The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 17, 1932, Page 3

_DAILY WORKER, x Ault YORK, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER Aly 19 2 By BILL GEBERT eee STER, in his Chi- cago Coliseum speech of Sep- | tember 13, brought before the work- ing classjhe ‘necessity of uniting workers int the shops, of the trade unions, rasses of the unemployed, the toiling farmers, in the united front from below, based on struggle for the opférete demands of the masses. Heailed upon the masses to organize.sCommittees of Action, embracing jhe broadest possible number of ayorkers to carry on the struggle. cS « The Chicago. workers understood the meaning of the words of the revolutionas¥ feader of the Ameri- can working-elass, and they in turn put the words of their leader into practice. How this was done I will try to elaborate in this article. On Octeker=i, 1932, without any announcement, the Emerson Relief Commissiqt.introduced a 50 per cent cut in relief, in’ the already starvation-fetion that had been / given to approximately 150,000 fam- ilies in Cogk County. DEFEAT RELIEF CUT The masses organized against this cut and wefésUtcessful in defeating it and foréing~the authorities to withdraw the’5@ per cent cut. Un- deniably the ymemployed workers ef Chicago.avon an important vic- tory, the 18sSons of which must be studied and learned not only by the Chicago working class but through- out the country; Immediatetyafter the 50 per cent cus in relief-was announced, the Cook County. Committee of the Un- employed Councils issued a call to the members of-the Chicago Work- ers Committee= on Unemployment (controlled by “Socialists, Musteites and Farmer=Laborites, and sup- ported by the,Ministerial Alliance and some Charity institutions), to the Workers League of America ) (split off tom the Proletarian Party) and“tO6 the masses of the ‘ unemployed in the City of Chicago and Cook County in general, calling for a united csieusele against the cut in relief. ca CALL OF UNEMPLOYED COUNCILS “~ In the call the Unemployed Coun- cils stated: “The Unemployed Councils urge all unemptuyed. workers to unite their forces. ifi each locality and demonstrate immediately to every alderman and-Félief station that we Fefuse to starve, while Mayor Cer- mak takes pleasure junket trips to Eurove. Let=.eVery meeting and demonstration” Send delegations to the city halito demand withdrawal of this cut.~het all of these local struggles lay_the groundwork for a huge, city-wide action, as proposed by the Unerfipléfed Councils to the {other organizations and to the work- ers generally, ~As part of all of these actiofis” every organization should elect €@élégates to the Cook County Conference Against Starva- tion, being held October 16.” woe In speakitig. rectly to the mem- bers of the abeve mentioned organi- zations of the. @, unemployed, the Un- employed Councils declared: “We are prepared to propose a program of local and city-wide struggles involving not only the members, of present organizations, but drawinigtin thousands of unor- ganized workers to place the de- mands of the-unemployed for the immediate withdrawal of this cut.” The call of the Unemployed Coun- cils for united stiiggle was greeted by the members of the Chicago ‘Workers Committee on Unemploy- ment and the masses of the un- employed in géneral. Its echoes were heard in the local unions of the American Federation of Labor and other mass organizations. It met with “the sympathetic support of the workefS in the shops, those who are employed part time and who suffer with the unemployed, ISSONS OF VICTORY OF CHICAGO UNEMPLOYED Practical Experience Proves Tactics of Unemployed Councils Only Way to Win Relief; United Front from Below Gives Solid Basis for National Hunge er March cause of the pressure of the masses, who desired to establish a fighting united front, and the leaders did not dare fight against it, but they came to the conference in an attempt to take away the militancy and make it simply a begging proposition to the authorities. After some of the above mentioned leaders spoke in this light, it was very correct on the part of Comrade John Williamson, a delegate of the Communist Party, to draw very sharply the line between these s0- cial-fascist leaders and the mem- bership. The masses of the dele- gates expressed their agreement with the speech of Comrade Wil- liamson. VERBLIN’S RIGHT WING LINE This correct policy adyocated by Comrade Williamson at the United Front Conference met with some opposition on the part of the right wing elements in the Party. The crassest example is Comrade Ver- blin, who at the Party committee declared openly: “Our aim is not so much that we expose the leadership (Muste, So- cialist Party, Chicago Federation of Labor) but that the leadership ex- poses itself.” Comrade Verblin declared further that he wanted “to please every- body”, to establish a peace at the Conference with those who from the very beginning attempted to prevent the development of .the militant struggles of the unem- ployed. Mr. Borders, Mr. Dixon of the Workers League, and others, spoke and acted openly against the demonstrations against the 50 per cent cut in relief in front of the local charities and aldermen. They also heritated on the question of a militant demonstration in front of the City Hall. Unity at any price means’ no unity of the masses, no united struggle, it means negation’ of the struggle. rae ae | The point of view presented by Comrade Verblin that the social- fascist leaders would expose them- selves is a very definite capitula- tory position and a complete lack of understanding that social-fas- cists (leaders of the Socialist: Party, Musteites, etc.), are the main social base of the bourgeoiste and are agents of the bourgeoisie in the ranks of the working class, and that they are more.dangerous when they use revolutionary phrases, as they did. The revolutionary phrases are used for the purpose of covering up their policy of class collaboration, their policy of no militant struggles of the masses. ANOTHER WRONG TENDENCY This theory of not exposing so- cial-fascist leaders among the masses is not only denying the role and task of the Party to expose in @ concrete manner the role of the social-fascists before the masses, but it also links up very closely with the conception that capitalism will collapse of itself. In short, it is a capitulatory theory of no struggle to win the masses, to revolutionize the working class, to consolidate the unity of the workers from below. The position of, Comrade Verblin in acton is the main danger in the practice and policies of the united front from below. But this is not the only tendency against which the Party and the revolutionary workers must fight. There is also another tendency which in reality means no united front. This theory is expressed by Comrade M., who Maintained that it is wrong to seat leaders like Borders, etc., at a united front conference, that by doing 60 we are compromising ourselves. ‘This policy shows very clearly that we are afraid of the masses, that we are not sure of the correctness of our policy for the masses, a united front only with ourselves, and that if the workers would elect as their delegate a social-fascist leader, we should not seat him. If we had adopted such a policy we ‘would have been the ones who would be guilty of splitting the united front movement. Without combat- ting the theory of Comrade M., that is, not opening fire against secta- rianism, we cannot successfully de- CORRECTNESS OF POLICY SHOWN ‘The correctness of the policy carried out in the Chicago united front clearly demonstrates the fact. that we were successful in under- mining the influence of the social- fascist leadrs among their own membership and among the masses in general and were able to mob- ilize the masses and lead them in a successful struggle. Tn all our united fronts we must always carry the sharpest differ- entiation between social-fascist leaders and the workers and mem- bers of the organizations that so- cial-fascist leaders have dominated and workers temporarily have fallen for, always having: the objective of establishing the closest unity of all the workers on the basis of com- Four thousand delegates of the jobless sansbed on London, of all cities mobilized for their support, and defended them against police attacks, sistance to police attack. In the much larger United States with much greater unemployment, should be still bigger mass demonstrations in the National Hunger March now under way. The employed and unemployed workers Photo shows re- there meeting in Grand Park, had the following to say: “Roy E. Burd, Socialist candi- date for Governor of Illinois, was booed when he began his five- minute speech, but was allowed to finish.” — While we sharply point-out and expose the right opportunism and sectarianism, it would be wrong not to see some of the shortcomings in the application of the united front policy in Chicago. SOME SHORTCOMINGS First of all, it was wrong to agree to set up a committee of 45, elect- ing 15 from the Unemployed Coun- dls, 15 from the Chicago Workers’ Committee on Unemployment, 15 from the Chicago Workers League of America, which became an ex- ecutive committee for the Hunger March, @ committee that was to lead the struggle against the fifty per cent cut in relief. * First of all, by this method, we eliminated from participation in the leadership representatives from the trade unions and other organi- zations. Secondly, we did not prac- tice here a principle of working class democracy—we did not permit delgates of the masses to choose their leaders. We artificially set up @ committee and told them that, they were the leaders. that in practice, members of the Party and Unemployed Councils were not influenced by these or- ganizational arrangements. Their influence and leadership, because of the correct policy, was accepted by the workers who were on these committees, and the leaders found themselves in the minority. This precisely expressed itself in the fact that when Carl Borders, for the Chicago Workers Committee on Un- employment called the delegates from the Farmer-Labor Party, the Socialists, and groups of the Chi- cago Workers Committee on Un- employment and the Workers League of America, to a caucus to decide whether or not they should continue to participate in the uni- ted front, the proposal to withdraw from the united front was defeated by a vote of 18 to 74. Their over- whelming defeat of the proposal to break the united front shows very clearly the attitude of the mem- bership. Third, it was impérmissible to forget the workers in the factories, part time and full time employed. With the exception of issuing mi- meographed leaflets to the workers of the Stockyards and Western Electric, no campaign of any kind was carried on among the workers in the shops to support the strug- gles of the unemployed and develop their own struggle, to unify the struggles of the employed and un- employed. DID NOT PENETRATE RANKS OF AFL. Likewise, we did not utilize the opportunity that offered itself to penetrate into the ranks of the Am- erican Federation of Labor. We should have had the following pol- icy. We should have issued a call to the members of the American Federation of Labor, employed and unemployed, to join in this united front struggle and to send a dele- gation elected by the Conference of 350 organizations to the Chicago Federation of Labor demanding an endorsement of the Cook County Hunger March, This was not done and we therefore lost a splendid opportunity in this situation to ac- tually bring about unity in struggle of the employed and unemployed masses, organized and unorganized. It was too much a united front of the unemployed workers and the unity of the employed and unem- ployed workers in struggle was not brought forward. In the shops the wages have been cut and at the time the fifty per cent cut in relief was announced, “The Chicago \ tly News,” organ of the bankers, wrote in its financial page as follows: “Generally speaking, we should say that while no specific wage can’ or should be assured, the right to work for some wage, even if only a loaf of bread per day, ‘was, in a complex industrial civil- ization, an essentia) part of lib- erty.” ‘The Chicago bourgeoisle, bank- ers, industrialists, etc, were much alarmed by the response of the masses and success of the confer- énce to such an extent that a few days after the United Front Confer- ence which decided on a Hunger March to City Hall on October 31, Wilfred S. Reynolds, Executive Sec- retary of the Illinois Emergency Relief Commission, was sent to ‘Washington, D. C., and upon his arrival, at a meeting of the Re- construction Finance Corporation, declared as follows: “The unemployed are becom- ing organized and showing a dis- position to ‘act up’. We face a serious situation in Chicago un- Jess we restore the old food level.” And the R.F.C. immediately ap- propriated $6,303,150.00, of which $5,554,500.00 was for Cook County and the rest remained for the state of Illinois. ‘This was a victory and it was a victory for the working class and shows very definitely that only under the leadership of the ‘Unemployed Councils, supported by the Communist Party, could such a victory have beén won. The bour- geolsie attmpted to show that there is no need for Hunger Marches for the Chicago Daily News wrote: “In the light of that fact (get- ting the $6,300,000), the unem- ployed demonstration planned for next Monday loses the sharp edge of its protest. However, it should serve as a warning to Springfield that there must be no further faltering with the acute unem- ployment situati Mayor Cermak got busy and cal- led a meeting of bankers, manu- facturers, members of the State Legislature, and city council, to which representatives of the unem- ployed were invited, and at this meeting Mayor Cermak declared: “We are sitting on a keg of dy- namite.” At this meeting announcements were already made that the fifty per cent cut in relief would be withdrawn and State Senator Richard J. Barr, of Joliet, a repub- lican majority leader, came forward with the proposal of raising $75,- 000,000 by a two per cent general state-wide sales tax, The repre- sentatives of the Unemployed Council spoke sharply against this proposal as putting the burden of the crisis upon the toiling masses, workers, farmers and petty bour- geoisie and brought forward a pro- gram to tax the rich, to place taxes upon incomes above $5,000 a year, and property above $25,000, cutting down the budget for police, high salaries, etc. and pressing their demands, including the demand for unemployment insurance at the ex- pense of the bosses and govern- ment. ree er While the bourgeoisie were ma- neuyering in an attempt to upset the plans for a.Cook County Hun- ger March to City Hall by methods enumerated above, Mayor Cermak declared definitely that there would be no permit ae @ Hunger March. He changed his mind, however, under the ee of the masses and finally a permit was issued. ‘Then the Chief of Police, Allman, declared that no red flags or revo- lutionary banners would be carried in the parade. This order of the chief of police was openly defied by the. Unemployed Councils and the Communist Party. ‘THE HUNGER MARCH On October 31 Hunger Marches started from the South, West and Ne to the*loop to City Hall. At every starting point a committee of 25 was elected to go to City Hall and present the de- mands, They were elected by about 50,000 hunger marchers and pre- sented the demands to the mayor. (The demands have been printed previously in full in the Daily Worker.) Mayor Cermak told the delegation the following: “I heartily endorse your pro- gram. But what is the use? We haven't the money to erect new buildings and provide work. You must go to the legislature or the R.F.C. I have been trying to get money to help you.” ‘The delegation very correctly answered this, pointing out how and where money could be ob- tained. But it is necessary at this time to remind Tony Cermak that when he campaigned for mayor in 1930, he declared on the eve of election: “I will solve the problem of unemployment.” ‘These are the exact words of Tony Cermak on the eve of the elections ih 1930. Compare these words with the above statement. The next day the delegation re+ ceived an official ans to these demands from Mayor Cermak. The letter from Mayor Cermak shows to what extent the bourgeoisie have been panic stricken in the face of the masses of workers. In this let- ter from a mayor of the city of Chi- cago, the second largest city in the United States and one of the most important industrial centers of the country, Mayor Cermak declared: “I agree with you that we are engulfed in a serious crisis; that means ought to be found for to prevent starvation; that red tape and pure legalism ought not to stand in the way. of averting starvation.” ‘We want to emphasize from this statement of Mayor Cermak that he speaks against “red tape and pure legalism” as he would fully un- derstand that through “legalism” we cannot obtain any results, that only through the pressure of the masses, through its revolutionary action, can anything be obtained. “HUNGER WHICH HAS NOT TOUCHED ME” He further declared in his letter: “Your spokesman may have felt the pangs of a hunger which has not yet touched me.” This admission is an important one and it is not only the spokesmen of 50,000 hunger marchers, and actually spokesmen for over 700,000 unemployed of Chi- cago who know hunger, the mean- ing of which “has not yet touched” Mayor Tony Cermak, Mayor Cermak anso considered the question of unemployment in- surance. In his letter he declared: “The question of unemployment and social insurance is now pend- ing before a committee of the common council. Hearings will be had on that, and I shall try to formulate “my own views from such information as I may be able to obtain by the time those hear- ings are concluded.” In speaking directly and answer- ing every demand of the unem- ployed, Mayor Cermak cannot find one single argument against the de- mands of the unemployed. To the contrary. He heartily endorsed all these demands, but to everyone only one answer he gives: Nothing can be done. And why? We will quote the answer of Mayor Cermak to the concrete demands of the unem- ployed: _ “1,1 am heartily in aétord with your demands that there shall be no cut in relief. In fact, I believe that the relief now granted is in- adequate, but where the funds will come from to meet the ever grow- ing demand, I am at a loss toknow. To the extent that I can help in that respect, personally or officially, I stand ready to do so. “2—The matter of evictions of tenants lies with the courts. I shall urge the judges to be as humane as possible, and not to oust fam- ilies for the time being at least, especially in view of the fact that by doing so very few landlords are helped. The dwellings remain un- occupied anyway, and the unem- ployed families might at least be permitted to remain there until other tenants could be found. “3.—I wish with you that the un- employed should have free gas, , Water, electricity and coal, if that is obtainable. Any plan, not viola- tive of the law, which can bring that about, will have my support. “4—Thé same answer will apply to No. 4, “5.—I heartily approve the sug~ gestions that ‘provision should be made for carfare and hot lunches for the school children of the un- employed and part-time workers, I shall confer with the Emergency Relief Committee on this demand, “6.—The same answer applies to No. 6, “T—I am in favor of no fore- closures, exemption of taxes on the homes of the unemployed and part- time workers, if they are destitute, I shall confer with the legal depart- ment and ascertain whether they can possibly be brought about under the law. “8—Of course I em ih accord with you that there should be no discrimination of amy kind against Negr and foreign-born y I go a step further: I dis it affects law-abid! ings. human be- all investigate immedi- workers have eco asd custody ult of their struggle against starvation, d, unless in str les th commitied some ma j imes, I s dvise their re- lease. The matter of deportation of foreign work is, of course, purely a federal matter with which the city administration has abso- lutely nothing to do. “10.—You ask for immediate in: auguration of a program of public works, including building of houses for the workers in place of the isting slums of the city, the build- ing of more schools in the working- class neighborhoods, all workers to be employed at union wage rates. I am for this program 100 hundred per t, if means can be found to accomplish it. I have not given up hopes of obtaining help from the Reconstruct Finance Corpora- tion, to on some public im- provements, and if these hopes ma- terialize there will’ be no delay in prosecuting the work. “11—You ask that all unemploy- ment funds be administered by the elected representatives of all organ- ized Workers and unemployed work- ers’ organizations. Of course you understand that the Emergency Re- lief Committee is organized by the state and not by the city. How- ever I shall urge that the workers have greater representation upon that committee. I believe it would be a wholesome thing to do. It would help remove the sting of pauperism from the workers if the funds administered on their behalf were administered by a committee, some of whose members are repre- sentatives of those: who are com- pelled to receive aid.” CERMAK BACKS DEPORTATIONS On the matter of deportation of the foreign born, Mayor Cermak misrepresents the facts. It is not true that the city government has nothing to do with the question of the deportation of the foreign born. The contrary is the fact. He has very much to do with it, and what are the proofs? “The United Mine Workers of America Journal” of Nov. 1, 1932, quotes the following dispatch from Chicago: “Pending an appeal, Kjar was releat:d in bonds of $3,000, but was re-arersted by the immigra- tion authorities in May on the re- quest of the Chicago Police De- partment. The police state that Kjar's activity as a Communist organizer created so many riots and so much dissension that he should be jailed in the interests of public safety.” How about this, Mayor Cermak? Here you stand exposed as the one who jailed the leader of the Un- employed Councils, one of the most popular’ revolutionary leaders of the workers in the city of Chicago and the state of Illinois because of his devotion, activity and struggle against starvation. Mayor Cermak, you cannot get away with this! You are responsible for the police department, srd here is conclusive proof that it is your Police Depart- ment, your special “Red Squad,” who are actively co-operating in the deportation of the revolutionary foreign-born workers direct and pon the foreign-born workers gen- erally, and there is no doubt in any one’s mind that for the depor- tation of Nels Kjar and holding him in jail for several months, you and your police deportssent are primar- ily responsible. But this is not all. In answer to No. 8, Mayor Cermak declared: “There should be no dis- crimination of any kind against Negra and foreign-born workers.” And it is your police who killed three Negro workers on the South Side of Chicago on Aug. 3, 1931, when they protested against the eviction of a 72-year-old Negro woman, although in your answer to No. 2 you speak about “not ousting families for thd time being at least.” * * As far as foreign-born workers are concerned, we would like to know where you stand on the question of the proposals of the immigration authorities to appropriate $450,000 which is to be placed at the dis- posal of the Titinois Emergency Re- lief Commission to deport those foreign-born workers who receive relief. Ang the Cook County Com- missioner, P, Kelly, a Democrat; a member of your party, Mayor Cer- mak, declared: “I favor this plan and I will propose to present it in detail to the County Board.” Commissioner Kelly declared fur- ther: “Betwen fifteen and twenty per cent of 125,000 families and 40,000 single persons might be eligible for deportation under the federal administrations.” ; Mayor Cermak, words and not not deeds. Your nice words will not fool the masses, The deeds of your administration and the Democratic Party which controls the city of Chicago and Cook County, an ad- fon of the bosses, stands sed as an arth enemy of the as well as American workers—the SS as a whole FORCE SPECIAL SESSION a million dollars to deport propriation for te tion against the toiling masses. The Unemployed Councils and the Cbm- munist Party will rally masses in struggle against this, will unite na- tive Americans, Negro and foreign born workers to defeat thes vicious attacks upon the working class. As a result of the struggles of the unemployed in Chicago which very definitely served a notice on the ruling class that they will not starve, that they will continue the fight for their demands and against starvation, a special session of the Illinois State Legislature was called for November 15th to discuss the issue of relief and the United Front Conference against Starvation which was held on October 16th has issued a call to all trade unions, or- ganizations of the unemployed and other working class organizations and the workers in the shops to send delegates to present demands to the State Legislature mainly around three main points: 1—No evictions, no foreclosures on houses of the workers and farms of the poor farmers. 2%—Adequate winter relief for the unemployed by the state. 3.—Social and unemployment insurance at the expense of the bosses and government. What was the position of Mr. Borders on the question of sending @ mass delegation to the State legislature and continuing the fight- ing united front? Mr. Borders, faithful to his role, immediately is- sued a different call. He has called @ conference for November 19 and 20 “of unemployed organizations in th middle west” to take up the questions of “self help” for the unemployed, “bartering of labor for farm products.” The aims of the conference outlined are: 1—Helpful exchange of ideas, aims and tactics, 2—Unanimous agreement immediate demands. 3.—Federation of jobless leagues in which none give up their au- tonomy.” Mr. Borders is serving the best interests of the bosses by attempt- ing to split the unemployed move- ment so that the workers would be unable to present a united front in the struggle for adequate immediate relief, against evictions ,and for un- employment insurance—to consoli- date a united front of the workers from below. MUST EXPOSE BORDERS ROLE The role of Mr. Borders and the Socialist Party leaders must be ex- posed and explained to the workers who are members of the Chicago Workers Committee on Unemploy- ment, the Workers League of Amer- ica, the rank and file members of the Socialist Party, American, Fed- eration of Labor workers, workers in the shops, workers everywhere. Well, Comrade Verblin, maybe we should not expose Mr. Borders? Himself?_No! We are not adopt- ing a capitulatory position. We wil carry on, as up till now, a policy of a united front from below and draw the sharpest differenti- ation between the social-fascist leaders, Borders, Muste, S. P., A. F. of L. leaders, etc., and the workers. And in this struggle, which will be based on a united front from below, we will win workers who still fol- low these misleaders, and by this method consolidate the working class and obtain victories. Any other approach means to become a tail-end to Borders, Schneid, Mc- Vey, Muste, etc. Well, we don't propose to do this. MASSES SUPPORT CORRECT PROGRAM Neither will we follow the line of being afraid to meet leaders in the united front movement if they are elected by the workers and we are not afraid of conferences in which these leaders will be seated as del- egates because we know, and we have learned this from experience in the struggles of the Chicago working class that when we cor- rectly advance the program of struggle, these masses will support this struggle and will break away from misleaders. ‘The struggle of the Chicago work- ing class, which arose from the con- crete issues and problems of the masses, was raised to a higher level. The National Hunger March was very prominently brought forward and when a vote was taken as to who were in favor of the Hunger March, together with tens of thous- ands of workers who raised their fists, Mr. Borders also raised his fist in support of the Hunger March. He could not do anything else, It was also absolutely correct to make a step toward broadening this struggle on a state wide basis by sending a mass delegation to the State Legislature. 8 on While all this was absolutely ne- cessary, we must not for one min- ute forget tr complished be hoods, in the 1 house, in the e unions, unity ram of the ma r sufficient u whith would emibrace members: of the Unemployed Council, the Chie 4 e on Une Workers Le ie and unemployed er with the sup- loyed workers and would make further is just a beginning yment of the correct tion is necessary ods of united front struggle mbracing the. em- ployed and unemployed workers, to unite the struggles of the workers on the streets with the struggles of the workers in the shops, and the the workers in the ops ‘with the struggles of the ‘kers in the streets. It means that the struggles of the unem- unit on of the develo; policy and ma bro: these en ployed must be utilized to reach workers in the factories and in the trade unions, the organizing them for struggles against speed-up, ning of the working conditions, wage-cuts, discrimination against Negro workers and foreign born, etc. DEVELOP UNITED FRONT POLICY In short, we must fully develop the policy of the united front as laid down in the speech of Comrade Foster in the Chicago Coliseum on September 10. While this was a good beginning, this was only the very first step in that direction. In the course of these struggles we must consolidate the working class organizationally, building workers’ committees in the shops, uniting workers around the issues facing them and building red trade unions, developing the movement among the members of the A. F. of L., and really participating in the struggles against wage cuts and worsening conditions, developing struggles in support of unemployment insurance, for winter relief and support of the Hunger March, to build the Unem- ployed Councils into a mass move- ment in every ward, in every neigh- borhood, in every flop house and in every bread line and to organized unemployed workers of &- given shop, and set up committees of the ‘unemployed workers who would lead and develop a struggle also against the owners of the given factory in the demand for relief. In all these struggles we must emphasize very strongly one majn point: No hesitation, no vaccilation but courageously marching forward with the Jarger section of the working class, not narrowing but to embrace all the sections of the working class. We must take the American working class as it is and in the struggles and activities rev- olutionize it so that it will become class conscious and fully recognize itself as the working class, separate from the bosses, their influence and control and above ail, in all these struggles, the main fire must be concentrated against the main en- emy of the working class, the Mus- teites, the social-fascist leaders of the Socialist Party, the American Federation of Labor and all other elements. To carry this through successfully we must mercilessly carry through the struggle inside the Communist Party against the right wing elements and against sectarianism. When no concrete is- sues face us, everybody votes for the resolution on the united front: the difficulties arise always in the struggle when all elements who are foreign to an understanding of the correct Bolshevik line of our Cen~ tral Committee are unable to adapt this to a given situation, and un- derstand how to apply this corectiy. CAN LEARN MUCH FROM WORKERS ‘We must understand also that we can learn much from the masses, Never should we aproach a prob- Jem with the attitude that we know everything. We must learn. We must very patiently examine every concrete situation and together with the workers develop a policy, pro- gram and demands. Leadership does not mean a sub- stitute for the masses. The masses will not tolerate bureaucratic meth- ods of work. Leadership means daily contact with the masses, to help to organize the masses and mobilize them for struggle. PARTY PROVES 17 CAN LEAD MASSES The Communist Party in Chicago in the recent struggles of the unem- ployed has already proven its abil- ity to lead masses and to win a vic- tory for the masses. We must not only increase such activities but we also draw the lesson that these victories canot be maintained with- out organizational consolidation of the masses, of building mass organ- izations and drawing active revolu- tionary workers, even though they may not completely understand the full program of the Party into the ranks of the Communist Party. The building of the Party ‘must be considered as one of the tasks of broadening, developing and leading the masses of workers in the pre- sent revolutionary upsurge which was so definitely demonstrated tm the city of Chicago, Me Me