est members of their cl realize this fact to their gre | GAS SQUAD MOST ACTIVE Obviously enough, it was the gas squad that swore and cursed the loudest. Of all the cops they were the closest to the ranks of Marchers — they needed courage most @ all. Huddled together in a close group, they kept each other worked up into a murderous rage by constant snarling abuse of the Marchers. “If those goddammed bastards go out of here, they'll go out dead.” “Unemployment r~ ance? Come up here and get it, you dirty sons-of-bitches. speaker of these defiant words The | | flourishes his gas gun. | | j The amazingly disciplined move- ment of fifty truck-loads of Ma chers without any previous train- ing or preparation was a great feat of proletarian organization and the cops knew it, and in their dense way, sensed its significance. They did everything they could to dis- turb it and ereate serious disord ‘They approached a car carrying white and Negro Marchers and forcibly tried to separate them, re- viling the whites for riding with Negroes. They tore posters from the trucks, five minutes after they were ordered not to do so by their officers. Each time a cop tore away a poster, he waved it aloft as though, it were a scalp, shouting while his less valiant fellows cele- brated the capture of the trophy by forming snake+dances and | whooping like moving-picturé In- dians. They connived at the throwing of stones into the Mar- chers’ meeting by vicious news- paper men, eager for a “story.” | They brazenly slashed the tires of taxis engaged to carry out mar- { chers to lodgings, despite orders to | permit them to pass. They did their best to hinder the admission of food. A dozen of them at a | time would beset solitary Negroes | and attempt to Jim Crow them | with taunting insults. They raced back and forth at a terrifying clip with their automobiles and motor- cycles through the crowded street where the marchers were forced to encamp, UT the Marchers refused to give the cops a single break. The most disheartening conditions fail- ed to lower their spirits and dis- cipline by a jot. After weeks of gruelling travel and constant har- rassment by police en routé, the Marchers accepted all the miser- able conditions of their Washing- - ton camp—lacking water supply, satisfactory food, and sanitary con- ditions, sleeping on cold pave- ments, and more police —without | once thinking of surrendering to defeat. They met all the provoc- ations of the cops with complete | obedience to their column captains’ | | orders. And so conspicuous was | } this provocation that a Washing- ton reporter said, “Well, boy: when are the police going to start the revolution?” Every proletarian activity suffers | distortion by the bourgeois press. | It is to be expected. But one of | the bitterest lies to swallow was | the attempt of the press to dis- | credit the Hunger March by des- | cribing it as made up of profes- | sional pan-handlers and paid mar- | chers. If such were the compo- | sition of the March, it would have | fallen to pieces at the first blow. | But the fact that it maintained its cohesiveness and active organ- | ization throughout many and sev- ere blows, should prove to the greatest sceptic, if he is honest, the wholesome proletarian mem- bership of the March. Only men and women who have realized that they are doomed to starvation and impotence unless they achieve or- ganization and creatively submit | | to its discipline, could Bave en- | | dured what they had | INTELLECTUALS LEARN, TOO! Intellectuals, who before may | have had a slightly inflated sense | of their own revolutionary import- ance, suddenly stood in awe of the masses and their proved potential- ities. We read in the books of the liberals that the Russian Re- volution was a success because of the habitual submissiveness and slavishness of the Russian “soul,” but that the proud, independent American will never permit such infringement on his “liberties.” We know now—the Hunger March has taught us that the submissivencss of the Russian masses really means the organizational strength of class consciousness, and that the Amer- | ican masses are already showing the samp proletarian strength, i A understand that oF fH tne ‘The resemblance between rival nations and rival gangs —Rear Admiral Bradley A. Fiske, U. S. Navy. ee eee [tear PARTS O16, f AINTI Kept? yu im FROM [GOING RED? WIT ME iD, Bur 1 WANTS ME cur! The Story of the Frame-Up o the Tampa Prisoners Fight for Union Led to Chain Gang Terms for Militants. By LUIS ORTIZ, ITH the coming into Tampa of a young Mexican worker, Juan Hidalgo (or Jim Nine as he is known there) as a representative from the Penn-Ohio Strike Relief Committee, the working class move- ment of Tampa took a rapid turn to the revolutionary class struggle line of the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. This young Mexican Communist, received first with suspicion by the disillusioned militant workers of Tampa, so many times betrayed in their struggles by the leadership of the American Federation of Labor and the anarchist leaders, in a short time, by persistent everyday Communist work, won to the side of the revolutionary labor move- ment large sections of the Tampa working class. Hundreds of dollars were collected | weekly in the factories for support of the heroic Penn-Ohio miners strike. The Scottsboro case was widely popularized among the working class of Tampa, especially among the Negro workers, and the struggle for the liberation of the oppressed Negro people came to play an important part in the struggles of the Tampa working class, TOBACCO WORKERS UNION In a short time, around Jim Nine, grew a solid bloc of revolutionary working class fighters who ener- getically plunged into work. The ‘Tobacco Workers Industrial Union, affiliated to the T.U.U.L. came into existence and in a few months grew into a membership of more than 5,000. The Communist Party, the Young' Communist League, the In- ternational Labor Defense and the Young Pioneers of America also took an organizational foothold among the Tampa working class, Unemployed Councils came into ex- istence and took up the fight against evictions, for immediate relief and for Federal Unemploy- ment Insurance at the expense of the bosses and their government. But of course the growth of the revolutionary moyement. in Tampa cannot be traced only to the com- ing of Jim Nine to Tampa. workers of Tampa for a long time had been to a large degree under | the influence of the Communist. Party, which had wide sympathy among them because of its fearless and heroic leadership of the work- ing class, especially in the North. Besides the readers in the factories | had been instructed by the work- | ers to read the Daily Worker and other Communist literature to them. But, in spite of all this, for all their admiration for the Commu- nists, they had not seen the Party in action, they did not quite clearly the Communist Party was among them, as it is a Party made and .led by rank and file workers. They were used to the American Federation of Labor bureaucracy and the self-appointed anarchist leaders. BOSSES BEGIN TO WORRY The organizational growth of the Party and revolutionary organiza- tions among the working class of Tampa, the growing against evictions and for relicf had the local authorities of Tampa and the capitalists, especially the to- | bacco manufacturers, om edge. The growing influence of the revolu- tionary movement among the Negro sections of ‘Tampa's population was a special cause of worry for the Tampa bourgeoisie, ‘Towards November, 1931, prepara- tions for a mass parade in com- memoration of the Russian Revolu-, tion were in full swing. In a pre- paratory meeting held in the La- bor Temple on November 3, plans were made for the parade and oth- er arrangements. A committee was elected to get permission from Mayor Chauncey, newly elected a few days before. The committce was headed by J, I. McDonald, a member of pe Railyoad Brother- The | struggles | hood -of Florida, and a leader of | the revolutionary movement of*|} Tampa. j Cee Rae i hat line of march of the parade | included passing through. the | main Negro neighborhood of Tampa by the marchers. In answer to this proposal Mayor Chauncey had to say: “I had no objection to a | meeting, but I did to a parade. I | | told the committee it could not hold such a parade because our Negroes are probably the most peaceable | citizens in this country. They are fairly treated, they appreciate what | | is being done for them (?!!), and | the very thought of a parade marching through the Negro section in celebration of the Soviet holiday is abhorrent to the minds of the Southern people.” In these words of this Southern gentlemen, with | all his lying declarations about the Bethlehem Steel in Sparrows Pt. Symbol of Death By CARL BRADLEY. SPARROWS POINT, Md., Beth- lehem Steel symbolizes death. What formerly were bustling scenes of activity characterized by thou- sands of busy workers, shifting trains of steel, dense clouded skies of smoke, and an incessant din of rolling mills and jerking cranes, today looks and seunds like a com- etery. Every Bethlehem plant, no mat- ter where it is, has a “bungalow | section,” similar to the one at Spar- Tows Point, where the poorest slaves of Bethlehem “live” and await orders, wait and wait for the whistle. ... Those who are fired get chased out of the bungalow section. Many who are so indebted to the company for rent-and food are working their debt out to free themselyes from the company’s grasp. There is a constant shifting into | cheaper shacks. Candle lights re- place the electric bulbs that don’t | light because the juice is turned | off. Rent and electric deducted | from the pay first, and if there is | anything left you can get groceries on “tick,” that is, if you are al- lowed to work. ‘Those who get tick can't buy poultry or any other so-called lux- uries. Charley Schwab watches the worker's diets. He watches the workers’ children die. Children grovel in piles of cinder for pieces of coke. Half frozen families scam- per over the stretch of land looking for splinters of wood for fuel. Even though working “level hand” (half time), many workers are so undernourished, they can't go home until they rest for half an hour, Tf you overeat your restaurant book, you don’t get another until . .. In the shadow of a stegl giant that would mean life to the workers if they owned the mills—the op- posite is true. The mills in the hands of the Bethlehem steel own- ers such as Schwab ond Grace means death to the workers. ‘Today Schwab and his kind look forward cagerly to start the fur. | naces and mills again—not, how- ever, for creating the necessities that workers need, but for making war material to kill more workers, ‘There is a way out for us who are workers! Those of us who are unemployed must organize into the Unemployed Branch of the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union. Those of us who are still working must. likewise join the union—and together through our unity, raise our wages, fight against speed-up, and we can force the Bethlehem Steel Co. to give relief to the unemployed steel workers. Get in touch with our union at 20 | | { | | tes “fair treatment” received by Negro masses, we have the main reason why fifteen working class fighters rot in the jafls and chain gangs of Florida. The idea of white and Negro workers parading through the seg- regated Negro section of Tampa in commemoration of the anniversary of the Russian Revolution, which brought, about the foundation of the Soviet Union, and gave national liberation to the nationalities for- merly oppressed by Czarism, which put the revolutionary principle of self-determination for oppressed nations into practice, granting the right of self-determination to Fin- land, Esthonia, etc, which so de- sired, and taking into the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics those that so desired, in full equality of rights, duties and privileges of all the other Socialist Republics which form the Soviet Union; this fact, together with the growing sirugg- les of the Tampa workers decided the Tampa capitalists to act. The denial by the authorities of the right of the working class to march in the streets was answered by the Communist Party and revolutionary | organizations of Tampa with a call for a wide mobilization and con- centration of the workers in the Labor Temple, November 7th, TRY TO TERRORIZE WORKERS + One hour before the hour in which the meeting wes called, the police, the K. K. K's, American Legionnaires, etc., surrounded the Labor Temple, trying to terrorize the workers. At the appointed time, large streams of workers coming out of the fac- tories began to pour into the La- bor Temple and its neighborhood, determined to exercise their right of assemblage, : The police, seeing the determina- tion of the workers, resorted to their usual methods of provocation. A little Pioneer who was selling revolutionary literature at the door of the Labor Temple was man- handled by the police. His mother and. sister, Francis Romero and Carolina Vazquez, came to his res- cue. This was the signal for a furious onslaught against the work- ers massed around the Labor Temple. In the fight that followed, a policeman named Byrd was shot in the back and another hit in the head by a flying bottle. Many arrests were made on the spot, and also in the evening and following days. Among those arrested in front of the Labor Temple, was a salesman by the name of Jose Cam- pos, who was passing by. He was later condemned to one year in the State Prison at Raiford. Comrade Carlos Lezama, was arrested in the stwaltrs’ rostrum insze of the Labor Temple, and because he had a revolver in his possession was subjerted in the County Jail to barbarous tortures; his sexual or- gans were twisted, and other hor- rible tortures used by the chain gang system of the South were used, to extract false confessions from him and from other prison- ers. MeDonald was arrested at his home later in the eysning. te oe. the AIDS followed in the next few | days in which a number of workers were beoked for deporta- tion, Jose Werraz, secretary of the ‘Tobacco Workers Industrial Union, was arrested and charged with vagrancy, although it was proven that he was working for the union and received a weekly sal- ary. Later, he was deported to Cuba. In the following weeks, before the trial took place, four protest strikes took place, which cul- inated in a 72-hour general po- utical strike, on November %8, wh'ch paralyzed the whole busi- ness. sections of Ibor City, West — Tampa and Pa’inetto, (the Span- ish sections of Tampa), end in- yolved 10,000 workers, The work- ing class children of the Span- ish neighborhoods also went solid- ‘yon strike, "(CONCLUDED TOMORROW) WAS THAT SONG? A STORY OF AN UNEMPLOYED WORKER By FRED'R, MILLER (Copyright by Revolutionary Writers’ Federation) DIDN'T get back till after dark. When T first opened the kitchen door, I thought there was nobody home excepting the old lady. She was sitting there, like always, in the corner next to the stove. She looked froze, even if she did have her coat on. I banged my hat down on the bathtub cover, and after wiping my clothes off a little, I pulled the rocking chair over in front of the stove and sat down. A coal fire would have gone good right then. I bent down and started to take my shoes off. There was a whole string of diapers drying on the line. I heard a noise over in back of them, and then T looked and seen it was Ellen. She had to lift one of the diapers up to see me, I says to her, “I thought you was out. What're you doing over there in the dark?” She says, “Oh, T was just resting my head on the table for a minute and I must of* fell asleep.” She ducked underneath the diapers, pulling her chair out in the light. | “You must be soaking wet. Is it still reining?” : “Just drizzling,” I si I got the | shoes off and shoved them under- | neath the stove. After that I yanked off my socks and opened the oven door and laid the socks on top of it so's to dry. The cuffs ot my pants’ was pretty wet, too, so I rolled them up. “Kid asleep already?” Yeah,” Ellen says. Wait, I'll get you your slipper: He was | cranky and everything, so I put him to bed early.” She went in the middle room and brought me my | slippers. “I think he’s getting a fever.” T looked up at her. Then I put the slippers on and felt for a smoke. There was a snipe, pretty near a whole one, in my peajacket, but when I took it out I seen it was | still wet. I got a hold of the candle that was burning on the stove and | tried to light up anyways. The | damn ‘snipe was too wet. I put it down on the stove. Ellen sat down and says, “You ought to change your clothes, Harry. You'll be catching pneu- monia if you don’t watch yourself.” I just laughed. “Don’t worry,” I says, “I ain’t that far gone—yet.” Anyways, what was I going to change with? I leaned back in the rocking chair and shut my eyes, It sure felt good to-sit down. Now if there’d of been a little fire in the stove and a plate of hot soup to go with it—boy! After a while Ellen says, “Well, how much time did the judge give us to get out, Harry?” “Five days.” I never opened my ain't a bit hungry. They say you get that way after the first day— don't feel like eating any more,” All T could do was look at her, “But how about you, Mom? If you want me to, ’'ll——” “No, no, Ellen dear,” the old lady that squeaky voice of “You know I hardly ever eat anything.” “Sure?” I se “No, Harry, I couldn't swally & mouthful now if you asked me to.” T went back to the rocking chair and sat down. Ellen says to me, “How about yourself? You used to have an appetite like a horsé. Maybe you could stand a little fae rina after walking around all day.” I looked her up and down. “What do you take me for?” I leaned back and shut my eyes again. There was a phonograph foing somewheres, playing a jazs tune, and I thought I could hear something frying in the flat across the hall, but maybe it was only my imagination. A couple of minutes later I » “Well, I went to the charities.’ Ellen Honest?” “I'd of never went in Christ’s vorld if it’ wasn’t for you and the kid. And your mother there.” “It ain't nothing to be ashamed of, Harry. Not when times is as bad as they are now.” There's plenty of people getting help. It ain’t your fault if you can’t find a job.” “Yeah, I heard of all that be- fore. Just the same, I don’t like the idea of living off of charity, that’s all. I'm not a god damn panhandler. I’m .a working man. If it was only me,,I’d starve before Td go chasing atter charity. Or else go out and stick up a bank.” “Don’t. be like that. You got’ a » of false prid2, that’s what's eating on you, Harry. People like us can’t afford to be proud over nothing.” m “Ni Weill, telling you I don't like it.” “But what'd they say?” “What do you think they'd say? They run me all over town. I went around to the Public Wel- fare first, after I got out of the court. Had to sit around there so leng I got carbuncles on my fenny. It’s a room full of benches that looks like church seats, Mostly wemen was waiting there; some of them had their babies with them. You could tell by lcoking at them they they was down and out, 2lJ right. “Well, the fatass old dame that had to interview these people was taking her own sweet time about it, let me tell you. She looked like some politician with skirts on. I guess she was one, at that. Well, anyways, she finally called me up says, “Did you, Harry? I'm | a bie old lady tried to smile at her. eyes up. F “But didn’t you tell him about the baby and everything?” “Didn't get a chance to say nothing, They rush about a half a dozen eviction cases through all at one t'me, Holler out a string of mames and that’s the end of it, But they can take all morning on a cockroach business case, the stinkers.” I turned my face around to spit on the floor. Ellen give me a funny look. “Aw, what the Jesus, El” “Yeah, but we got to live here for tive days yet, remember.” “Yeah, and by God, the day the Marshal throws us out of here I'll crap the place up so bad the’ land- lord never, will get it clean.” TI noticed the old lady watching me from her corner. She was scared, for some reagon Ellen just says, “What good'll that do us?” ‘Then she says to her mother, “Who says Tammany ain’t gol a big heart, huh, Mom? They even give you | five days, so’s we can starve to death real comfortable, with a roof over us.” Ellen started to laugh, but she busted out coughing instead. That mede me take a good look at her. “You're locking low, hon,” I says. “Better let me start a fire and you cook yourself a mss of that farina. Give your mother some, too.” She says, “Yeah? ‘Take the food out of the baby’s mouth? And what's the poor kid going to eat tomorrow, then? Iie didn’t get any too much this last meal, Besides, we have to go slow on the wood. You can’t pick a box up on the streeb whenever you feel like it.” T got up und went to lean against. the hall door, “Honest, Harry, 1 to the desk and started to ask me my whole history from the time T was born. She was putting it alby down on a bunch of papers, f bet. she took five minutes to write down a couple of words. What made it worse, she was hard of hearing. I had te an8wer every question twice. < “I got tired of it. So I says to her, ‘We're going to be put out next Monday. Can’t you do some- thing about it?’ ee “She looked at me over her glasses. ‘Dispossessea?” she says, ‘Have you got your dispossess with. you?’ - “So I pulled it out of my back: pocket and showed it to her. She Spreads it out on the desk, looks at “it through the bottom of her glasses and wrinkles her nose up, and then she writes something else on the papers, “‘We'll send an investigator around to check up, she says and hands me back the di Yeah, well 1 know alt 1 want to. know about these . investigators, Look at that investigator from the Emergency Unemployment last year —remember? It took them a couple of months to send somebody over, and after me chasing around there every week to see why the hell they Was falling down on the job. Promised to put me to work inside of two weeks. Yeah, I'm. still waiting. “So I says to this dame, ‘But Last goltg to be evicted on Mon- lay, is coming Monday, Un- derstand? We can't walt for no investigator. ‘There ain't a bite to cat in the house; ‘no coal, no electric, no gas; the kid'll be get. ting sick.’ “She says, ‘Rules is rules” (TO BE CONTINUED, | s ae | ‘|