The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 30, 1932, Page 2

A Det By JOHN STEUBE? The major task of the entire rev- olutionary movement in this coun- try today is to enter from mere agitation to a stage of action. The phases of the class struggle are many and va —the building of the Party and revolutionary unions inside the factories, to ‘uggle against unemployment, to defend the rig of the Negro masses, to win over the youth, etc. The task of entering into a stage of action equally applies to all these phases. However, the struggle against im- perialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union must immed- iately assume the form of concrete action. Special Action Against War Some may object to putting the question in such a light that tends to differentiate between the daily struggles of the workers concrete struggle again: ist war. However, such a differen- tiation is not only correct but a timely o: We can, for example, enumerate many strike struggles we led against wage cuts, numerous acts against unemployment, as for example, the national hunger march, etc, In the struggle for the defense of Negro masses, the Scottsboro c: etc. Undoubtedly the development of the economic struggle against hun- ger, the mass struggle against growing political reaction, is es- sential for the mobilization of the toiling masses in the struggle a- gainst imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union. Can we, however, point to one wspecific deed against imperialist ‘war, as for example, the delaying or stopping of shipments of ammu- nition? Unfortunately not. In fact, there is no other field of work where there is such a big gap be- tween words and deeds as in our struggle against imperialist war. It 4s therefore high time and the need of the moment that the ranks of the Party, the TUUL and all other sections of the revolutionary Movement shall adopt an attitude of concreteness in our struggle against imperialist war and for the @efense of the Chinese revolution and the Soviet Union. We must begin to learn to look | upon our revolutionary slogans not as empty phrases, but rather goals that are to be accomplished as a result of hard work. Let us take, for example, the slogan of stopping ymined On Imperialist War figh upment of ammunition, this certainly must not remain a mere agitation slogan, but what practical steps did our Party organizations and revolutionary unions take in order to put this slogan into affect? Practically nome. Why? Because our organizational don't yet correspond with our main line( or to put it different, our main line is seldom concretized and applied daily, step by step. Building the M.W.LU. Who loads ammunition? The longshoremen. Who transports am- munition? The seamen. Who is to organize these workers? The Marine Workers Industrial Union. What is the task of the Party | } and TUUL organizations in New York, Boston, Baltimore, Philadel- phia, New Orleans, San Francisco, and other seaports? To give the Marine Workers Union its utmost | support, not only the Party organ- | ization, but mobilize every organ- | ization with a class conscious lead- ership to help the M¢rine Workers Union. If the stopping of shipment of ammunition is the duty of all class conscious workers then it is also their duty to help to build this force that is most capably putting this slogan into affect—the Ma- rine Workers Union. Is this the way we work now? If I am to judge by.New York, the answer is NO! The Connecticut district has passed many resolutions against imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union, but really what «practical steps did our Party take there to organize the workers from the Winchester, Springfield or the Remington ammunition The same question can be asked of every Party district. Of course, these are no easy tasks, but the worst part of it is that we don’t | face concretely these tasks and therefore don’t solve them. Only if we recognize and become alert to this major political and organizational weakness, we will begin to appreciate the value of concreteness in our struggle against imperialist war and only then will we perform concrete -a¢ts that will gradually assume decisive import- ance. Away with generalities and empty phrases! Concrete action is what counts today, when the clouds of a new world war become thicker every hour, Bonus Marchers Resist Terror of Government By BILL PH (Washington, D. ©.) INCE the inception of the Bonus March to Washington, D. C. the Federal Government, in the person of the Department of Justice has used every method possible to sti- fle the voice of these thousands of war vets in order to be able to turn down the bonus bill without an or- ganized resistance. When these agents realized that the men could not be discouraged from the trip by the press and cther semi-official agencies they attempted to guide and control the activities of the veterans by pushing their own flunkeys into the leadership, With the aid of Glassford (Chief of Police) and the administration, and the unrestricted M. P.’s, Wat- ers, Foulkrod, Carter, and Co. were able to get control of the BEF, which was composed of virtually all the veterans encamped here with the exception of a compara- tively small group which had real Tank and file leadership. Through their own actions of isolating the men across the river, and failing to cary on any activity and struggles tending to force Con- gress to act favorably on the Bonus Bill they soon lost much of their influence and were discredited by many of the vets. A good example of their waning influence is shown by the fact that on at least 3 oc- casions Commander Waters or- dered his men to carry on some ac- tivity and three times they refused to carry out his orders. Finally when the rank and file openly objected to being dictated to from a self-appointed leader, Wat- ers was forced to resign and by a clever coup d'etat he again made himself National Commander, tel- ling the men that they had elected him, when there was never an or- Sanized election in which the ma- jority participated. The influence of the B. E. F. leadership is growing smalled and smaller. Government Depends on Brute Force Now the Government has only one recourse to prevent the vets from remaining in Washington and continuing the struggle for their back-wages. That is to crush them by brute force. They are depend- ing on Federal troops to help the local police do this dirty work. When VicePresident Ourtis be- came scared by a mass picket line in front of the Capitol he called out two companies of U. S. Marines who were armed with ri- fles and bayonets. The marines remained for about 15 minutes dur- ing which time the vets. cheered them and attempted to fraternize with them, What might have been an embar- rassing situation for the govern- ment was averted when the Marines were recalled. In answering the criticism of the press Vice-President Curtis and Police Chief Glassford were both forced to admit that they had held conferences with Gen. McArthur, chief of staff U. S. A. and had also sent him letters requesting that the U. S. Marines, and U. S. Army be kept in readiness in case of trouble. Gas Bombs Brought In. It is a known fact that three weeks ago the local Marine Bar- racks received a shipment of many thousands of dollars worth of tear gas and a truckload of machine guns. «For over four weeks all leaves have been denied to the Marines and they are forced to remain in quarters day and night in order to be ready for any emer- gency. The same holds true of the Quantico Marine Base, where be- tween six and eight thousand Mar- ines are being kept. None of these, either, have made their usual visits to Washington for the last four weeks. Orders have been sent to Fort. Myers, the cavalry post near Washington, to have their men in readiness in case of trouble. All the sailors in the local Naval 'Train- ing School have been having spe- cial rifle training for the past few weeks. They are allowed out of quarters only when there is no chance of trouble breaking out, and only then a few at a time. Wed- nesday night, when the Marines are called out, The sailors who had leave were forced to remain in quarters ‘till late that evening in order to be able to cope with any trouble that might arise. The Frigate Constitution is now anchored in the Washington Navy Yard. It is manned by thirty en- listed men. In a small closet that is well locked there is a stack of about thirty service rifles covered with cartridge belts. Aviation, Adjacent t# ‘the biggest camp in Anacostia is the Naval Air Station. ‘There are about 120 enlisted men there who are student mechanics. Many have been in the service for years and have never handled a politics | plants? | DAILY W SH CRU wy ORKER, NEW YORK, ES "hh JULY i! THE HYENA OF IMPERIALIS T WAR 1992 DEFEND TH ee Te E SOVIET UNION or nor By Y. I. LEN! | 'HE European War, which the gov- ernments and the bourgeois par- ties of all countries were preparing for decades, has broken out. The growth of armaments, the sharpening of the struggle for markets in the; epoch of the latest, the imperiali: stage in the development of capit- alism of the foremost countries, the dynastic interests of the most back- ward East European monarchies, were inevitably bound.to bring about, and did bring about, the present war. To seize lands and to conquer | foreign nations, to ruin competing nations, to pillage their wealth, to divert the attention of the laboring masses from the domestic political jcrisis of Russia, Germany, England, land other countries, to disunite the | {ot belligerent nations for its warfare, utilizing its latest jimproyements in military technique and forestalling the new armaments that had already been mapped out and approved of by Russia and nce, At the head of the other group are the Eng- lish and French bourgeoisie which fool the working class and the la- boring masses by asserting that this group leads a war for the fatherland, freedom and civilization against the militarism and Gespotism of Ger- many. In reality, this bourgeoisie |has long been buying for its billions, and preparing for an attack on Ger- many, the armies of Russian Tzar- ism, the most reactionary and bar- barous monarchy of Europe. In reality, the task of the struggle beige aise Lea with anaes Jof the English and French bourgeo- ism, to annihilate their vanguards in |isie is to seize the German colonies order to weaken the revolutionary | and to ruin a competing nation which movement of the proletariat, such is|is distinguished by a more rapid the only real essence, the significance | economic development. For this noble _ vaogpore ed of the Paine ee |aim, the “advanced” democratic na- pon Social-Democracy, in the first tions are helping ferocious Tzarism Lome ee the aun make ear |still more to choke Poland, the Ukra- |this real meaning of the war, and ine, etc. still more to throttle the mercilessly to unmask the falsehoods, | revolution in Russia. the sophisms and the “patriotic” phrases which are spread by the rul- ing classes, the landowners and the |, ¢ sth bourgeoisie, in defense of the war. bes Tobberies, bestialities and endless One of the belligerent groups of | Prutalities of war, But in order to nations is headed by the German | °° the proletarians and detract their bourgeoisie. It has fooled the work- | tention from the only war for real | Neither of the two groups of bel- ligerent countries is behind the other ing class and the laboring masses by asserting that it wages the war for! the defense of the fatherland, liberty | and civilization, for the liberation of | the peoples that are oppressed by| Tzarism, for the destruction of re- actionary Tzarism. In reality, that same bourgeoisie, servile in face of the Prussian Junkers with Wilhelm | II at their head, has always been | the most faithful ally of Tzarism and the enemy of the revolutionary | movement of the workers and pea- | sants in Russia. bourgeoisie will, together with the| Junkers, direct all its efforts, no mat- ter what the outcome of the war may be, to support the Tzarist monarchy against a revolution in Russia. | In reality, the German bourgeoisie | undertook a predatory campaign a-)| gainst Serbia with the aim of sub-| jugating it and throttling. the na-| tional revolution of the Southern | Slavs, at the same time directing the | bulk of its military forces against | freer countries, Belgium and France, | in order to pillage the richer com- | petitor. The German bourgeoisie, spreading the fable of a defensive war on its part, in reality chose the | moment which was most propitious gun. Two weeks ago these men were issued rifles and bayonets and . have been having regular drills daily. When eny of them are granted leave they have order to remain in town and when they hear a siren blow they must immediately report to quarters, Police have been given orders to see that this is carried out, As a last resort the National Guardsmen may be used, ‘The guardsmen report an unusual- ly lot of rifle practice and gas talks lately. There is a constant guard of about twenty men at the Armory both night and day to pre- vent the Vets from breaking in and stealing equipment—the guardsmen are told. The men show resentment, to this because they are forced to do it without pay and many of them have to work hard all day after staying on guard all night. The Young Communist League is calling upon these workers in uni- form to refuse to shoot down their fellow workers, and to fraternize with them and support them in their struggle for the bonus, freedom, namely, a civil war against the bourgeoisie both of “their own” and “foreign” countries, in order to further this noble aim the bourgeoisie of each country strives, by means of patriotic phrases, to ol the signif- icance of “its own” national war and rt that it strives to vanquish the adversary not for the sake of robbery and seizure of lands, but for the sake of “liberating” all the other peoples except its own. But the greater the exorts of the In reality, that} 80Vernments and the bourgeoisie of at the expense of the U. 8. S. R. all countries to disunite the workers and to pit them one against the other, the more ferociously they use for this lofty purpose a system of martial law and military censorship (which measures evcn now, in time of war, are more successful against the “enemy within” than against the enemy, without), the more urgent is the duty of the class-conscious pro- letariat to defend its class solidarity, its internationalism, its Socialist con- victions against the orgy of chauvin- ism of the “patriotic” bourgeois cli- ques of all countries. To repudiate this task would, on the part of the class conscious workers, mean to re- nounce all their striving towards Unmasking Imperialist War freedom and democracy, not to speak of Socialism. With a feeling of deepest chagrin it must be stated that the Socialist Parties of the leading European countries have not fulfilled this duty of théirs, while the behavior of the leaders of those parties—particularly that of the German party borders on direct betrayal of the cause of So- cialism. We are reprinting the open- ing paragraphs of the manifesto written by Lenin in October 1914, and published in the name of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, THE TWO WORLDS By J. STALIN «+. 1 spoke earlier of the contra- dictions of world capitalism. But apart from these contradictions there exists yet one more. I mean the} contradiction between the capitalist world and the U. S. S. R. | True, it is not a contradiction of the internal capitalist type. It is a contradiction between capitalism as a whole and a country building Socialism. But this does not prevent it decompos- ing and, shaking to pieces the very foundations of capitalism. Still more, it lays bare to the very roots all the contradictions of capitalism and gathers them up into one knot, mak- ing of them a question of life and death for the capitalist order itself. Therefore every time that capitalist contradictions begin to grow acute the bourgeoisie turns its gaze towards the U. S. S. Rut “Cannot we settle this or that contradiction of capitalism, or all the contradictions taken together, Here is the obsolete U.S.S. “Arkansas” being taken to Brooklyn Navy Yard to be destroyed, because it is no longer “effective” against the powerful ships like the British “Nelson” and “Rodney.” THE FRAUD OF ARMS LIMITATION the land of the Soviets, the citadel of the revolution, revolutionizing by its very existence the working class and the colonies, preventing us ar- ranging for a new war, preventing us dividing the worl danew, pre~ venting us being masters of our own extensive internal market, so neces- sary for capitalists, particularly to- day, in connection with the eco- nomic crisis?” Hence the tendency to adventurist assaults on the U.S.S.R. and to in- tervention, a tendency which is bound to be strengthened in connection with the developing economic crisis. (From his report of the 16th Party Congress held in 1930.) ae ce dient Our obligations to the world proletariat. While these are of the same nature as the first, we regard them as higher. For the working class in the U.S.S.R. is a part of the working class of the world. We have achieved victory not only through the efforts of the working class of the USS.R., but also through the sup- port of the world proletariat. With- out that support we would have been torn to shreds long ago. It is said that we are the shock brigade of the working class of the world. This is true. But this imposes on us obli- gations of the utmost gravity. Why does the international prole- tariat support us, how have we earned this support? We have earned it by the fact that we were the first to fling ourselves into the battle against capi- talism, that we were the first to es- tablish a working class government, that we were the first to set out to build Socialism. We have merited it by the fact that we are working for a cause which if successful will change the face of the earth and will set free the entire working class. And what 1s wanted for success? The elimination of our backwardness, the development of a mighty, Bolshe- vik rate of construction. Our for- ward pace must be such that upon beholding us, the working class of the entire world might exclaim: here it is, our workers’ government; here. it is, our fatherland. It does the work, our work—well, then, let us support it jagainst the capitalisis and fan the flames of the world revolution. A¥e we to justify the hopes of the world proletariat, are we to fulfil our obli- gations? We are, we must, or we shall bring down eternal disgrace upon ourselves, %, (From a speech qelivered by J. Stalin on Feb, 4, 1931, in Moscow This is the new type of warship, the U.S.S. “Nevada” returning from winter maneuvers—this type replaces such obsolete ships as the “Arkan- Sas.” Millions are available for warships but not one cent for the starv- ing masses of this country, at the First All-Russian Conference of Workers in Socialist Industriali- zation.) Do You Want Unemployment In- surance? The Daily Worker Will Tell You How to Get It, Make the “Daily” your Election paign meeting, Mr. Norman Thomas * By SAM DON The old saying, the truth hurts, still holds good. The beginning of the systematic exposuxe of the So- cialist Party as the Party of Socialist words and Fascist deeds, is beginning to bear fruit among the workers, The leaders of the Socialist Party are feeling its effects. Of course, not being able to refute our statements, name calling in the truest American yellow journalist style is being resorted to. The New Leader in its July 16th issue carries an editorial under the title “Sadist Communism.” The peace loving and fair minded social fascists complain bitterly about ‘the barrage of Sadist falsehoods” and the “wild statements.” Merely to give two examples of the “wild charges.” The exposure of Mr. Norman Thomas’ fraternization with Secretary of War Hurley, at the meeting of the War Policies Commis- sion on May 14, 1931. There among other things, he said, “As a Socialist, I rejoice at the demonstration given by the late war that planned produc- tion is absolutely essential....the Planned production of the world war was both impressive and imperfect.” Here, as we have already pointed out in @ previous article, Mr, Thomas presented the world butchery of the imperialists as a Socialist blessing in disguise. Here is an example of another “wild statement.” Mr. Charles Solo- mon, their leader in Brooklyn at the Socialist Convention in Milwaukee, boasted that he is a great liberal and broadminded and that_he would like to see the civil rights restored to the Czarists and White Guards in the Soviet Union. Nothing less but that! In this article we will add a few more of the “wild statements” and “Sadist falsehoods” without attempt- ing to. besmirch the knightly char- acter and divine soul of our Reverend Mr. Norman Thomas. We will be very much “pleased” and “honored” if the Reverend will oblige us with an answer instead of name caliing. Mr. Norman Thomas in discussing the present Japanese war against the Chinese people, states in his book, “As I See It,” page 75:— “Bad as is that intervention, even the militarists could hardly have forced it if Chinese chaos had not given the Japanese some gen- uine grievance” Indeed one could not find a better imperialist jingo justification of rob- ber imperialist wars against colonial peoples than the above statement of Thomas. So, the fault does not He with imperialism, but with the Chin- ese people! Japanese imperialism did not want to wage war against China, according to Mr. Thomas, they were forced. And may we ask what are some of the “genuine grievances” of Japanese im- Perialism against the Chinese people? We suppose it is the sacred right of the imperialists to introduce cap- italist robber civilization among the colonial peoples. Indeed the foreign office in Tokio and other. scribblers could not find a better ideologist to “sell” their imperialist war than the above quoted statement of the Presi- dential candidate of the Socialist Party. The Chinese chaos of which Mr. Thomas speaks is the hunger and exploitation caused by world im- perialism and their feudal militarist flunkies such as the Nanking Gov- ernment, etc, The Chinese toiling masses who are suffering from the chaos imposed upon them by world imperialism have found a way how to eliminate the rule of imperialism and the native exploiters. The re- volutionary way through the growing developing Chinese Soviets which are unifying the country and are the only power which, can do away with the hunger and misery existing in the country. You, Mr. Thomas, call upon the imperialists who have some “genuine grievances” to restore order in China. The Chinese toiling masses, the only ones who have genuine grievances, have chosen another way, the revolu- tionary way, through their Red Army and the building of their Chinese Soviets. We also find a touching under- standing between the leader of the American Socialist Party and of the Japanese Socialist Party. Mr. Mat- sutani, the leader of the Japanese Socialist Party and a member of Parliament declared: “The operations conducted by the Japanese troops in Manchuria have not been carried out in capitalist interests. These operations were made necessary by a desire to solve the national problem. That which is proceeding in Manchuria at the moment is very far removed from @ capitalist war.” The Social Chauvinists of both countries are in perfect agreement. Norman Thomas sees “geuine griev- ances” for the conduct of Japanese imperialism’s war, and the Socialist Mr. Matsutani “fails to see” the cap- italist nature of the Japanese war. In fact, as he says “it is very far re- moved from a capitalist war.” Birds of a feather flock together. ig ee May we disturb the honorable gentleman with another quotation from another book of his which exe poses the peace loving Norman Tho- mas as a jingoist? In his bock “Am-= erica’s Way Out, on page 233, we read: “However much one may sym- Pathize with the exploited (!), one cannot admit that the romantic nationalism of dependent nations or the weaker nations, makes for peace and prosperity. In Europe today, it is precisely those nations with least at stake which are the most bellicose.” According to Mr. Thomas it is not French, British and Italian imperial- isms which are responsible for the developing new world war, but their vassals as Czechoslovakia, Poland, etc. The innocent Mr. Norman Thofnas tri@S to confuse the militarism of the imperialist vassals, their bellitose Practices, with the struggle of the oppressed national minorities for the right of self determination in Pold in Czechoslovakia in Roumania. ithe leading imperialist powers make for “peace and prosperity,” and the op- pressed national minorities struggling for self determination are condemned for their “romantic nationalism” and bellicose attitude! In Europe the struggle of the op- pressed national minorities is “ro- Negro people for self determination in the black belt in the South, is condemned in the terms white lynchers as race. riots. it not fact that whenever Negro people defending themselves against lynchers that the white ruling calls it a race riot? Oh no, it is not American imperialism which is ponsible for the lynching and oppres- sion of the Negro people, but the Negro people who fight for their na- tional rights to self determination are inciting race riots, etc. One should not, God forbid, hold American imperialism responsible for sending marines to Nicaragua, main- taining the military occupation in the Philippine Islands, Hawaii and Haiti. Are not the weaker nations, the ones who are most bellicose? Indeed, when one thinks of the “chaos” which exists in Nicaragua, can one blame our militarists and forget the fact that Wall Street has “some genuine grievances”? Mr. Norman Thomas is indeed fair minded, but toward whom? To the class he represents, to the capitalist class. It is the capitalists who have “genuine grievances” no matter “how one may sympathize with the ex- ploited.” Mr. Thomas is peace loving, that is, he presents the imperialists as angels of peace, and the oppressed nationalities are accused of race riots are bellteose etc, and when he is charitable, he slanders their struggles with the terms of “romantic na- tionalism.” Mr. Thomas shrinks back in horror at the sight of blood, but not when it is working class blood caused by the violence of the ruling class. The peace loving Thomases and fair minded O’Neals are the Joyal servants of the capitalist class, and the great- est enemies within the ranks of the tollers. of the Is PEs: 3 “We Fought for Wall Street In 1917; Now We Fight Against Imperialist War” (By An Ex-Soldier Correspondent) Are we to demain ignorant forever an ay Peace Loving Comrades! Do you remember the|and murder each other at the beck z ED neat HE mur-| Street in 1917, F us no|If we have to fight again come back till it is “over, over CARRY OUT MASS STRUGGLE AGAINST TRANSPORT OF MUNITIONS! nd