The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 7, 1932, Page 6

PAGE SIx Daily, orker Published by the Comprodatly Peblishing Ce, Inc, daily Sunioy, st B ‘Telephone ALeomqutn seen. tone 18th St., New Yerk Oty. ¥. ¥. Address and mail ehecks te the Dally Worker, 5 E. 0h #1, Mew York, H. ¥. SUBSORIPTION BAYES: By mail everywhere: One year, 96; six months, $3.50; $ months, $2; 1 month, 75e excepting Borough of Manhsttan and Brons, New City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3 | The 15th Anniversary and Two Elections i has Fifteenth Anniversary of the Proletarian Revolution in Russia falls in between the days the national elections the United States and the national elections in Germany are taking place. The contrast presented is a sign manual of the coming ocial revolution. The elections in these two great capitalist nations, one ictorious” in the world war and the other defeated, occur in a period of acute crisis, with industry in a state of collapse, with 15-16,000,000 unemployed in the United States and with 7,000,000 unemployed in Germany. Berlin, the capital 3 the greatest industrial center of Germany, is tied p by a strike of transport workers, led by Communists, as ions proceed under military supervision practically amounting | al law. se with total populations of 185,000,000 the two ist nations of greatest industrialization and capitalist civilization, the economic and social conditions of the masses have been forced mwards in the three years of the crisis; thee is not the of an end of the crisis; the working class of these two l of victor and vanquished in the world imperialist slaughter faces ever sharpening attacks from the capitalists and their ts, on all fronts. TIONALIZATION—new mechanical and chemical processes coupled the speed-up of workers—“the Americanization of industry” production and expanding mass consumption”, “worker-manage- ment co-operation”, “industrial peace”—all the panaceas of capitalism’s aided and abetted by the socialist parties the world over, have failed to solve the contradictions of capitalism in either country. In no | capitalist country have they been solved. Everywhere the crisis deepens, The end of capitalist stabilization in countries on both sides of the conflict brings into bold relief the basic contradiction be- social production embracing millions of workers and capitalist nip of natural resources, machines and commodities, maintained by ippressive force of capitalist government. R vain impt tween ow Capitalism itself, with its remnants of feudalism (special forms of 2ery and oppression of the Negro masses in the United States, feudal mi-feudal forms of land tenure and cultivation in Germany, etc.) | oduced the forces for its overthrow, as it did in Russia. More and more in the most advanced capitalist countries millions | of hungry workers and ruined farmers see standing between them and ties of life the giant industrial mergers and huge combina- inance al united ever closer with the machinery of govern- jent. Fier 2 ercer grow the the attacks upon the living standards nd elemer ical rights of the masses, a ig he the Soviet Union the reverse is true. The power ty In the hands of the proletariat in alliance with the peasantry, led by the Commu- ia nist Party There employment. The first part of the most tremendous program of industrialization—Socialist construction—ever conceived in he brain of mah just been completed—the Five-Year Program in four years, and the Second Five-Year Plan 1s already launched. The land, the natural resources of the country, the great plants and their products belong to the Russian masses, not to any capitalist or capitalist class The marching feet, of millions of workers and peasants with their Communist Party at the head of their fighting batallions have packed the earth liké granite on the grave dug by the Revolution for ezarism, capitalism and its supporters. The national minorities oppressed under the czar, from the Jews in the cities to the Mongols on the steppes, have been liberated. “here is in the Soviet Union the widest democracy ever seen on this earth. In no country in the world and in no period of history have so many millions taken part in government. The social and cultural conditions of the workers and peasants rise steadily. In no country in the world and in no historical period has there been such a rapid rise. The first stage of the classless society of Communism has been reached in a country of 163,000,000 people. Everything which has to do with the well-being and improvement of the status of the masses is on the upgrade in the Soviet Union, . . ° the United States and Germany the conditions of the toiling popu- lation grows steadily worse. In the United States and Germany, as in all other capitalist coun- ties, the masses are being prepared for a new robber war, for slaughter in the interests and for the profits of the ruling class. The Soviet Union | is the greatest force, backed by the world proletariat and the colonial peoples, for preven imperialist war. Its Red Army and its armed working class are d to defend the revolution and the land of Socialism against ist invasion and counter-revolution and this | alone is a powe: in halting the outbreak of imperialist war. | m antagonisms brought to the surface by the three- year crisis, and sharpened by the election struggles, on the Fifteenth Anniversary of the Russian Revolution the magnificent achievements of the masses of the Soviet Union, headed by their Communist Party, break through the blockade of capitalist lies and distortions and give to the oppressed of the whole world a contrast from which they are learn- ing rapidly the revolutionary lessons. Especially are they learning the lessons of the revolutionary contrast in their increasing militant mass battles against the capitalist offensive. The breakdown of capitalist production and distribution, the bank- tuptey of the capitalist system of production, not for use, but for sale and exchange—the profit system—the rise of socialist production for the betterment of the conditions of the toiling population, the decisive strug- | gle between two world systems—these are the contrasts brought in the | sharpest form before the eyes especially of the masses of city and coun- tryside in the two most developed countries of capitalism—America and Germany—on the day of national elections. Frantically the capitalist class and its political parties strive for a way out of the crisis. But this way lies over and through the millions of toilers disillusioned by the crisis and the bankruptcy of capitalism. * * * * aa Conununist way out of the crisis of 1917 was taken by the Russian masses. The power they conquered then through the Soviets is held today, fifteen years afterward, and has increased a thousandfold, Capitalism and its government, as the elections and the mags strug- gles of the employed and unemployed prove, encounters stronger and stronger mass opposition on its road out of the crisis over the lives and liberties of the working class. The Communist Parties of the United States and Germany—each in a different stage of the struggle—basing themselves on the Marxist-Leninist program of organization and revolu- tionary mass battles against every sector of the capitalist offensive, bring to the hungry and oppressed millions the lessons taught by the Prole- tarian Revolution of 1917. On its Fifteenth Anniversary, coinciding with elections in which the capitalist crisis and the way ont is the issue, the winning of the majority of the working class for the revolutionary way out of the crisis is the main and immediate task. . It is from this standpoint that the Communist Party will make appraisal of the results of the election struggle. i Workers of the U. S—Vote Communist tomorrow! © Letters from Our Readers | ers. In Making the “Daily” More Interesting to } Masses of Workers | | | Editor, Daily Worker | Dear Comrade | Allow me to make the following | Suggestions concerning making the | Daily Worker of greater appeal to the masses, more interesting and more widely read (1) Place your editorials on the first page on the left hand side, first four columns. (2) Choose as topics for your edi- orials matters that vitally affect he oppressed masses, Choose for your headings titles* that create at- tention, arouse and set one to think. ‘Thus you will be able to materially to increase your newstand sale. (3) Let your front page be sensa- tional. Let it shout. Don't be squea- mish about it. Don’t let “making the paper look nice” be your main con- cern. The capitalist papers realize the drawing effect of glaring head- lines and use it successfully to in- crease circulation. I hope you will take these sugges- tions under consideration. M. G., Chicago. * For instance; Must we Starve? Hoover, the Hunger President, Bread, Not Bullets! The Capitalist Way Out. Beware of Socialist Betrayers, DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1932 Building the United Front From Below By H. SHEPARD wuz the vicious onslaughts against the living standards of the masses by the bourgeoisie, the class struggle is becoming sharper. All sections of the oppressed masses are beginning to struggle. ‘The masses are moving more and more toward the left. The social- fascist tools of the bourgeoisie are relying more and more upon left phrases to deceive the masses and behead any real struggle against the capitalist class. The Bonus March and the Farm- ers Holiday Movement are two good examples. The left swing of the masses has also been shown by the militant mass section of the unem- ployed workers in St. Louis, Chicago, Detroit, etc. ‘The Negro toilers are playing a leading role in the class battles that are taking place (St. Louis, Chi- cago, Camp Hill, Alabama, etc.) With the rapid revolutionary up- surge of the masses, the danger of our Party becoming isolated from the leadership of the American workers increase. There is only one way of overcoming this danger and that is by correctly applying the united front tactic from below. SOME EXAMPLES To give an example of how we work from the top down instead of working from the bottom up in or- der to draw up workers into struggle, I asked an organizer of one of our New York Unemploed Councils what method he used to force the Home Relief Bureau to give relief to workers that had been taken off the relief list. His reply was that “we get a committee of the most active and militant members of the Council and put up a fight “for the workers.” .Many times such a fight | does result in getting aig for work- But such methods do not build up a broad fighting front of the | workers against the class enemy. Many times through not drawing the workers themselves into the fight, we have failed to get any | results. The workers correctly blame us for the failure. But when we explain to the workers that only through determined, militant action on their part, with us fighting with them and not not “for them” can | results be gained, then workers will follow our leadership and we can build a mass Communist movement. THE WORK OF A COUNCIL I will point out how to draw the masses into struggle on a united front basis, and gain the leadership of such struggles. A certain Unem- ployed Council in the New York District, through having forced the Home Relief Bureaus to give aid to starving workers had succeeded in gaining influence among the work~ ers in its territory. This Council had established certain days to take workers for relief. One morning about 35 families that had been denied relief came to the Council for assistance in getting relief. The comrades in this Council held a meeting in the headquarters of: the Council with the workers, explaining to the workers how the Relief Bu- reaus surround themselves with a lot of red tape to cut them off from relief, that militant action on their part was the only thing that would force them to give relief. The workers expressed their readiness to fight for relief. A committee of three was elected at the meeting to go and demand that relief be given at once by the Relief Bureau. The delegation went with the demands of the workers and was turned down. The del- egation of three went back to the workers and reported their failure to get aiq and the workers imme- diately demanded to go to the Re- lief Bureau and fight for relief. The comrades in charge of the Council then explained that the hundreds of workers already sitting in the Relief Bureau must be drawn into the fight. The workers were in- structed to go into the Home Relief in small groups of twos and threes mingling with the other workers al- ready present at the Home Relief PARTY LIFE | | Bureau, explaining that the Unem- ployed Council was going to stage a demonstration in the Relief Bu- reau demanding aid for all present, and that they should back up the Unemployed Council. At a signal agreed upon, all the workers present. were to arise and make their de- mands in a militant manner, the 35 families leading the others pres- ent into action. This plan of action was carried through, drawing in workers who perhaps had never heard of the Unemployed Council before. ACTION WINS RESULTS The police were calleq in, but the workers put up such a_ struggle inside of the Home Relief Bureau that it was forced to give relief to the workers that had been stricken from the relief list. Furthermore, this action resulted in the employ- ing of 20 new relief workers to handle applications for aid, and the baad of the budget by $500 per The organizing of such United Front actions must be adopted in all of our work if we are to assume leadership in the struggles of the American workers and lead them in @ revolutionary struggle for power of the working-class. Jamestown Worker Wants Correction in Article In regard to the article I wrote entitled “S. £. P. Union Betrays Jamestown Workers,” published in the Daily Worker on Oct. 5, there is a passage in which I say that Presiednt Smith has bought a new car, which smells suspiciously like a gift from the Chamber of Com- merce. A lot of workers have been in to see me, and they say that it is not a new car, but merely Smith’s old car painted over. Thave tried to find the truth, but cannot. Some say one thing, some say another, VOTE COMMUNIST EARLY TOMOR ROW! - —By Burck | Why Thomas Is Being Roasied by Republican, Democrat Press “Socialist Party Works for Interest of Capitalism by Conscious Deception of Working Class’’ By BILL DUNNE It. | pices by the praise of the capitalist press, Thomas ap- parently is out to prove to the rul- ing class his skill in compressing a maximum of social-fascist. swind- ling into a minimum amount of space. Writing in his column, “Timely Topics,” in the Socialist “New Leader,” he says: “In plain terms, then, our task is to change the capitalist-nation- alist system which is the breeder of war, while we seek to prevent particular wars.” ‘This is for workers’ consumption. What does it really mean? Have ‘Thomas’ colleagues in any party of | the Second International made any changes in “the capitalist-nation- alist system” in any country? Have the parties of the Second Inter- national prevented any “particu- lar” war? ‘ WHY THE ANSWER Is “NO” The answer is no. It is written ineradicably in the international record of the class struggle in the blood of the millions of workers and colonial peoples slaughtered in imperialist wars—supported by the parties of the Second International. The irrefutable details are no more secret than the fact that the most ferocious attacks on the Indian Masses were made by the British Labor Party government or that. the Socialist Party of Japan sup- ports the imperailist war on- the Chinese people, or that the Social- ist parties in South America are each supporting the wars waged by their governments under the direction and in the interest of British or American imperialism. That is one main reason why the Socialist parties are accepted as the third parties of capitalism — and that is why Norman Thomas is being boosted deliberately by both the Democratic and Repub- lican press throughout the length and breadth of the United States. ‘The process on the surface appears to be the election rivalry for po- sition of capitalists administrators between Republicans and Demo- crats but the purpose is to make the Socialist Party a reservoir in- to which can be drawn and damned the anger, hatred, and re- volutionary desire to end capital- ism of workers disillusioned by three years of misery unprece- dented in America—to create a sort of buffer state controlled by capitalism between the revolution- ary working class and the Com- munist Party of the United States. Cee | igbers ose are the capitalists desirous of preventing ruined farmers, bankrupt middle class elements and jobless intellectuals from supporting the revolutionary workers led by the Communist In justice to the Party here, which is criticizing me, and to the workers who feel that I have printed an untruth, I want to write that as far as I know, I really believed that Smith had bought a new car, but perhaps he has only had his old car painted over, I cannot get at the bottom of it. Will you please print this -cor- rection for me? ~~" JOHN VAN Party. This explains the obviously organized tributes to the anti volutionary program of the Soc ism Party, The Boston Post, for example, on October 16 published a long ar- ticle headed “Socialism Now Very Mild.” In the course of this ar- ticle the author makes the follow- ing correct observations: “It is a curious thing that, out- side of Russia, when Socialists have attained power they are either un- willing or unable to put their the- ories to the test.” “Milwaukee has had an extremely able Socialist mayor for years, with many So- cialist officials as colleagues. But there is nothing of Socialism in Milwaukee....” “Reading, Pa. has had an almost completely Socialist city government. But it functions in no different way from the non- socialist governments.” “THREE LEADERS RICH MEN” Interesting indeed is the appeal to middle class respectability and smugness made in behalf of the Socialist Party by the Boston Post We quote again: “Three Leaders Rich Men—These three men — Thomas, Hillquit and Lewis—(the Socialist Party candi-~ date for governor in Massachu- setts—B. D.) offer a good illustra- tion of present day socialism. All are comparatively rich, Thomas is former minister who has no wor- ry about finances. Hillquit is a corporation lawyer, one of the best, who gets big fees from companies like the Retail Coal Trust in New York. Lewis is richer than ¢“her Governor Ely or Lieutenant-Gov- ernor Youngman, his rivals. None of them has the slightest connec- tion with the so-called working class,” rege wae. UT let us allow Norman Thomas himself to speak more at length about his proposal “to change cap- italist-nationalist system, which is the breeder of war, etc.” At the Socialist Party’s Milwau- kee convention last summer, where the present program was adopted, Thomas opposed an amendment— which received only 14 votes out 180 cast — to change the word “transfer” in the platform to “con- fiscation” in connection with the method of achieving “government ownership” of key industries. In the course of the debate Thomas stated: “...that there was a possibil- ity of achieving Socialism in a generation if guided by the de- sire for orderly revolution and that the cost of taxation was trivial when compared with the cost of putting into motion con- fiscation.” (The American Social- ist Quarterly, Vol. I, No. 3, Page Shy, NO “ORDERLY REVOLUTION” There never has been and there never can be an orderly revolu- tion. “Orderly revolution” means no revolution. The whole interna- tional experience of the working class, immeasurably enriched by th> Russian Revolution, proves this beyond question. The Thomas perspective of “a tion” for achieving Socialism the question of what is to become of the working class, confined to “or- derly revolution” in the meantime, of a Socialist leader to prate of “orderly revolution” in a world where thousands of worke: na- tional minorities like Negroes in America,.and colonial peoples are massacred for demanding food and the elementary political rights sup- posedly guaranteed by capitalist democracy. "THE support of the parties of the Second International to the national interests of the capitalists in each country has not escaped the author of the article in the Boston Post: sibility Secialist creed of international brotherhood. Socialist governments have been invariably fiercely na- tionalistic. The Labor Party gov- ernment in England furnished a good example. Both French and German Socialists are strongly na- tionalist. The various socialist in- ternational congresses produce nothing but fine words. Surely, no government could be more ‘nation- alistic than the various Socialist regimes in Australia.” The St. Louis Star and. Times for October 12 also contributes editorially to the ess campaign boosting the Soci: Party as the third party of Ar n capital- ism; “...The Socialist Party is no longer Socialist, as the word is understood by revolutionary fol- NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTE.—"Georgia Nigger’ is a smashing exposuro of the hideous persecation and national oppression of the Negro masses, Tho Daily Worker is relentlessly opposed to the white ruling class term, “nigger,” and to the oppression and contemptuous treatment of Negroes which it symbolize. The author shares this view, but. im order to paint a true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it necessary to use this term as otherwise he would bave put into tbe mouths of the boss lyneh- ers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use—Editor. INSTALMENT 6 THE STORY SO FAR:David Jackson, @ young Negro boy, who just finished a sentence on the chain gang, returns home. His father Dee Jackson, is a poor share-cropper on the plantation of the rich white planter, Shay Pearson. Once Dee had made an effort to work his way to freedom withthe aid of « mule and plow. But rain detroyed the crop and the mule sickened and died. Unable to obtain a loan of $200 at the bank because he has no collateral, Déc turns to the aristocratic planter, Ramsey, on whose plantation the Jacksons had been slaves be~ fore the Civil War. He begs Ramsey to lend him the money and save him from becoming one of Shay Pearson's “niggers.” Now continue lowers of Karl Marx....This, to be sure, strengthens Mr. Thomas in the eyes of all good, sound Am- ericans. They can vote for him without feeling that they are mark- ing the Constitution with red ink. But it reduces the Socialist Par- ty to the status of a liberal party which may tinker with but never will destroy the capitalism it de- nounces.” ONLY WORKERS CAN DEFEAT IMPERIALIST WAR Yes, indeed! The capitalist press is busy making the country safe for the Socialist Party—while it attacks fiercely the Communists and the working class, 4 ene tes the power and determina- tion of the working class to turn imperialist war into civil war can prevent or defeat imperialist war. Only the working class headed by its Communist Party, rallying around the proletariat the toiling population of city and countryside, can conquer capitalism — the first prerequisite for the beginning of the advance to Socialism. Only the dictatorship of the working class, headed by its Communist Party can finaly defeat capitalist opposition and counter-revolution and bwild Socialism. Only the Communist Party or- ganizes and leads the working class against imperialist war in the fight for Socialism. The Socialist Party works for the interests of capitalism by con- scious deception of the working class through deliberate perver- sion of the revolutionary teachings of Marx and Engels. When the Socialist Party. uses the slogan of “Workers of the World, Unite” it is trying to unite the story: AAMSEY shook his head slowly. | “I can’t, Dee. I’q like to help you but I haven't money enough to start saving all the nigras in tht county. I have to take care of my own nigras. If I loan you two hundred dollars and another two hundred to some other nigra caught in the Cracker buzz saw I should soon be in the same situation you are in.” Perspiration broke out beads on Dee's forehead. » suh,” he said. “Thankee, in tiny “You see, Dee,” Ramsey added putting a hand gently on the old man’s shoulders, “I'm caught in their buzz saw, too.” “Yes, suh,” said Dee NO PLACE TO GO Dee would have left the county but there was no place to go. There was not even a mule to pull the few sticks of furniture that were his household goods, no. food for a journey, and no matier where a penniless Negro went he would have to work for someone, In Octhloc- konee county they knew him for a good “nigger” and would be more considerate than would strange whites in another county or another state, so two days later’ Dee Jackson put his cross to the usual cropper contract. It provided that Pearson supply him with a mule, seed, and a monthly advance of twelve dollars between February and August in- clusive, in return for half his crop after thereon were deducted. The agree~ ment specified that should the “said tenant fail to pay the advances made by the owner when due, the tenant agrees to surrender the pos- session of said premises, in which event the owner is hereby author- ized to sell or dispose of ail prop- erty thereon the tenant has any interest in” and concluded with the ominous words “and shall be so construed between the parties thereto, any law, usage or custom to the contrary nothwithstanding.” Dee could not read but he knew what it contained. Others had signed cropper agreements and were charged cighteen per cent in- terest on advances, and with the Pearson bookkeeping system, a Negro never got ont of debt, And Dee knew also that the Georgia Jaw provided that as long as he owed the planter one dollar he could not leave the Pearson farm witheut sing arrest and the all, advances and interest | T'll mek you serub hit f'um top tuh bottom, lawd mek me stumble an’ fall in sin if-T-goan!” | THE COTTON | MELLS | ‘The southern night and the still. ness around the cabin lost in the twenty acres, the kerosene lamp and its cheery light, the cream-colored dishes and heavy cups on the red- and-white, checkered table-cloth gave David @ sense of peace and security. And in Dee and Louise was a deep thankfulness that the lord had returned them their son. After supper Zebulon was put to beq and the women washed the dishes in a large, tin pan while Dee and his son sat on the porch steps and smoked their corn-cob pipes, “I hears dey’s payin’ a dollar an’ half a day in-de cotton mills,” Dee said slowly, ‘Yeah. How you figger’n gittin’ dey? as “I got fo’ dollars an’ sixty cents. Made hit shootin’ crap once in town,” he added apologetically. * oe 88 AVID did not answer. “I started wid a quarter,” Dee explained with a touch of pride, and then hastily, “but dat was a ain an’ I ain’ sinned sence. Iain’ eben spent hit caise I got hit gambelin’ but I figgered maybe some | time T’d git-a chance tuh spend hit | on somethin’ -de lJawd wouldn't mind,” “Yeah? On whut?” “Well, Io flggered maybe you'd lak tuh git outuh de county an’ go tuh work in a mill town.” The boy peered at him suspi- ciously. “Whut you want tuh gi rid o’ me fo'?” he asked. “Ain’ you wantin’ | me roun’ here no mo’?” “Sho I want you roun’ here, Son, but I figgered maybe dis county ain’ no place-fo’ a young nigger. I b’longs tuh Mist’ Shay an’ fo’ I knows hit Mist’ Shay'll gib you ! twenty acres an’ you'll b’long tuk him, too.” NO CHANCE FOR A NEGRO “Got tuh be somebody's nigger. An’ Mjst’ Shay's as good as a lot o” | dem @n’ maybe some better. If I | takes yo’ fo’-dollars an’ sixty cents vome deputy'll pick me up fo’ I gits outen de.neX".county an’ take my money away an’ den sen’ me tuh de chain gang fo’ bein’ a vagrant.” “I figgered maybe you could git tuh a mill town if you pays de bus fare,” his father said hesitantly. DANGER!—No wonder Dayid Jackson is unwilling to take his father’s advice to leave the farm and go to work in a mill fown. He knows the fate of thousands of Negroes who have tried it: arrest on a charge of vagrancy, and then the chain gang or legalized slavery on a white pPlanter’s farm. Sometimes worse happens. The nine Scottsboro boys, whom the white ruling class is trying to murder on framed rape charges, were also hunting for jobs, on their way from Chattanooga to Mem- phis, when they were picked up. Only the joint straggle of Negro and white toilers can destroy forever this whole system of terror and lynch justice together with its chain gangs and slave plantations. Photo shows a typical southern cotton mill, with insert of Andy Wright, 17- years old, one of the Scottsboro boys, : chain gang for swindling. So Dee Jackson became Shay Pearson's “nigger.”* ee Ti, EVEN hundred and eighty: pounds the Jacksons weighed in before the sun set behind the pines. Louise led the way home, her feet dragging along a furrow. Even the empty sack hanging from her shoulder Seemed limp and exhausted. David scratched himself tiredly. His mother turned at the sound “Didn't you scrub yo'se'f, Son?” she demanded. “You ain’ gone an’ brung no lice home, did you?” “Sho I scrubbed myse’f. Scrubbed myse’f good. Dis scratchin’s jes’ a nachral habit, I reck’n.” “Better not bring no camp lice intuh my home,” she said severely. “IT got all I kin do tuh keep hit “Yeah. Dey was two niggers in camp who tried hit an’ dey had mo'n fo’ dollars. Dey was headin’ fo’ New Orleans an’ dey headed right smack intwh de chain gang on de way.~.¥ou cain’ go no place now—not~wid—all dem fiel’s an’ evrybody wantin’ husky niggers tuh_ pick’m.” “I figgered. maybe you could do hit, Son,” Dee said quietly. (Continued Tomorrow) ere IN THIS SITUATION, WHEN DAVID, LIKE THOUSANDS OF OTHER NEGRO BOYS OF THE SOUTH, IS FACED WITH THE ALTERNATIVE OF SLAVERY ON THE FARM OR SLAVERY ON THE CHAIN-GANG, WHICH DOES HE CHOOSE? READ TO- MORROW’S INSTALMENT AND clean as 'tis. If dat house gits lousy \ FIND our, __ . 2 * EDITOR'S NOTE:—The planter, Ramsey, depicted here, is nob typical, While isolated instances of this kind may exist, the impression created here that the oppression of the Negro people is due to the fact that “hard-hearted” planters. have gained the upper” hand over “goode hearted” planters is false. Ramsey’s dislike of the upstart “Crackers” ree presents actually a conflict within the exploiting class—between the old feudal slave-owners who lost heavily in the Civil War (the author tells us that the Ramsey family’s $160,000 investment in Negroes was ruined: by the war) and the new planter clays that arose after the war and instie tited, with the aid of the law, the regime of legalized siavery and terror against the Negroes that now rules the Black Belt. In depicting the poor Negro share-cropper, Deé Jackson, who strug- gles as an individual and when defeated, trusts in god and resigns him- self to his fate, the author has also overlooked the new Negro that is emerging in the croppers such as those who have organized their white comrades in the Dr wile pater i | i; 1 \