The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 18, 1932, Page 4

7 DAILY WORKER. NEW YORK, MONDAY, JULY 18, 1932 Yorker’ Porty US.A Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily excxept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. | six months, $4.50. The Fight Goes on! the very moment of its adjournment near midnight Saturday night the Seventy-second Congress of the United States carried out its preda= tory war against the toiling masses on b if of the biggest bankers and industrialists of the cou This same. cong: excepting Foreign: one year, $8; for the soldiers’ on for further s to the tune of 000,000, arlier in surance Bill only for t aving beaten life of the lions of new taxes, the rency extension” bill Ne ation, the result of es of life, thereby further beat- cient there was & them to the pre- said about wages which are con- e standards of oyment, wage c and Hoove put t attacks on the living standards, the reac- tionary attacks of this congress has ene ed and supported Doak in his Department of Labor against the fore: born workers. During the life of Congress and with its full approval there have been a whole n 1s attacks against the working class—wholesale slaugh- in a number of places, increased lynching terror against g with these predator: s. Hypocritically pleading “poverty,” the boss Congress and the President refused to grant a cent to the veterans and the unemployed. But they found hundreds of millions through new taxes for imperialist war prep- arations. The boss Congress backed Hoover to the full in his anti-Soviet 1 pro-war provocations. These vicious actions of the Hunger President Hoover and Congress show plainly that all talk of the servile socialists to the effect that the masses in the United States are politically free is downright and wilful deception, Washington represents the executive committee of the capital- ist class, fully at the beck and call of thé bankers and trusts that dom- inate the country. The Republican and Democratic Parties have been one in carrying out this campaign against the toiling masses. The adjournment of Con- gress does not mean that it will stop. The three capitalist parties will use this election campaign to continue their increasingly fierce attacks against the workers and farmers. The fight of the workers goes forward. The Congress adjourned but not in peace. Throughout the whole of its existence it was punctuated with struggles arising out of the deepening crisis of capitalism, and the surge forward of the masses. To the fall of the gavel announcing the adjournment of Congress there were heard the echoes of the shouts of the masses outside. These political puppets were menaced with the up- raised fists of workers and farmers who are determined to fight back. Throughout the country the masses are stirring—St. Louis, Chicago, the Ohio mine fields, unemployed activity reaching a higher stage through- out the country, the fight of the veterans for the bonus. — The election drive of the Communist Party will deepen and broaden the struggle. In the fight for the bonus, for unemployment insurance and against war the united front all along the line will be built against the rapacious capitalists and their political henchmen. On with the fight! On Preparations for August Ist E Friday's issue of the Daily Worker there was published the call of the leading Communist Parties of the world for the struggle against imperialist war on August First. This appeal gave the lead to all the Parties to utilize every means to reach the widest body of workers, poor farmers, office workers, young workers and women, and to weld them to- gether into a fighting united front. The appeal called for a determined fight against the civil war upon the workers at home, and imperialist war abroad. In the spirit of the broadest united front struggle from below, the preparations for August First must go forward. The preparations for International Day Against Imperialist War must be carried through along the line indicated by the 14th Plenum of the Party which calls for a break with sectarian practices, methods of agita- tion, methods of approach to the workers and formalism in the use of slogans. Well-planned, sustained efforts must be made to reach the workers in the AFL. organizations. Genuine, deliberate, well checked up activ- ities must be unfolded to draw in the socialist workers, and workers de- ceived by such demogags as Father Gox. In this campaign must be en- listed the broad masses of native and foreign-born workers, the Negro workers, the ex-servicemen, the youth and women. Untiring efforts must be put forth to reach the workers in the decisive industries. The ruling class of this country must be made to realize that every step in its war drive will be met with increased determination to resist on the part of the toiling masses in industry and on the land. Our elec- tion campaign can be a means of mobilization for August First and at the same time August First demonstrations and activity will give a tre- mendous impetus to that campaign. Units, sections, fractions, every pos- sible piece of Party machinery must be set in motion in order to spur to action the huge masses who are suffering from the blows of the crisis. The August First preparations on the part of all districts of the Party must not only serve to rally the worker for the greatest demonstrations that have yet been known agains the war danger, for the defense of the Chinese people and the Soviet Union, but they must spur on the practical fight to stop the shipment of arms to Japan. The preparations and carrying out of the August First campaign must result in establish- ing solid contact of the Party with the decisive sections of the working class, All District Committees should give a decisive lead to and maintain @ close check-up on the progress of our August First campaign. This August First must not be permitted to become a mere event, to be for- gotten in preparations for future campaigns. It must leave a lasting im- pression upon the toiling masses; must influence the course of the devel- opment of our movement. That can be done only if we achieve definite and permanent organizational results in building mass organizations, in securing new recruits for the Party, establishing new shop units, getting new readers for our press, and in every way strengthening the personal bonds of the Party with the toiling masses. Dear Comrades:— In view of the great possibilities which the coming election campaign ‘offers to our Party, it would be well ito leave nothing undone to make it a juge success organizationally and jand that it must be changed at any cost. Yet some of our-placards make such statements as “The Communist Party Leads Us,” and then continue with the word “join.” The workers must join what? This makes the workers figure that the Communist Party is an organ separate from them, which merely leads them. We suggest, instead, “The Communist Party Fights for the Working Class. Join Your Party in This Fight.” Comradely, —¥F, DUVAL. As the campaign will be marked by widespread use of street meetings, ‘would make a step forward if all supplied themselves with banners, with the name of the yy inscribed upon them, and if ible, with the six demands of the q unist Party platform inscribed 4m smaller letters, to hang in front of the speaker's stand, so that the workers can readily see which Party ‘the speaker represents. Furthermore, we hammer in the 4th Plenum resolution on our sec- “Contradictions ‘Among the Im- perialists and Conflicts on the Paci- tio Coast,” a priliiant analytical article by N. Terentyey in the special anti-war issue of “The Communist,” July number, ¢ THE BOOM BEFORE CONG fusvZbe RESS ADJOUR NED! “The President has attacked the depression on a hundred fronts--?”—Secy. of War Hurley. How War Affects the Working Women (The following article is of im- portance in connection with the preparation for the world-wide Aug. Ist anti-war demonstration.) o 8 @ By K. TINEVA. HE world war, the tragedy of the toilers hitherto unparalleled in the history of humanity, lasted four | years. For four years millions of sound and healthy men and youths stood at the front and there met | their death, whilst other hundreds | of millions suffered misery and | starvation. Whole provinces and | towns were reduced to ruins, were | devastated. Millions of refugees— women and children—were driven from one fit/it to the other. Mis- ery, starvation, sickness and death prévailed among the population. Millions of men and youths in the factories were replaced by women and children, who toiled from morning till night, for 12 and 14 hours, inhaling the poison-laden air of T.N.T. and poison gas and in return received a miserable wage which barely sufficed to keep them from starving. In order not to be suspected of treason they had to put up with all the hardships of factory life, otherwise they were threatened with hunger, arrest, prison, summary courts, etc. Describe War Industries. A German working woman de- scribed in “Die Kampferin” of March 16, 1932, her experiences in the war as follows: “During the war of 1914-1918 I worked in the Leverkusen factory, in a workship where picric acid was produced. We all of us had in- ternal troubles of some sort or other. The picrate dust ate into our clothes and our skin so that we were as yellow as canaries. Acci- dents were a daily occurrence.” Another working woman reports: “During the war years I worked in factory No. 336. We worked from 6 in the morning to 6 in the evening and earned 60 to 80 marks a week. We had to work in gas masks and dare not take them off while we were in the factory, for a@ poison gas was being produced which was invisible but exceedingly virulent. Cases of gas poisoning were frequent. Accidents were an everyday occurrence and no one could ascertain how many victims there were. The factory fire bri- gade were always standing ready in order to carry out injured working women. New working women were engaged every day, and this gave us some means of judging how many victims the production of poison gas demanded. “I shall never forget one fright- ful incident. A container had been filled with gas, when suddenly a rubber tube broke and in an in- stant the poison gas spread over an area some hundreds of meters wide. We who were in gas masks immediately hastened to help the women who were without gas masks. The victims lay there in convulsions—it was a terrible sight. ‘We helped to remove the injured, but then received a reprimand from our foremen; it was no concern of ours, we ought to have gone on with our work. “We. received each day half a litre of milk, which usually had al- ready turned sour. At that time not even babies received any milk. “Those workers who were killed by the poison gas had a cross put over their graves as a token of a grateful country’s thanks.” She concludes: “Not a gramme of poison gas, not @ gramme of explosives for a new war! Hands off the Soviet Union and China!” Textile Mill Becomes War Machine. Another working woman in Zwic- kau reported in the same paper: “In 1914 I worked in a spinning mill, where all the men had been called up to the army. After a «Those Who Went Through Last Imperialis War Tell of Horror in Factcries > time our factory went over to the production of cotton yarn. Then we noticed at once how the profits of our employer increased. We had to do nightwork, the orders came in so fast. Every second week we had to work on the night shift from seyen in the evening until half past five in the morning. Our food con- sisted of potatoes, bread and man- gen-wurzels. When we left the factory in the early dawn we looked like living corpses. We often went witkput sleep in order to stand in the food queues, as otherwise we working women could not obtain any potatoes, bread, or coal. We often stood there for hours in vain: when it came to our turn every- thing was sold out.” A working woman from Hamburg writes: eeitaveeni P5753 “In October, 1914, I was sent along with 40 other young girls’ from Chemnitz to Schwarzenbeck, near Hamburg. We were given jobs in a vegetable canning factory and had to undertake to remain at work, there for three months. But al- ready after the first fortnight we were unable to stand .it any longer and ran away at night. The work was very hard. We worked in a fearful heat and as food already then received preserved vegetables almost every day. We often found pins, matches, etc. in our food. The factory worked two ‘shifts of 10 hours each. We slept in a com- mon dormitory over the workshop. Our bedding consisted of a sack of straw and a blanket. We were paid 25 Pfennig an hour, but de- ductions were made for the food The Anti-War Issue of “The Communist” A Weapon In the Struggle Against Imperialist War. By MICHAEL SALERNO 'T would be folly to hope that the struggle against a new imperialist slaughter will be sharpened and made effective unless the broadest masses of exploited are awakened, unless their deepest indignation is aroused. But the mobilization of the masses of workers cannot We effectively carried out without shattering the illusions sown by the imperialists for the purpose of lulling them into passivity in the face of the pre- paration for war. It is stated quite often that the masses of toilers are “naturally” and “organically” op- posed to any imperialist adventure, that they still remember the mass horrors of the last war ang that they only want peace. Sowing Pacifist Mlusions It is forgoten, however, that this instinctive opposition to imperialist war on the part of thousands upon thousands of workers, if not trans- lated into conscious, militant or- ganized struggle, plays into the hands of the imperialists. Hun- dreds of war pictures are presented in thousands of cinemas precisely to keep alive an indifferentiated, instinctive, non-class opposition to war, without which the imperialists could not effectively sow their paci- fist illusions. To shatter these poisonous illu- sions being spread by the class enemy it is essential to make it clear to the broadest masses of workers that war is already a dreadful reality in China. It is essential above all to show that this is the beginning of a new world slaughter. Obviously enough, the sinister Significance of the war in China cannot be conveyed to the workers of this country unless the part played in it by the American im- perialists is made quite clear. The workers of America must be told that United States policy is di- rected toward “growing into” the new world war—the war against the Soviet Union, out. of the war on China, which is now being waged by Japanese imperialism. A Powerful Weapon The July issue of “The Commp- nist” goes quite far in this direc- tion, The editorial places in the hands of our comrades a powerful weapon for pointing out the new tactic of the imperialisty, the tactic of “peacefully growing into” the war against the Socialist. Father- land. It points out also the treach- erous policy of the social-democrats of right and “left” renegades for aiding this tactic of the imperialists. It shows how to mobilize the masses of toilers for the struggle against imperialist war, and for its trans- formation into civil war once it is launched. The extract from a report by Comrade Browder is of great im- portance. It indicates the urgency of putting the Party on a war foot- ing, politically and organizationally, for mobilizing the masses of toilers and leading them in the struggle against imperialist war. Without a bolshevick party deeply rooted in the shops and mines, in organizational contact with the masses of workers, it is impossible to break down the pacifist illusions sown among them by the imperialists and their agents, Of great’importance in this issue of The Communist is also the ar- ticle by Terentyev on the contra- dictions among the imperialists in relation to the Pacific coast. Lenin's Article - The Communist contains also other important articles—one by Lenin on the “defense of the father- land” being a compas for deter- mining our attitude toward war on the basis of its specific nature. Among the others there is one by Comrade Robert Dunn which will be of great help in combatiing the absolutely false illusion that war will bring back “prosperity.” The July issue of “The Commu- nist” is, as a whole, a good instru- ment for the struggle against im- perialist war. It does ncz contain, it is true, an exhaustive treatment of every phase of this struggle. It does not treat many questions of utmost importance in the present situation, as the specific question of pacifist illusions being spread by the im- perialists in their international peace conferences. “Growing Into” War Policy But the importance of this anti- war issue is not so much in covering in its entirety all the questions related to war, but in offering a compass for understanding them., By tackling the main questions, The Communist of this month gives the key to the world situation and to the “growing -into” war policy of the imperialists as their way out. The July issue of “The Com- munist” must have a mass distribu- tion which undoubtedly will give a strong impetus to the mobilization of the workers for struggle against imperialist war, in defense of China and the Soviet Uni-> so that very little was left over. Russian prisoners of war also worked in this factory. “I experienced many other things during the war. I don’t want an- other war! We must fight against the enemy in our own country! ‘All women must be mobilized against the new world war!” The effects of the terrible living and working conditions of the work- ers were seen everywhere. Every- where there prevailed epidemics, high mortality, decline of the birth- rate, increase of prostitution and increase of crime among children. How great the mortaliey increased during the war is shown by the following figures: Out of every 1,000 inhabitants there died of various diseases: 1913 1918 France + 17.6 22 Germany . 27.2 143 13.6 17.6 18.3 33 Birthrate per 1,000 inhabitants: 1913 1918 France .. + 18.4 19.8 Germany . » 27.2 19.8 England 1727 Italy .. 18,1 Blood Bath for Workers. IN order to give some idea of the horrors of the coming war we give one of two quotations from the bourgeois press, which cannot be suspected of being in sympathy with the despised yellow race. The bourgeois American “China press” writes: “Everywhere a horrifying picture. ‘Wounded Chinese women and chil- dren lie in pools of blood among dead bodies of women and children. Peasants were shot down while working in the fisids.” ‘The correspondent of a popular, French paper writes regarding the towns and districts through which Japanese troops passed: “The appearance of these towns cannot be compared with the ap- pearance of towns after bombard- ment in the imperialist war. On taking possession of Chenchu, the Japanese organized a band of 300 people out of the scum of the popu- lation, who, led by Japanese sol- diers, destroyed and set fire to. houses and factories. Within an hour, peasants and peasant women in Chenghu were massacred whole- sale and over 5,000 houses were set on fire. In Chapei with its 100,000 inhabitants there is not a single house left standing. For a mile distant one sees nothing but smok- ing walls, the sole remains of the town. In San-Wang (10,000 inhabi- tants) only a few houses are stand- ing. In the neighborhood of Shang- hai entire localities have been com- pletely wiped out.” iy The working class, which has not forgotten the horrors of the great war and is still suffering from its results, which sees in the example of the Japanese campaign in China all the horrors of the coming war, no longer views the coming war with the same eyes as in 1914. The experiences of the last few years and the work and the fight of the Communist Party are rendering all working men and women, all toil- ing peasants bitter enemies of war. In order that humanity shall be saved from a new devastating im- perialist war it is necessary to con- vert this anti-war feeling into de- termined revolutionary action against war and intervention and to win the broad masses of women for the anti-war front. 1, Unemployment and Social in- surance at the expense of’ the state and employers. 3. Emergency relief for the poor farmers without restrictions by the government and banks; ex- (Installment Eight) The bourgeois specialists are used to doing cul- tural. work, they were carrying it on within the frame work of the bourgeois regime, that is, they en- riched the bourgeoisie by enormous material works and constructions and gave a miserable share in this wealth to the proletariat. Never- theless they did carry forward the work of culture—that is their pro- fession. In so far as they see that the workers not only value cul- ture but also help to spread it among the masses, they will change their attitude to us, Then they will be morally won over and not only politically divided from the bourgeoisie. We must attract them to our ap- paratus, and for that must be pre- pared to make sacrifices, In deal- ing with the specialists. we must be prepared to make sacrifices, In dealing with the specialis¢ we must not keep to a system of petty vexations. We must give them the best conditions of life possible. ‘That will be the best policy. If yes- terday we talked of legalising the Petty bourgeois parties, and today arrest Mensheviks and Left Social- Revolutionaries, one straight line Tuns through this changing policy —the rooting out of counter-revo- lution and the acquisition of the cultural apparatus of the bourgeoi- sie.” In this splendid expression of @ great policy there is far more Teal, live sense than in all the wail- ings of the miserable hypocrisy of petty-bourgeois “‘humanism”, Un- fortunately, many who should have understood and appreciated this appeal to honest work in co-opera- tion with the working class, have not understood or appreciated it. They have preferred hole and cor- ner sabotage and treachery, After the abolition of serfdom, many of the houseserfs, slaves by nature, also remained to serve their mas- ters in the very stables where these had been wont to flog them. Revolutionary Tactics T often used to speak with Lenin about the cruelty of revolutionary tactics and life. ‘What do you want?” he would ask in astonish- ment and anger. “Is it possible to act humanely in a struggle of such unprecedented ferocity? Where is there any place for soft-heartedness or generosity? We are being block- aded by Europe, we are deprived of the help of the European proletar- iat, counter-revolution is creeping like a bear on us from every side. What do you want? Are we not right? Ought we not to struggle and resist? We are not a set of fools. We know that what we want can only be achieved by ourselves. Do you think that I would be sitting here if I were convinced of the con- trary?” “What is your criterion for judging which blows are necessary and which superfluous in a fight?” he asked once, after a heated dis- cussion. I could only give a vague poetical answer to this simple ques- tion. It would be impossible to answer otherwise, I think. I often overwhelmed him with re- quests of a different nature, and often felt that all the bother I went to for various people made Lenin pity me. He would ask, “Don't you think you are wasting your e--rgies on a lot of rubbish?” But I con- tinued to do what I thought ought to be done, and was not put off when the man who knew who were the enemies of the proletariat looked at me askance, in anger. He would shake his head crushing- ly and say, “You are compromising yourself in the eyes of the com- rades and workers.” . I pointed out that comrades and workers, when their passions were roused and they were iritated, not infrequently hold too lightly the life and liberty of valuable people, and that this in my view not only compromised the honest hard work of the revolution by too great, sometimes even sense- less, cruelty, but was objectively and strategically bad, as it repelled from participation in the revolution many important people. “H’m, h'm,” Lenin muttered sceptically, and pointed out to me many cases when the intelligentsia betrayed the in- terests of the workers. “Many peo- ple among us,” he said, “go over to the other side and betray us, not only dut of cowardice, but because of their self-esteem, because they are afraid of finding themselves in an embarrassing situation, afraid that their beloved theory will suffer when it comes to grips with reality. “But we are not afraid of that. There is nothing holy or sacred about theories or hypotheses for us, they serve us only as instruments.” Yet I don't remember a single in- stance when any request of mine met with a refusal from Ilyitch. If they were not always fulfilled, it was not through his fault but through the faults of mechanism in which the clumsy Russian State machine has always abounded, and let us grant, a certain malicious reluctance to lighten the lot or save the lives of people of worth. Per- haps, too, there were cases of wilful harming, which is an enemy as cynical as it is cunning. Revenge and malice are often effective through force (/ inertia; and of course there are petty persons with emption of poor farmers from | unhealthy minds with a morbid taxes, and no forced collec- tion of rents or debts. VOTE COMMUNIST FOR: -. thirst for the delight of contem- plating the sufferings. of their Days with Lenin BY MAXIM GORKY “Arrested Again” Once he showed me a telegram, | smiling. “They have arrested me again. qMell them to let me go.” It! was signed Ivan Volny. “I have read his book. I liked it very much. After reattng the first five worda I felt at once thet here was a mae who understood the inevitability of mistakes, who did not get ANS, or fly into a rage if he was hung personally. This is the third time, | T think, that he has been arreste@, | You had better advise him to léay@) the village or they'll kill him ! Evidently they are not very fond! him there. gram.” I was often struck by Lenin’s reade iness to help people whom he cone sidered to be his enemies, and not only readiness to help but even care for their future. One general, for example, a scientist, a chemist, was threatened with death. “H’m, h’m,” said Lenin, after listening attene tively to my story. “So you think he didn’t know that his sons had hidden fire-arms in his laboratory? ‘That seems rather unlikely. But we must leave it for Dzerzhihsky to unravel. He has a keen instinct for the truth.” Several days later he rang me up in Petrograd and said, “We are letting your general go— I think he has already been set free. What does he intend to do?” “Homoemutsion.” “Yes, yes—carbolic acid. Well, Jet him boil his carbolic. Tell me if he is in need of anything.” Lenin spoke ironically in order to conceal the joy which he did not wish to show, of saving a man’s life. Several days later he asked again, “Well, how is the general getting on? Everything arranged?” “Princess T.” In [Petersburg kitchens in 1919 there appeared a very beautiful woman who demanded severely, “Give me a bone for my’ dogs! I ag Princess T.” There was a story that, unable to bear any longer the degradation and the hunger, she resolved to throw herself in the Neva, but, so it was said, her four dogs, who had an instinctive intui- tion of her sad intention, ran after her, and by their howls and anguish made her renounce her idea of commi-iing suicide. I related this story to Lenin. Looking me up and down with a sidelong glance, screw= ing up his eyes and then closing them entirely, he said gloomily, “Even if it is all made up, still the idea is not a bad one. A joke of the revolution.” He |was silent. Then he got up and, sorting the papers on the table, said thought- fully, “Yes, those people are in great straits. History is a cruel step- mother, and when it is retaliating stops at nothing. What is there to say? It is bad for those pedple, The clever ones among them under- stand of course. that they have been torn up by the roots and will never grow again; and transplantation in Europe won't satisfy the clever ones. You don’t think they will strike root there, do you?” “I don’t think they will.” “That means that they will either go our way or attempt to make another intervention?” TI asked him, “Did it only seem to me So, or did he really pity people?” He answered, “I @m sorry for the clever ones. We haven't enough clever people. We are for the most part a talented people, but mental- ly lazy,” jand recollecting several comrades who had outlived their class psychology and were working with the Bolsheviks, he spoke of them with astonishing warmth. Lenin’s Qualities’ A man of astounding strength of will, Lenin possesed in the high- est degree the best qualities and properties of the revolutionary in- telligentsia — self-disciptaae often amounting to self-torjgy® and self- mutilation, in its most extreme form, to a renunciation of art, to Advise him. By telse the logic of one of the heroes of L. Andreyev, “Other people are liv- ing hard lives, and therefore I must live a hard life.” In the hard famine year of 1919 Lenin was ashamed to eat the food which was sent to him by comrades, soldiers and peasants from the provinces. When the parcels came to his bleak flat he would frown, grow embarrassed, and hasten to give the flour, sugar and butter to the sick comrades or those wlio were weak through lack of food. Once, when he was inviting me to dine with him, he said, “I shall give you some smoked fish—it was sent to. me from Astrakhan;” and with a frown on his Socratic forehead, and turning his sharp glance away from me, he added, “They send things to me as though I were a lord! How can I prevent them doing it? If you refuse and don’t accept it, they are hurt. And everyone round me is hungry.” Quite without any private fads, a stranger to tobacco and wine, occue pied from morning to night with complicated and difficult work, he had no idea of looking after hime self, but kept a vigilant eye on the well-being of the comrades. He would sit at his table in his study, talking quickly and writing without taking pen from paper: “Good morning. How are you? I am just finishing. There is a comrade in the village feeling lonely—evidently tired. He must be cheered up State of mind is not the least sage portant thing!” (TO BE CoNrereNY |