The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 9, 1932, Page 6

Me. ‘should join the Communist Party; Dood ge - ; ONE So wa DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 9, 1932 ‘ eas Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. six months, $4.50. Funds for the Battle! eal of the Central Committee for a $100,000 Fighting Funds for ion campaign is a call for greater action and greater struggle. ery of the American working class been greater than the offensive of the capitalists been more ferocious two months, $1; excepting Foreign: one year, $8; ent, publican and Democratic Parties have come forward with reactionary programs. Both programs are designed to pass ne burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of the workers, are designed to drive the working class ever-deeper into hell of starvation, disease and imperialist war. Both the n and Democratic Parties, however, employ the basest forms in the formulation of their programs—force and deceit have twin weapons of the bourgeoisie. y, whose special role it is to keep the working class of the capitalist chariot, to keep the working class the only Party that can lead them to freedom from m, tries to hide the viciously ahti-working-class nature n of “radical” phrases. The Socialist Party, which con- ual pogrom against the Soviet Union at its recent convention, the liberation of the counter-revolutionaries, nevertheless tries off as the American counterpart of the Bolshevik Party in the Sov nion: Those who are allied with the counter-revolutionaries of the Second International even attempt to convince the workers here hat t stand for Socialism in the United States as the Bolsheviks do e Soviet Union. present campaign it will be necessary to wage a stern and inst the Hunger Program of Hoover, against the hypo- ” of Roosevelt, against the reactionary demagogy of the st the “socialism” of Norman Thomas. All of these 1 one form or another, face the economic crisis with fear and l of them in their own way aim to keep the workers tied with ds to the system of capitalism. is-election campaign more than in any other will it be necessary ask th eopen and concealed enemies of the working class. At no time was there such a great need to gring the program and policies of struggle to the working class, to show the way out of the poisonous morass of capitalism, to show the workers who their friends are and who their es, to send the literature of the movement far and wide among the and country. munist election campaign will be sucessful only if it becomes aign. The election campaign must be a part of the bitter ruggle of the workers against their exploiters—it cannot be a The election campaign is a great effort to mobilize the workers 1eir enemy in united ranks—class against class. lection of the $100,000 Fighting Fund must be organized on id: ale, must be made a political act. Major attention should be cted towards the organization of shop collections, with Party and -Party workers both collecting. A sharp turn must be made from collections to mass collections. The financial drive must be based support ,on the pennies of the workers. It will be necessary to y hundreds of thousands of workers, but millions of workers, ition for the battle. The vigilance and self-sacrifice of the working class must be called on alize the $100,000 Fighting Fund. The workers will give to this fund, to equip the party and the Daily Worker to carry forward the fight for the immediate demands of the workers, for the overthrow of the decaying capitalist system and for the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ government in the United States. CAPITALIST CONTENT OF SOCIALIST CONVENTION the gradual ushering in of social- ism.” “No,” shouted Waldman, “nothing of the kind’—and the matter was squashed, Hillquit’s Speech chained to the wheel: from mov the v ts to re By I. AMTER (Communist candidate for Governor now touring New York State) 'HE state convention of the So- cialist Party showed its real Hillquit spoke—it was a true so- capitalist character. It was @ con- | cia) democratic speech. It was a vention of small businessmen, pathetic speech. Hillquit told of the decades of service that he had given to the socialis: movement for “emancipating” the working class. He was a “veteran,” and the young fellows in the convention had much to learn from him and his likes. When he finished, a worker at the convention yelled out, “That’s rot- ten!” Another shouted, “It stinks @ mile away.” This sham battle going on in the Socialist Party in an effort to give a “radical” tone to the Socialist Party, to conceal its stinking character, is part of the game of the bosses to make it more acept- able to the workers who are radic- alized and are turning to the Com- munist Party. Works With Bosses glaringly day by day how it works The Socialist Party shows more with the bosses—and, therefore, one can well understand why Morgan and Thomas jointly spoke for the Block Aid; why representative Dies said that the Dies Bill does not pertain to the socialists; why Nor- man Thomas was the recipient of a doctor of philosophy degree from that “exclusive” capitalist univer- sity, Princeton. ‘This again shows the clear rela~ tion of the socialist party with the capitalists. The Socialist Party convention lasted three days and was held in Utica at the swell Hotel Martin. The secretary of the local branch is a businessman by the name of Endres. The backbone of the branch is the Workmen’s Circle, which twice, on order of the police, closed their hall to the Unemployed Coun- cil and the strikers of the Utica Cutlery Co. This is the activity of the socialists in Utica—openly cooperating with the bosses and the police. Evaded Challenge The United Front Election Cam- paign Committee sent a telegram to the Socialist Party convention challenging them to send their can- didate to debate with Comrade Amter on July 5 the issues of the campaign. This they did not dare to do. Just as the City Executive Committee has forbidden Thomas to debate with Foster. The workers must understand shyster lawyers, journalists, rabbis and preachers. Its candidates have nothing to do with the working class, except to work with the po- lice in framing them-up. William Karlin, the infamous injunction lawyer; Charles Solomon, who pro- eured the injunction against the food workers as a result of which Steve Katovis w led. Five law- yers were nominated and a few other rela unknown people. This is the state slate of the So- cialist Party, which reveals its character. They also nominated the sole Ne- gro at the state convention, the la~ bor faker who was knifed for the national convention, because the Socialist Party is a lily white party. Crosswaith, who helped a Phillip Randolph to sell out the Pullman Porters, is the candidate for lieu- tenant governor. Crosswaith spoke at the convention and stated that if they nominated him because he is a Negro, he would have declined. Crosswaith was the only one at the Socialist Party convention who even mentioned the Negroes. This | iso shows the lilly white character ‘of the Socialist Party. What Was the “Struggle” There was a “struggle” at the convention. Paul Blanchard and Hahn, so-called “militants,” both of them preachers, want “milit- ancy” in the platform. Hahn tried to make a fight; he was nominated for everything, but he was defeated. Making a “radical” demand, Hill- quit’ declared that Hahn has no place in the Socialist Party and that*he can only go back to the Socialist Party provided he acepts the full platform of the S. P. “We @re social democrats,” said Hill- quit, “and will remain such.” Yes, they are social democrats, and will have to acept as their responsibil- ity all the crimes of the social de- docrats against the workers thru- -out the world. There were a few workers at the convention, and one of them de- mended that the platform to point out that the immediate demands are only for the purpose of enab- ling. the workers better to organize 60 that they may “overthrow the capitalist system.” Up jumped | the capitalist character and activ- ‘Waldman, socialist lawyer. “Wait | ities of the Socialist Party. They & minute,” he shouted. “This is | must not be deceived by the so- syndicalism!” Another socialist in- tellectual, recognizing that this would repel the workers, declared that it needed reformulation. He mroposed that it be worded “for called “militants,” composed of rev- erends, journalists, etc. Thomas, Hahn and Blanchard (shy liberal socialist, McAllister, Coleman, Hey- wood Broun (beer socialist); Vla- a ¢ MONEYBAG’S “FUNDAMENTAL PRINCI PLES”! ELAS rere seems gees PL bed EE. oe: “And now on this, my birthday, I desire to reaffrm my belief in the fundamental principles upon which this country has been founded— liberty, unselfish devotion to the common good........,"blah, blah—John D. Rockefeller on the occassion of his 93rd bithrday. “Everything Is Peaches Down in Georgia” By OTTO HALL ee “Tin Pan Alley” song writer, who wrote this song, should look at Georgia today. He would cer- tainly find that things are a long way from being “peaches” down there now, and that they never were—for the majority of the toil- ing. population of this state, Negro or white. The gentleman who wrote this song is typical of the “inspired” capitalist song writers of the day. He probably has been about as far South as the “Bat- tery,” and is therefore well quali- fied to write these songs that glo- tify capitalist America, If the workers and poor farmers in the North are, in this third year of the crisis, suffering and have had their living standards reduced to the starvation level, the condi- tion of the toilers in this section is one hundred fold worse. Par-~ ticularly is this true in the state of Georgia. Negro and white ten- ant formers, unable to live any longer on the farms, are picking up their few belongings (if they hap- pen to have any) and flocking to the cities, thus adding to the ever- growing number of unemployed in the urban centers. The so-called independent small farm owners are having their farms taken away from them by the mortgage bank- ers for back debts, and by the state for inability to keep up their taxes. The Hoover Farm Board has given these farmers some left- handed help by buying thousands of sacks of flour and shipping it to the big plantation owners and mortgage bankers in the towns, who pay the freight on this flour and deck (Jewish Daily Forward rabid anti-Soviet Socialist), Hoan (sewer socialist)—these are the “militants,” who want the Socialist Party to be “more revolutionary.” The work- ers are turning to the Communist Party, and these “militants,” as in Germany and England, even when they break with the Socialist Party have the role of holding them fast and taking them back into the so- cialist fold. Must Win Workers ‘This campaign must be used for the fullest exposure of the Social- ist Party. It must result in win- ning away thousands of workers who still believe in the Socialist Party or will turn to the Socialist Party as the “party of protest.” ‘They must be won for the Com- munist Party as the PARTY OF STRUGGLE. There must be dup- lication by the thousands of what ocurred at the State Nominating Convention of the Communist Par- ty at Schenectady, N. Y. At this convention a knitgoods worker by the name of Schwartz, belonging to the 4th Assembly District in the Bronx, declared that he had knows nothing about the Communist Par- ty. He had been out on strike under the leadership of the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union and only got acquainted with the Communist Party on coming to the convention. “I am a Socialist,” he declared. “But I realize that I have no place in the Socialist Par- ty any longer. When I return to New York tomorrew, my first act will be to resigs from the Social- ist Party.” This shows what can be done, provided the Communists are on the job, showing not only in word, but in ACTION, the role of the Communist Party, and exposing the treacherous activities of the Socialist Party, which is brought forward more and more by the bos- ses to keep the workers from strug- gle The Song and the Facts 4? store it in their graneries and sell it at high prices to the poor farm- ers and Negro share-croppers in spite of the fact that each sack is plainly marked “not to be sold.” ‘There are hundreds of abandoned farms in this state, where the farm- | ers have been forced to leave and their farms taken over by the bank- ers and the state. More Negroes Forced Into Peonage. As for the Negroes, who greatly outnumber the whites in the rural sections, there are scarcely a hand- ful of farm owners left. Overseers are now standing over the Negro share-croppers and tenant farmers with guns, driving them to work like convicts. These workers are finding it increasingly harder to escape this slavery, and whenever the runaways are picked up in the cities they are promptly shipped back by felons. In Monroe County, some Negro farmers were sent gov- ernment loan checks through the banks, amounting to several thou- sands of dollars. These checks were brazenly confiscated by the bankers and rich farmers of that territory, and the Negroes were ter- rorized into allo-ving themselves to be robbed of this money. Many of the Negro families, who have escaped this slavery, have stated openly that they will die before they will allow themselves to be sent back. White Workers Forced to New Low Level. ‘i One of the most noticeable ef- fects of the crisis in this section is that the standard of living of a great majority of the whites has already reached a level as low as that of the Negroes. It is a com- mon expression down here, that a white man can be hired cheaper that what it used to cost to hire a Negro. Whites are glad to get jobs now that used to be considered: exclusively “nigger jobs.” This situation, which is of the greatest importance in the devlop- ment of the revolutionary: move- ment today and is speeding the unity of Negro and white workers, means that capitalism is no longer able to maintain the material basis for the ideology of white superior- ity among ever larger sections of the white working class. White workers, in these parts, are begin- ning to realize that the capitalist bunk about “Anglo- Saxon super- jority,” merely gives them the privilege (?) of starving separately from the Negroes. . Atlanta Cuts Off Relief. ‘The immediate need of working- class unity has lately been placed before the workers of Atlanta and the rest of the state in its sharp- est form, The entire capitalist press of this section has been carry- ing on an intensive back to the farm agitation. In spite of the fact that numerous workers, Negro and white, have been forced to leave their farms because of ina- bility to live on them any longer, editorial after editorial has ap- peared in the press lauding the back to the farm movement. The real purpose behind all this agitation was brazenly exposed at a meeting of the County Commission, together with a group of charity fakers. According to the local press, this meeting was called for the purpose of taking up an emer- gency situation that had arisen in Atlanta due to the recent closing of the relief stations which af- fected twenty-two thousand work- ers. These workers, who constitute about one-fourth of the totally un- 4 employed in Atlanta, were receiv- ing a miserable pittance through the Community Chest fund. When this relief closed down, it doomed these workers to quick starvation with the rest of the unemployed. In spite of the fact that only a few months ago the Community Chest fakers collected over eight hundred thousand dollars from the work- ers of this city, they now claim to be without funds and unable to continue the miserable relief they have been giving. They came to the meeting of the County Commissioners with propo- sals to add to the already heavy tax burden of the poor workers and home owners in order.to main- tain their high-salaried jobs. Mr. Frank Neely, executive director of the local Community Chest and a sixty-five hundred dollar a year faker, shed crotodile tears over the plight of all the starving workers and said that though he was hard-boiled, his heart bled for those poor families that came to his office for relief.” Urge Back to Ruined Farms Plan. But it remained for Mr. Walter S. McNeal, Jr., a big banker and real estate man of Atlanta, to make the proposal that was hailed by the press and the County Com- missioners as the most concrete Proposal of the evening. He pointed out that there are hundreds of farms in the. state that had beeen taken over for taxes and were now lying idle. He stated that the city and county — authorities should round up all the “idle” in the city, together with their families, and ship them out to these farms and make them work for their board. He cynically, remarked that, “a li tle ¢lbow grease won't hurt them.” Commissioner Hendrix stated at the meeting that he did not believe that there were any starving peo- ple in’ Atlanta, and if there were any he had not seen them. The local unemployed committee, although a small committee con- sisting of about a dozen members, immediately issued ten thousand leaflets, exposing the fakery of the Community Chest and the slavery scheme of the local politicians, calling on the workers, Negro and white, to demonstrate at the County Court House Thursday morning at 10 o’clock.. The leaflets called on the 'vorkéers to bring their families to the office of Commissioner Hen- dricks in the County building and show him that there are starving people in the city of Atlanta, and to demand the reopening of the Telief stations and immediate re- lief. 1,000 Demand Immediate Relief. On Thursday morning, June 30, the workers of Atlanta showed the bosses that they would not tolerate any forced labor program and that they would fight against starva- tion. About a thousand working’ men, women and cildren, Negroes and white, almost equal in num-. bers, went down to the court house, walked up to the Commissioner's office on the fourth floor and de- manded relief. This was the first time any demonstration of work- ers had ever occurred in the city of Atlanta. Although the police were there in numbers, they did not dare interfere with them. The police of this section are noted for their brutal treatment of Negro workers, but this time they were unusually polite. When one copper told a Negro worker in the corridor that they were going to send them all back to the farm and make them earn their keep, this worker answered him by telling him that he knew two people who wouldn’t go. The cop asked him who were these. This worker said: “It will be me and you if you come after me.” The cop backed away and said that he was only fooling. Bosses Attack Unity of Negro and White. The authorities were particularly concerned over the show of soli- darity among the Negro and white workers. They were able to break this due to our weak organization among the whites. None of the white comrades whom we had as- signed to take charge of the white workers showed up, thus leaving these workers without and leader- ship. So that when the fakers called the white workers into the County Commissoner’s Office, they shut the door on the Negro work- ers, and there was nobody among the white workers to protest this. The Negroes tried to get into the office, but were blocked by the po- lice. It is obvious that had cny white worker raised his voice in protest against this maneuver the rest of the workers would have fol- lowed him and ‘we would have de- feated it at the outset. Because, up to that time, ail the workers, Negro and white, were mingling to- gether. Agitation will be carried on in the future among the white workers, exposing the bosses’ meth- od of breaking up the solidarity of Negro and white. The fakers talked to the white workers about an hour, behind closed doors, telling them, that the county had no money and advising them that if they had any relatives onthe farms to go: back there. These workers were very much dis- satisfied over this conference, and went away mumbling that they were in the same position that they were before. But, as a direct re- sult of this demonstration, whe County Commissioners held a me\.‘- ing .thenext morning and decice 4 to vote six thousand: dollars fo. immediate relief for the unem- ployed. Even the capitalist press admitted that it was due to our demonstration that the authori- ties took this step. Must Push Fight: for. Negro. Rights The local Unemployed Committee, has received considerable ‘prestige among the workers of this section as the result, of this partial victory, and is following this up with organ- ization meetings and further dem- onstrations before the city and county authorities, Particularly are they alive to the dangerous situa- tion that is being created by the desperate efforts of the bosses to prevent the growing unity of the Negro and white workers. There must be a wide educational cam- paign carried on among the white workers exposing the separation schemes of the hoses, and the com- rades here, must notes they have in the past, depend upon the spon- taneous development of Negro and white unity. The struggle for Negro tights must be in the forefront of all our struggles, and the fight for the right of the Negroes to deter- mine their own for mof fovernment, particularly in this big section of the “black belt,” must be pushed more determinedly. ‘ Finally the intensification of our unemployed campaign connected up with tho election campaign issue gives us the possibility to break through this terror that has been in existence particularly since the trial of the “Atlinta Six.” With con- tinued work, we can look forward to the time when everything will REALLY be Georgia, The Daily Worker today pub- lishes the first installment of “Days with Lenin,” by Maxim | Gorgy, the famous revolutionary writer. These vivid reminiscences are thus now made available to American readers for the frst time. rae IT would be a difficult task to paint the portrait of Vladimir llyitch Lenin. His words were as much a part of his external ap- pearance as scales are of that of a fish. The simplicity and straight- forwardness of everything he said were an essential part of his na- ture. The heroic deeds which he achieved are surrounded by no glittering halo. His was that hero- ism of which Russia knows well, the unassuming, austere life of self-sacrifice of the true Russian revolutionary intellectual who in his unshakable belief in the possi- bility of social justice on the earth, renounces all the pleasures of life in order to toil for the happiness of mankind. What I wrote about him directly after his death, when I was over- whelmed with grief, was hastily written and inadequate. There | were things which considerations of tact, which are, I hope, fully comprehensible, did not allow me to write then. This was a man af piercing vision and great wisdom and “in much wisdom is much grief”, Could See Ahead He could always s2e a long way ahead, and in discussing people in | years between 1919 and 1921 he often gave an accurate forecast of what they would become in the #) course of several years. Ti.ese fore- casts were not always flattering, and one did not always want to be- lieve them, but unfortunately in many cases his, sceptical remarks have been justified. The unsatis- factory character of my former reminiscences was increased by the presence of many bad gaps and in- consistencies. I ought to have be- gun with the London Congress, when the figure of Vladimir Iyitch stood out in strong relief against a background of doubt and mis- trust, of open hostility and even of hate. I still see vividly before me the bare walls of a woden church on the outskirts of London, un- adorned to the point of absurdity, the lancet-windows of a small, nar- row hall which might have been a class-room in a poor school. Any resemblance to a church stopped at the outside of the build- ing. Inside there was no trace of anything ecclesiastical and even the low pulpit, instead of standing at the far end of the hall, was placed at the entrance, midway between the two doors. First Meeting I had never met Lenin before this, nor read as much of kim as I ought to have done. But what I had managed to read, and above all the enthusiastic ‘accounts of those who knew him personally, had ‘attracted me strongly towards him, When we were introduced, he shook’me heartily by the hand, and scrutinizing me with his keen eyes, and speaking in the tone of an old aequaintance, he said jocw larly: “So glad you've come. I be- lieve you're fond of a scrap? There's going to be a fine old scuf- fle here.” I did not expect Lenin to be like that. Something was lacking in him. He rolled his “r”s gutturally, and had a jaunty way’ of standing his hands somehow poked up under, his armpits. He was somehow too ordinary, did not give the impres- sion of being a leader. As a literary man, I'am obliged to take note of such little details, and this neces- sity has become a habit, sometimes even an ‘irritating habit, with me. ‘XV, Plekhanov, at our first meet it.z, stood with folded arms, Jook- ing at me with the severe, slightly borvd expression “with “which an overworked teacher ‘regards an ad- ditional pupil. .Nothing that -he said has remained in my memory “I am an admirer, of your “work”; beyond the extremely trite remark: and neither of us, during the whole time of the Congress, felt any de-, sire to have a -heart-to-heart talk with the other, ; Before me now stood a bald- headed, stocky, sturdy person, speaking with a guttural roll of his “r’s, and holding my hand in one of his, while with the.other he wiped a forehead: which might have fectionately at me with his ‘belonged to Socrates, beaming af- strangely bright eyes. He began at. once to speak about the defects of my book “Mother’’—evidently he had reed it in the manuscript which was in thé possession of S. P. Ladyzhnikoy. I was hurrying to finish the book, I said—but did not succeed in saying why. Lenin with a nod of assent, himself gave, the explanation—Yes, I should hurry up with it, such a book is needed, for many of the workers who take Days With Lenin part in the revolutionary move- Ment do so unconsciously, and cha- otically, and it would be very use- ful to them to read “Mother”, “‘The very book for the moment”. This was the single compliment he paid me, but it was a most precious one “peaches” down in | to me. Then he went on to ask in @ —By MAXIM-GORKY businesslike way, if*it was being. translated, whether it .had been much mangled by the Russian and American censorship? When I told him that the author was to be prosécuted, at first he frowned, then threw back-his head, closed his eyes and burst into an unusual laugh; this laugh attracted the workers and F, Ufalsky, I think it was, came up, and three other peo- ple. I was in festive-mood. I was in the midst of thrée hundred picked party men, who I learnt, had been sent to the congress by one hun- dred and fifty thousand organized workers. Before my.eyes were all the Party leaders, thé old revolu- tionaries, Plekhanov, Axelrod, Deutsch. My festive mood was quite natural and will beainderstood by the reader, when Iadd-that I’had become extremely low spirited ‘dur-' ing the two years Thad-spent away from my native country. My de- jection began in Berlin where I met almost all the leading Social- Demoorats, and dined with August Bebel, with. Singer, a very stout fellow, beside me, and other dis- tinguished people around, We dined-in a spacious‘and com- fortable room. Tasteful embroid- cred cloths were thrown over the cemary ceges and embroidered an- timacassars were fastened on .the backs of the armchairs-so that the covers should not get. soiled from the heads of the persons sitting in them. Everything..wWas. solid and substantial. Everyone..ate in a sol- emn manner and. said. to each ocher in a solemn tone “Mahizeit”. This was a new word.for me, but I know that “mal? in French meant “bad”, and. “Zeit” in Ger- man meant “time”—“bad times”. , Meets With German | Social-Democrats Singer twite réferred to Kautsky _ as ‘my romanticisi”. Bebel, with his aquiline nose, seemed to me somewhat self-satisfied. We drank Rhenish wine and beer. The wine was sour and tepid. The beer was good. The Social-Democrats spoke sourly and with —eondescension about the Russian Revolution and Party, but about their own party, the German Party—everything was splendid! There was a general at- mosphere of self-satisfaction. Even the chairs looked _as though they delighted in supporting the honor + able bulk of the leaders. My business with the German Party was of a rather delicate na- ture. A prominent: member of it, afterwards’ the notorious Parvus, had received from’ “Zndnie” an au-' thorization to coltett’author’s fees from the theatres for the play “The Lower ‘Depths’? He recéived: this authorization in 1902, in “Se- vastopol, at thé Station; whither he had come’ on- an! unlawful ' visit! The money which hé collected was' to be divided up in the following way: 20 per cent-of-the total sum to him, and of the-rest, I was’ to receive one quarter, while three quarters went ‘to’ thé“funds of the’ Socfal*Democratic= Party. “Patvus knew these conditions of course,’ and was even delighted with thém. For 'four’ years” had ‘been’ going the roufid 6f*allthe theatres: in Germany, in Berlin. alone it’ hed been perf ~than 500 times, and have col-' lected a hundred thousand marks. But instead’ o! money, he sent, the m to “Znanie,” to-He: PB. Byatnitsky,'s letter in which he"good-humoredly. informed him that.he.had spent ql: the money cna Sagem eT : lady, to Italy. As Towas personally with. btless bia pleasant trip extent, OF @ quarter of thé.tiéney, I consid- ered thyself jistitiéd-in writing to the’ Central Committee of the Ger-’ man Party -eboub three - quarters--I-eommunicated with them throughsG-P. Ladyzni- koy. The Central@ommittee re- mained quite unn by Parvus’ trip. Later on I learnt that he had been degraded. by’ the Party;' frankly speaking, I would have preferréd to See this éars pulled for him! Wheh I was-in Paris some time later, an mely pretty young woman was pointed out to me as Parvus’ companion on his’ Itclian trip. “A vety dear young lady”, T thought, “very dear”. TI met many people in Berlin, writers, attists, patrons of art and letters and others, and their com- placency dnd self-esteem dif: ered from one to another only in dég; (The next installment will follow in this Monday's istue.) j