The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 17, 1932, Page 4

orker Party BSA. except Sunday, at 50 56. Cable “DAIWORK. St., New York, N. Dail ublished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dail 8th St., New York City, N. ¥, Telephone ALgonquin 4. Adliress and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. SUBSCRIPTION RaYEs: One year, $6; six months, months, $2; 1 month, %5e h of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and _One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 8 months, $3 Liberalism in the Service of Imperialism ON, in its November 16th issue, joins hands g bankers, industrialists and grain speculators to build up the illusion that Roosevelt, as an ad- : and disciple of the “liberal” policies of his former will pit the country on the road to ng Roosevelt for “his sickening wabblings urd program for the farmers, his ned a big constructive program certain to The Nation urge the President-elect to go they call Wilsonian “radical- on the t his a “When all the mess of the economic collapse is cleared away, America must begin in earnest that radical reorganization for which Mr. Wilson called twenty long years ago—twenty precious lost years during whi has gone down and not up. There lies the real oppo in Roosevelt.” Wwe THER the count: for Fra or not, Roosevelt is in every respect a ped to a fine art the tse of lofty sf Wilson. Wilson deve st predatory policies of the auguration in 1913 liam Jennings Bryan, to with- to float an international loan to a mpanying that action, said that this to the “imperialist division of China.” He wal from the “consortium” was taken at the s, who wanted to have a free hand in the of the aim of eventually grabbing all that It was behind a similar smoke screen that Wilson, in D. Roosevelt as his instrument, carried out the 4; plunged this country into the slaughter- ier the deceptive slogan of “making the world safe in reality he was only concerned about making ll Street plunderers. ar it was Wilson’s secretary of war, Newton D. General Leonard H. Wood to command the + the steel strikers. It was Wilson's attorney A. Mitchell Palmer, who launched the infamous is” in 1920—the same Palmer who drafted the vhich Roosevelt ran as candidate for President. ices as the Wall Street President by using his er the Versailles robber treaty against the intervention of American armed forces in y the Bolshevik revolution. * . itline of the high lights of the services of that ne cause of the most vicious reaction. { vandalism received its greatest impetus during ‘onism. The policies of sopliation pursued by Wilson € ministration since then. The “one in- g out war against the masses at home and~ olonial masses abroad has been consistently ge, Hoover. Now, again, capitalism brings hich marks the end of the temporary, and shaky the remnants of the Wilson regime—the Bakers, he Houses—under the leadership of Roosevelt, et sychopants during the regime of Woodrow g which the most vicious reaction has established it- y be smashed by the most relentless fight, is described nion by The Nation as a period in which the country 1 and not up. When it urges waiting to give Roosevelt a has gon chance to show what he will do, it & simply carrying out its time-worn dow policy of using liberal deception to dupe the masses. It supported Norman the election campaign, thereby making its contribution to ttempt to divert the workers from a militant struggle against nd war program of Wall Street. It is playing the same despicable game of deception as that socialist clown, Heywood Broun, who asks his readers in the chain of Scripps-Howard papers, to refrain from any cr m of Roosevelt until January Ist, 1933—in other words, endure in sil another winter of starvation. * . . . GAINST this contemptible sermonizing, against this liberalism in the government, whether under Hoover or Roosevelt, the and farmers and ex-servicemen must deliver sledge- he Hunger Marchers are again moving toward Wash- assing day sees their ranks grow, as from every part of e on the national capitol. The farmers are send- ing delegates to W ington to present their demands. The embattled ex-soldie: re ain in action. Mass fights are on the order of the day. The expos e trickery of the liberals and the socialists in the ser- vies of impe: will help the movement grow ever mightier. masi hammer b! ington. Ever the country the’ Hospital Admits Children Starve; Free Lunches End Ghildren’s Delegation Nov. 24 and National Hunger March Will Demand Relief for Them By GRACE HUTCHINS A letter from a public hospital in New York City, recently written to the executive secretary of the Chil- dren’s Welfare Federation, admits more of the true situation of starva- tion among working class children in the world’s riehest city than is usually revealed by capitafist agen- cies. It reads in part: “We have had, for a long time Prentice Murphy, president of the Child Welfare League of America, admitted on October 30, 1932, that there had been fn increase of 187 per cent in Nev Jersey in the num- ber of childrer\ accepted for care by the state b‘tween January 1, 1930, and Jan’“.y 1, 1932. Similar reports on #©: increased number of chil- dren in “charity” institutions come trom every state. now, people coming in to us ask- ing for food and stating that they have not eaten for several days, and it can be seen by their ap- pearance that they are telling the truth. This week we have had four children admitted with the diag- nosis of starvation. One, who was found eating ont of a garbage can, has died sinee admission. Another infant of three months fs about to ‘ie. The mother was feeding it su- gar and weter.” Malnutrition, the polite word for slow starvation, 1s reported from all the main industrial centers of the United States, from mining districts, farming regions and smailer towns. Hunger and exposure, followed by disease and death among the chil- dren of the working class. In Los Angeles, 10,000 hungry boys and girls waited in queues for the first food distribution on the child breadlines recently opened by the Parent-Teacher Association, For most of the children this one meal was ali they had to eat in the day. Finger Nails Fall Off. Workers’ children in Pittsburgh are losing their finger nails “because of laek of proper food”, according to atvappeal for charity made by Vice- President Chesterman of the Bell ‘Telephone Co., a corporation which has maintained its profits for the capitalist class throughout the de- pression while laying off workers by the thousands Not only hungry but home! In addition to these children, tak- en to institutions because their homes have been broken up, there are countless thousands wandering homeless and starving over the country. The U. S. Children’s Bu- reau recently revealed the fact that several hundred thousand homeless boys were.“on the road”, cut loose from their families, And the total is constantly increasing, it was admit- ‘ted. No Longer Feed Children Yet in the face of such conditions even the meager special relief, given to children during the earlier years of the crisis by some of the city schools, has been entirely abandoned in many cities. Chicago's schools dis- continued the free lunches for chil- dren of the unemployed. New York City schools, on October 19, 1932, abandoned free milk and bread cen- ters maintained during the winter of 1931, This meant the closing of 110 milk stations which had been distributing 11,500 quarts of milk and 7,000 loaves of bread daily. ‘The great Hunger March already starting on its way to Washington will make special demands for im- mediate relief for the children of the working class. And on Thanksgiving Day, November 24, two weeks before the Hunger March itself reaches Washington, the children’s hunger delegation will be there to demand adequate relief and no evictions—- free lunche*"in all the schools, free milk, f free gy for-the us | ization. DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1932 Letters from Our Readers From a Worker Who “Preached Solidarity” For 19 Years Greenup, Ky, Editor, Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: For 19 years I have been a left wing revolutionary worker. During these years I have preached soli- arity. I have tried to organize all workers under one banner, So- cialists, I.W.W.'s, Socialist Labor, Anarchists, etc. into one big organ- We can’t do this by fight~ ing one another. We can do this by showing each other that we stand for the same principles. We all believe in public ownership of public industries, equal rights for all races, the uselessness, cruelty, and senselessness of war, etc., so why should we be divided? We can't hope to win the Socialists by attacking them, but we can win them to our cause if we show them in a friendly spirit that our organ- ization is the best of the two. I was an organizer of the Party and lay in jail with 15 others at the same time Gene Debs was jail- ed. I was in favor of the Third International which was the begin- ning of the division of the Socialist Party. I was with the left wing and I am ready to take out a membership card with the Commu- nist Party today if they will stop their attacks on other radical groups, but I will not become a member of either party that con- tiues to fight any workingman’s organization. ‘Yours for Solidarity, <L. GS. re EDITOR’S REPLY Dear Comrade L.GS.: Your desire for solidarity of all workers is sound. Only through solidarty will the workingclass smash capitalist oppression. But this solidarity, this unity, must be a unity for workingclass demands, it must be a unity against capitalism, against capitalist war, against capitalist wage cuts, you will agree to that. For example, a unity of workers under the leadership of Hoover, or Roosevelt, would in no sense of the word be a’ workingclass unity. And yet the majority of workers vote at the present in the U. S. for Hooyer and Roosevelt and other capitalist politicians. But you would not urge, would you, that we stop attacking Hoover and Roose- velt and their policies. You say that Norman Thomas and the other socialist leaders are workers’ leaiers. What proof have you of that, outside of their own statements? But these statements are the statements they make to the workers. ‘Fo the bosses they make other statements. To the bosses they promise to lead the workers away from the revolution- ary struggle against capitalism. ae a ie What else does Thomas mean when he warns of “catastrophe” unless certain liberal measures are not passed? What else does he mean when he warns that the People will lose their faith in dem- ocracy (bourgeoise democracy), if the bosses push their terror too far? Is such a warning addressed to the workers or to the bosses? How shall we unite with the lead- ers of the Socialist Party? Shall we unite with them to slander the Soviet Union? Shall we unite with them to keep silent about the op- pression of the Negro masses? Shall we unite with them to keep down the rising struggle of the unemployed, and stifle it in the harmless channels of forced labor and primitive barter, of quiet and slow starvation? Shall we unite with those who nite with the American Federation of Labor to break strikes? Matthew Woll hail- ed the recent railroad wage cut as the greatest constructive step ever taken by American labor. Matthew Woll was honored at the Rand School, conducted by the Social- ist Party, at its opening exercises. The Socialist Party is against mass demonstrations (they say it means “riots”). Stall we tell the workers no longer to come out on the streets and make their de- mands known, because working class “unity” demands that we please the Socialist Party leaders? The Socialist Party opposes the payment of back wages to the vet- erans now, because the capitalist system may be threatened by the burden. Shall we join the Socialist Party in a working class “unity” to defend the capitalist system and desert the starving veterans, who are also a large part of the work- ing class? Shall we keep silent about the Socialist Party leaders who attack the bonus? Shall we keep silent when the Socialist Par- ty leaders hail the “tactful” handl- ing of the bonus army by Glass- ford. What was this tactful handl- ing? Glassford himself now boasts about it. It was filling the bonus army with a crew of stool ee ee Glassford himself was the chief, Who divides trade unions on the basis of color? The so-called “labor dJeaders” of the American Federa- tion of Labor. Are we to unite with them to split further the ranks of the working class Shall we help them to split the working class by keeping silent about their treachery? Who segregates Negro workers from whites it Southern audiences? The Socialist Party. Shall we keep silent about the aid the Socialist Party gives to the Southern ruling class terror? Is this the way to bs ad the unity of the working- You want unity with leaders whose entire strategy has been to splif the working class. You want. unity with leaders at the cost of ever achieving unity of the workers. ar . In Sbe_ recent Bertin , agmenert -: ish, Peace -A Government Based on Hunger —By Burck Social Insurance in the Soviet Union In Capitalist U.S.A., National Hunger March Demands Jobless Insurance and Relief By MYRA PAGE (Our Correspondent in the Soviet Union) ECENTLY a letter apeared in the Daily Worker from a N. Y. construction worker telling how he had been gypped out of four-fifths of the compensation due him for lost time through an accident on the job. This, unfortunately, is an old story in the United States, and the other capitalist countries. What state laws there are, which are in- adequate enough, are so manipulat- ed by tricky lawyers in the corpora~ tions’ interests, that the family of an injured or killed worker finds, when the last paper has been signed and the last lawyer departed, they have little left but the memory of smooth talk on which to get along. ACCIDENT COMPENSATION Let’s see, for instance, what would happen if this injured building worker had been in the Soviet Union, instead of America. First of all, he might not have had his accident a& all, as safety and pro- tection on the job are far better carried out. American engineers working on big construction jobs like Magnitogorsk have testified to this, and the lower accident rates that exist there, as compared to the States. However, son accidents occur. ‘What then? ‘The injured worker, in addition to receiving all medical services, including hospital care if needed, free, would begin drawing his full wages at once. There would be no deductions of any kind, no long waits for his money, no wrang- ling on “overhead” and “service” charges that he would be called on to pay, His injury and time lost are recorded, the sums due to him caiculated, and paid, and that is all. return he gets some paltry. relief, while through such devices as the “Means Test” in England, and dic- tatorial government decrees in | Germany, many thousands of un- j employed are being robbed of even this. In America, in our fight for social insurance, we have to see that our insurance system is mod- eled not after the British or Ger- ‘man, but along lines which the Soviet workers h ave developed. DRAWING PAY — DURING ILLNESS Let us take another case. For in- stance, in the “Red Bogatyr” plant (rubber factory) in Moscow, a work~ er does not report for work. What is wrong? A member from the fac- tory’s social insurance committee investigates. (This committee is made up of workers elected by the plant’s departments, on the ratio of one delegate out of every hundred. who do their social insurance work during their free time). If the worker is found to be sick, the com- mittee man not only sees that he gets all necessary medical atten- tion, but also looks into the reasons why the worker has fallen ill. Are conditions at home or at work re- sponsible? If so, how can they be remedied? Improvement of health and working conditions are an im- portant part of the committee's work. On the basis of the social insur- ance committee man’s report, the ill worker, is listed for drawing his sick ber fits—at full wages. When he goes back to his job, if the doc- tor recommends it, he eats in the factory’s special diet restaurant, An extra expense involved # this is paid out of the social insurance fund. ORGANIZING RANK AND FILE CONTROL If he has any grievance, he can appeal to his factory committee. * . R the accident insurance which he has drawn, the injured work- er has never contributed one penny. ‘This holds true for all types of the social insurance which every em- ployed person is covered by the gov~ ernment, such as against unem- ployment, old age, or absences for childbirth and illness. The expense involved has been covered by the sums paid into the public social insurance fund by the Building Trust, and other industries and or- ganizations which employ help. In England or Germany, the ‘worker must pay about 30 to 40 per cent of the state social insurance fund out of his own pocket. In =——— strike, Socialist, Hitlerite and Com- munist workers united to fight against a wage cut. Socialist union officials opposed the s{ . Then the Hitlerite officials’ came out against the strike. Should the Com- munist leaders join with these traitors against the unity of the workers who defieq their Socialist and Hitlerite leaders and continued the strike? Is it not treachery to the unity of these workers to fail to attack these Socialist leaders? No, comrade, the road to unity of the working class must be built by shattering the obstacles created by false leaders, Socialist, Anar- chist, etc, The road to unity of the working class lies in fight against the capitalist attacks (and exposing the socialist leaders in theri sabotage of this ). The road to unity lies in ning and widening the struggles of the workers for relief, for unemploy- ment. ice, against wage cuts, ‘The insurance funds paid out to workers in the “Red Bogatyr” fac- tory are handled by an elected com- mittee, headed by its scretary, Com- rade Bouganova. She has been making goloshes in this plant since 1902. Her face is lined, her figure a bit stooped. Through her cal- loused, worn hands, pass hundreds of roubles gach month. Every penny of if is accounted for—Bou- ganova was elected to the factory (union) committee last year, at the annual factory elections. It was the factory committee that placed her in charge of its insurance work. In heavy industries, such as metal, coal, chemicals and rubber, every plant employing over a thousand people has, its own paying-out sta- tion, such as this at the Red Boga- tyr. Other factories or work places are covered by the regional com- mittees of the state insurance de- Socialist Leaders in Row Over Jobs, Expel Whole Racine Branch RACINE, Wisc., Nov. 16—The whole Racine branch of the Socialist Party has been expelled as a result of a fight among the leaders for jobs. The charter of the branch has been revoked, anq the Socialist state com- mittee orders the members to make new applications for membership. Discontent and dissatisfaction with the selfish leaders is prevalent among the rank and file Socialists. ‘The Communist Party is calling a rank and file united front conference on demands of workers, employed and unemployed, and tactics to be used to win them. It is inviting groups of the rank and file of the expelled. partment, who pay out all benefits due. . . 'HE factory social insurance com- * mittees send their delegates to the regional committee, where regu- lar reports and conferences are held In addition to their delegates, there are representativs here of the gov- ernment’s social insurance depart- ment. These regional committees in turn are grouped under district committees which come under the direction of the state’s social insur- ance department. Each republic composing the Soviet Union has its own social insurance department, as a division of the People’s Commis- sariat of Labor. Likewise there is an All-Union social insurance de- partment. TRADE UNIONS HELP DIRECT INSURANCE SYSTEM ‘The government social insurance department comes directly under the control of the trade unions. The head of this department, Comrade | A. Kotov, a fitter from a Moscow repair shop, is a member of the executive committee of the general federation of Soviet trade unions. The trade unions in their annual congresses elect a social insurance committee, which works in close touch with the government insur- ance department. The budget of four billions is considered jointly by them. It is the trade union committee that states how much should be spent on the different items in this budget. In addition, personal representatives of workers at the bench also consider the re- gional and district, as well as na- tional, budgets. They make their proposals as to the amount to be expended, for instance in health protection measures, in construction of additional sanitoriums, on pen- NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Jobn L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” ing exposure of the hidéous persecution The Daily Worker is relentlessly NOTE.—“Georgis Nigger’ is a xm national oppression of the Negro masse fo the white raling class term, “nigger,” and {o the oppression and contem treatment of Negroes: which it symbolizes. The author sheres this view, But $§i order to paint a true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it ne to use this term as otherwise he would have put into the mouths of the boss Iynch- ers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use.—Editor. PE ane ee aaaD seni Ns pet sana on are Ns SRE SEY INSTALLMENT 15 THE STORY SO FAR: Legally kidnapped by the county authory- 1 ties at the behest of the powerful white planter, Jim Deering, who q needs cotton pickers, five Negroes, including David Jackson, son of the i poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, are forced, under threat of being sen- 4 tenced to the chain gang, to accept Deering’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of them as advances against wages. Ominous tales are told about Deering’s plantation, which is actually a slave camp ruled by terror. On the farm David meets an old acquaintance, Limpy Rivers, and makes : friends with the cook’s husband, Walter Freedman, known as Cooky. Limpy falls sick, and when Deering brutally tries to force him to go to work, he talks back and is shot dead by the planter, the terror grows even worse. Now read on: * . IGH YALLER, who had been in the stockade two months, a quiet Negro who minded his own busi- ness, threw his sack down and started for the clearing. “Hey, you! What the hell's the matter with you!” Taylor shouted. The Negro stopped. He turned and picked up his bag. “IT reck’n you cain’ even git a drink now no mo’,” he said sul- lenly. When the trucks returned for the noon meal Taylor sent a mule boy to the commissary for Deering. The planter came, his face drawn and his jaws clenched. Through the mess hall door they saw Tay- lor whisper to Deering. “Mo’ trouble,” a Negro said in an undertone. “Heah dey come,” another voice said. ANOTHER VICTIM Deering, with Taylor and the guards behind him, kicked the door open, The planter was tense, al- most quivering with fury. The strain on him since the killing seemed at the breaking point. The Negroes stopped eating and stared dumbly at him. “All of you!” he called harshly. “Pile out!” One rose hastily. The others fol- lowed, crowding each other. “High Yaller!” Deering called. rien gaee ‘HE = Negro’s shoulders were hunched like an animal about. to spring when he stepped from the group. “I told you yesterday 1 want no impudent niggers on my farm!” the planter said savagely to the huddled group. They had never seen him so furious, not even when he shot Limpy. “Now you're going to see what happens to those who think they can get impudent!” High Yaller straightened up. The watching Negroes could not, see his face, but they say his fists clench and quickly open again lest st be misunderstood. “Charlie! And you, Pete! strip this son of a bitch and give him twenty lashes!” “Mistuh,” High Yaller said evenly, “am I gonter git whipped fo’ wantin’ a drink o’ water?” THE WHIPPING Deering ignored him. A guard slipped handcuffs on him. Another appeared with a long,-leather strap of knotted thongs. With a quick movemen; the guards threw him face down. One sat on his shoul- ders and the other on his feet. Charlie slipped the Negro’s over- alls down until the buttocks were exposed, took the strap and stepped back. It swished through the air and cracked like a pistol shot on the brown flesh. High Yaller screamed and squirmed, rubbing has face in the soil. The guards dug their feet into the earth to keep from be- ing thrown off. - Red welts showed on the skin. The strap swished through the air again. 8 sl. Se Ho YALLER ceased screaming before the twentieth stroke. He moaned and his body jerked Spasmodically. His face was scratched and bleeding. He tried sions, and so on. Recently I had an interview with Comrade ‘Kotov in his office in the Commissariat of Labor. He is a very busy person, His secretary at first thought it would be several days before he could give me an appointment. But when Kotov heard why I wanted to see him, that the American workers were carrying on a fight for social in- surance, and wanted to know how the Soviet workers managed theirs, he said promptly, “That's impor- tant. Come over tomorrow evening at seven.” Capers iat OTOV, a plain worker, in dark blue shirt, with iron-gray hair and direct gaze, is absorbed in his work. He handles the table of sta- tistics spread before him, on the table, carefully, like new tools, When quoting figures he is slow, exact. Then, describing how the social insurance system operates, its plans and achievements, he speaks rapidly, eyes snapping. “When I started to work, as a lad of twelve,” he tells us, “there was no social insurance to speak of, any more than there is today in America, A worker could fall sick or die off, without the boss worrying any, He would just take on a new hand, This year, we are spending two billion dollars on workers’ health and insurance, And it is still far from enough! Why, into this office come dele- gations from the young workers, and workers’ children, demanding ‘Give us more.’ We need more camps, more rest homes for our ” In the Soviet Union even the workers’ children have their say in running the government, including to spit the red clay from his mouth, Following this, The fields were still heavy with cotton. ‘Two Negroes were gone | and one too badly hurt to work, Two days after High Yaller’s | whipping four Negroes who had ben threatened rushed for the | swamps in a concerted move. Tay- lor shouted and cursed, but did not raise his gun. to capture them. Each runaway reduced the daily, weight. Much of the first pickin: had not been touched. The ficl already worked were almost ready for a second pickitig, and Negroes were running away. returned with a new batch of sig, * #8 AVID concluded that.a convict § suit could not be worse than Deering overalls, but “he. hesitated, to run away. He would never dare set foot in Ochlockonee county again if he did. One quiet evening on Cooky’s jnvGH M. DOR ernor of Georgif, who was compelled | {by mass resente ment to conduct an investigation Rjinto the outrages against Negroes, porch the boy asked abruptly: res’ o’ my fine?” “how you git to im?” “I figgered maybe I'd ask Mist’ , Deerin’ tuh let Mist’ Pearson pay , hit.” “Yeah? Mist’ Deerin’ ain’ lettin’ nobody go w’en he’s so ‘late wid his pickin’.” “MAYBE...” The boy sighed. “Maybe I could run. away,” he said slowly. “Yeah. Maybe.” “Pete wen’ after me wid ® pick handle day fo’ yestiddy.” “Yeah. I saw hit.” “Said he'd beat my God damn haid in.” Freedman nodded ically. “Ain’ no sense stayin’ here tuh git my haid beat in.” “No. You right dey. An’ dey ain’ no sense gittin’ wuss if you git caught.” “What's a nigger tuh do?” Davié asked helplessly. “tte Ne EEDMAN spat carefully, | “Run away,” he said. y “But you done said ——” if “Yeah. Dat’s whut I done agit An’ I still say dey ain’ no ecnsé gittin’ wuss if you git caught, Howsomevah, dey ain’ no senss stayin’ heah, neithah: You's young an’ b'long to Mist’ Pearson. Maybe he'll he’p you. An’ maybe he won't. Hit’s a gambelin’ chance anyway.” “If I kin git home maybe I kin see Mist’ Pearson. I’m willin’ tuh wuk, but I doan see no sense in wukkin’ fo’ a cracked haid.” A WAY OUT? Freedman stared — gloomily at. Charlie sitting alone at his shack door. “If I was younger——” he began. He did not finish the. sentence. sympathet- “You'd go wid me?” David asked held as a slave. In others, no Ne Bee _ Case No, 11 4 “Fis some counties the Negro i being driven oat ax though he were a wild beast. In others he is being = (@) A Negro was sentenced to 30 days in the Fulton THIS HAPPENS ALL OVER THE SUULM — rnow- ; i] i He did not even try Deering went to Live Oak and@ | SEY, former govt, ; County Chain Gang for vagrancy. When he had served enough of his time to pay his fine excepting 5.00, the son of a farmer in this county paid him out. » With ten other Negroes he was carried to the man's but it stuck to his lips and chin. ‘The exposed flesh was a mass of welts and criss-crossed lines of blood. A guard unlocked the handcuffs. The Negro rose unsteadily, the overalls falling about his feet. He took a step forward and fell. Flies settled on the raw but- tocks. TERROR ON A RAMPAGE age! pl it 38 ge z i 2 eagerly. “Why doan you? i tuh stay fo’?” Whine “Whey'll I go?” He shook his head, d “No, dey ain’ nothin’ 1 kin do," He puffed nervously at his pipe, “But maybe you kin mek hit” He glanced at the guard as though fearful of being overheard. “Yeah, Maybe you kin mek hit.” (Continued Tomorrow.) ee aie WITH ARMED GUARDS READY TO SHOOT HIM DOWN, wiLL DAVID RISK DEATH OR HOR. “Pigger Mist’ Pearson’d pay A |