The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 8, 1932, Page 4

DALLIY WORK LR, NeW YORK, FRIDAY, JULY cad a Bas Daily; Worker’ Contra, , _Porty U.S.A) Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily excxept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. Ys SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, §% two months, $1; exeepting Foreign: one year, $8; Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. six months, $4.50. The Tribune Yelps INDER the caption “Beat the Reds” the Chicago Tribune publishes at present full page advertisements in the daily press, These ads are at once an invitation to read the Tribune and to beat the Reds. The ads boast that the Tribune has beaten the Dry’s; it promises that now it will beat the Reds. According to the Tribune Dry’s and Reds use the same vicious and slashing tactics and—they could and can be beaten only by the same methods. The Tribune promises to use such methods against the Reds, It is certainly no news to the American workers that the Chicago ‘Tribune threatens them with vicious and slashing tactics. The McCor- mick interests whose creature the Chicago Tribune is have too much workers’ blood on their hands to require a special advertisement to in- form the workers of their viciousness. The McCormick interests and their Chicago Tribune have on their hands the blood of the most famous victims of capitalist judiciary infamy, of the executed Chicago Haymarket mart The McCormick interests and their Tribune took a leading part in the shooting down of Negro workers on the Chicago South Side. The McCormick interests and their Tribune had in their employ the now deceased “hero reporter” Lingle, the official fixer and contact man between the corrupt Chicago police and the murderous Chicago underworld. Indeed, the Chicago Tribune has no need to advertize its intention to be vicious and slashing against the workers. Their tactics are a matter of record written with the blood of workers into the pages of the history of the Chicago labor movement. Something remains to be said, however, about the “viciousness of the Reds.” A few months ago “Reds” were shot down by the police on the South Side of Chicago under-the triumphal ‘howls of approval 'by:‘the Chicago-Tribune. In what did the “viciousness” of these victims’ of the rabidly reactionary Tribune consist?—in resisting evictions. These workers reasoned that since they had built all houses they had a right to live in them. The Chicago Tribune is convinced that such a monstrous thought can only emerge from the “vicious brain” of a Red. On several occasions Chicago workers demonstrated for bread. These workers were clubbed, gassed and shot at by the police. The Chicago ‘Tribune applauded this vicious treatment of the Reds. These workers had the idea that since their hands figuratively speaking, bakes all the bread they are also entitled to eat bread when they are hungry. The Chicago Tribune is certain, that such a monstrous idea can only emerge from the “vicious brain of a Red.” ‘ Chicago workers demonstrated against the Japanese Consulate in Chicago. The police clubbed these workers, gassed them, and shot them down. Bravo, shouted the Tribune. These workers before the Japanese Consulate had taken note that the Japanese government aided by Wall Street and the Tribune was doing everything to plunge the world into a war against the Soviet Union. These workers said: You capitalist gov- ernments cook up the wars and then you force us to fight them. We do not want a new war. Least of all do we want a war with the Soviet Union. The Chicago Tribune is convinced that such ideas could only emerge from the vicious brains of Reds. Who else would dare to ques- tion the right of the masters to cook up wars and then force the slave to fight these wars for their masters. ‘The Chicago police, on the payroll of the bootlegers and racketeers, the meek servants of red-a''cr Scarface Al Capone, ferociously swooped down upon the headquarters of the Communist Party and other ‘labor organizations, demolished the furniture, arrested the officials, beat them up, prevented and broke up their meetings and clubbed everyone who came within reach of their weapons. Hurrah for the police, shouted the Tribune. The clubbéd, arrested, mistreated workers even dared to call the attention of the so-called authorities to a document commonly known as the constitution of the United States, which is supposed to guarantee certain rights. They dared to claim the right for the workers to organize, to assemble, to speak. According to the Chicago Tribune such ideas and demands could only emerge from the vicious brain of Reds. The reactionary shouting of the Chicago Tribune will not intimidate the workers nor their leaders, the Communist Party. It will only cause them to be more vigilant and to unite their ranks firmer in the fight against capitalist reaction. The NTIWU Convention HE third convention of the National Textile Workers Union has just been held in the city of Boston on July 2, 3, and 4. The convention occurred in the midst of increasing attacks of. the textile barons against the already sharply reduced standards of living of these workers. Tt was called to rally the forces of this army of exploited and starving masses to take up the struggles for the defense of their in- terests. The convention was conscious of the fact that though this union has been the only fighting force among the textile workers, in the face of the treathery of the A. F. of L. bureacracy, the Musteites and the so- cialists, it has not measured up fully to the needs of the moment, The union faced the fact that notwithstanding its leadership and participation in struggles embracing thousands of workers, it has not been able to draw them into its ranks, to lead them against the recent new attacks, and remains a weak union with organizations only in a few centers. The convention boldly faced its tasks and emphasized that the major reasons for the weaknesses of the union lies cheafly in the fact that it has not learned to carry on the daily struggles of the textile workers in the mills and among the unemployed; that it is still looked upon by the workers as a union that leads strikes from time to time, but is not able to carry on continuous systematic and persistent struggles day in and day out in the mills; that it has not taken up a serious a<uggle for the unemployed; that it has made a number of mistakes in strike struggles manifesting itself in the lack of preparation for these strikes due to its isolation from the mills; failure to build up locals in the mills and fur- thermore because of the sectarian application of the united front tacties. The convention pointed out that by failing to bring the strike lessons before the workers, the union was unable to overcome the lack of confi- dence which was developing among the workers in the ability of the union to lead them in successful struggle. Further reasons for its weak- nesses were found in a tendency to jump from place to place instead of carrying on sustained activity in the centers of concentration which led to the disastrous result of abandoning one strike field after another. The constant changes in the leadership of the union and the lack of develop- ment of local leadership, the weaknesses in the application of trade union democracy, weaknesses in the struggle against the U. T. W. leadership and finally, the insufficient measures in counteracting the campaigns of ter- ror conducted by the government were added reasons accounting for the present situation. We can add the further fact that the Communist Party in the textile centers, because of the lack of formation of Communist fractions in the union and Party units in the mills, did not carry through its role of or< ganizer and leader in the defense of the interests of @he workers. The convention laid down as its main and immediate tasks the organization and mobilization of the workers for/the economic struggles, especially through the development of the day to day fight around im- mediate needs, the formation of organizations in the mills through per- * sonal contacts, the undertaking of the leadership of the struggles of the unemployed, the development in the process of these struggles, of local leadership and thus laid down the basis for a strong union of textile workers. It emphasized the need for concentrating upon the building of organizations in the mills as a firm basis for the preparation for the ‘big struggles now looming ahead in the industry. ' ‘The importance attached by the convention to the day to day organ- izational work, to the hitherto neglected question of regularity of meet- " ings, dues collections, issuance of literature, the establishment of a monthly paper and the full development of democracy in the union, shows that the convention was on the right track to the overcoming of its weak- nesses, The fight against the war danger which was considered in a special report, the endorsement of the candidates of the Communist Party in the election campaign, shows that this union is standing at its post in the fight for the class needs of the American proletariat. » The National Textile Workers Union is one of the most important fections of the revolutionary trade union movement. All militant work- ers will watch with great concern how the decisions of this. convention "re carried into life. They will not, however, remain observers. The mil- ttant workers will give support to the union in the coming struggles and will aid it in becoming a powerful union of textile workers, as ee, eceeieoeeniaes Wo Sg THE “RELIEF” BATTLE IN WASHINGTON! ; aS my God, do = ° wart 1A laws, By BURCK These few pennies ought to det us 24 lot of votes Even according to Hoover the Wagner-Garner ‘Bill would’ give less than 25c a week (maybe!) to the unem,’vyed. They are carrying on a pre-election struggle on the question of shall it be as little as this, or less. Meanwhile they all agree to give additional billions to the bankers. A Talk with Tom Mooney By MOISSAYE J. OLGIN “PELL the Amercan workers, tell the workers of the world that July 29 is the 16th anniversary of my arrest. It is my opinion that demonstrations should be held everywhere on that fateful date.” This is ‘how Tom Mooney in- structed me when I saw him in the San Quentin prison early in May. There was a youthful gleam in the eyes of the old fighter. He does not really look old. He is full of vigor. He is a dynamo of energy. He is so busy with the world at large and his own fight for liberation that he has no time to allow the gloom of the prison to settle on his:mind. He is one of those fighters who never give in. “Iam the center of a great world issue,” he said to me. “My life in prison is perhaps worth more for the working class than it would have been otherwise.” Mooney ‘is conducting. his cam- paign by himself. He is very well versed in all of the intricacies of Political campaigning, and he’ is drawing closer to the International Labor “Defense. He has learned from bitter experiences that all the other.so-called “friends” were un- able to create a real mass moye- ment around the Mooney issue. It is only the I.L.D. which is mob- ilizing the masses on a national and international scale. On the eve of my visit to San Quentin his mother participated in a Commu- nist demonstration in San Fran- elsco. It was perhaps the biggest demonstration held in that city for the liberation of Tom Mooney. Looking at’ the vivid face, at the animated expression, at the very youthful eyes of this ruddy, middle- aged man, one can hardly believe he has spent nearly. 16 years be- hind bars. This indomitable fighter is now doomed to peeling potatoes and cleaning vegetables for the of- ficers’ mess in the anteroom of the washroom, where dozens of people wash and bathe, where streams of water run continually, making the atmosphere hot and muggy, and where there is no window or any other opening. It is in this atmos- phere that the innocent Mooney spends several hours every day. In his spare time he is allowed to read and write letters. But the few meager privileges he enjoyed some time ago were taken away from him after his open letter to Governor Rolf. The. state of California knows how to be magnanimous. In that letter Mooney called Rolf the chair- man of the executive committee of the California dictatorship of the capitalist class. “Dictatorship of capitalism,” says Mooney, “is not only brutal and cynical, but also ignorant and foolish.” I was particularly interested to learn about Mooney’s attitude to- wards the various parties. “How do you stand with the Socialists?” ° I asked him. His eyes narrowed and there was @ dagger-like sharpness in their steady gaze. Workers Betrayed By Socialists. “Of the Socialist Party I will tell you this much, I was a Socialist Party member long before my ar- test. I-was in disagreement with the Socialist Party leaders even at that.time, on account of their op- portunism. I had myself trans- ferred to the Hungaran branch of the Socialist Party which was more radical than the Party as a whole, “When I was first arrested in 1913, the Socialist Party demanded “Tell the Workers of the World to Demon- strate July 29th” my expulsion from the Hungarian branch, but the latter refused. Mind you, the capitalist court could not trump up a case against me at that time. I was forced to declare ‘not guilty,’ but in the eyes of the Socialist Party leaders I was guilty before I was ever examined. Why? Because I was more militant than the Socialist leaders. I harbored revolutionary ideas. When I was later arrested on the frame-up, the Socialist Party leaders tried to have me transferred from the Hungarian branch into an English-speaking branch so as to be able to expel me from the Party. As soon as the monster of capitalist justice had me in its crutches, the Socialist Party tried to get rid of me in every pos- sible way. This will give you an idea of how I stand with the So- cialist Party. And don’t you forget that the Socialist Party is now less radical than it was 20 years ago.” “And how about the present?” I insisted. Mooney smiled. When he smiles hhe looks much younger and less hardboiled. “Have you heard about the So- cialist Party in Germany and in England? They were in power there for some time. What did they do for the working class? They created new exceptional laws and lowereq the standards ‘of liv- ing of the workers. And who was won by the Socialist rule? Not the workers, but the capitalist class. It follows that the Socialist Parties of those countries don’t serve the working class. The difference be- tween the Socialists of this coun- try and the Socialists abroad is that here they have not been yet called to power. If this were the case, they would.act here in the very same way 4s their comrades act in the Buropean countries.” ‘When Mooney speaks about the Socialist Party he even uses the a hindrance on the road of the workers to a better life. They are sticks which capitalism puts in the words. “fascism” and “social-fas- cism”—ample proof that Commu- nist literature reaches him behind the iron bars. Still, it must not be assumed ‘that he is a Communist. He lacks the Communist Idealogy, He does not know Marxism and Leninism. Rather he is a labor radical, a militant, a general ad- vocate of revolutionary struggle. If he were free, party self-determina- tion would be imperative for him. Would he be a Communist? It is idle to speculate on this score. It is necessary, however, to stress that, with all his contempt for the So- cialist Party, he is not a Com- munist, Nevertheless, I ventured to ask him about his attitude towards the Communist Party. His reply was prompt and de- cisive. “I recognize that at the present time the Communist Party is the only fighting party of the work- ers,” he said. “It is the only Party which has the will and the energy to lead the workers in struggle against capitalism, though unfor- tunately it is not enough.” Of the A. F. of L. misleaders ‘Tom Mooney has a lot to tell. Here he becomes venomous. There are green spots in his dark eyes. He knows all these leaders person- ally. He calls them in brief— “Bill” Green, “Matt” Woll. He knows at first hand the activities of the labor leaders of California with Shahrenberg at their head. ‘They betrayed him. They betrayed the working class. They proved to be obedient tools in the hands of the ‘bosses, the. corporations, the ‘“] railroads, the chambers of com- Wage Cuts in Fall River OOMFIXERS are the most skilled and highest paid workers in cot- ton mills—the “aristocrats” of the mills-—yet- their wages have been cut proportionately with - other workers, declares the Labor Research Association. The following indicates what has been happening to them recently in Fall River, according to reports received by In R. A. These cuts are only the latest in a long series of wage slashes. Chase Mills (Arkwright Mill No. 2) cut wages $4 a week from $28.50 to $24.50. At the same time the number of looms tended by each worker was increased from 30 to 36, Some 53 loomfixers of this mill went on strike, May 31, against this cut; 100 weavers stopped work the following day. Bourne Mills also cut wages 15 per cent. One of the officers of the conservative loomfixers’ union, hearing a rumor to this effect, obligingly called the mill manage- ment to inquire the truth of the | rumor. When told it was so, he replied: “Well, there's room for dis- cussion on that point.” The cut was later applied to the weavers without protest from the union of- ficials, although the workers voted unanimously against the cut. Border City Mfg. Co. likewise cut wages 15 per cent. Whe: ers asked the secretary of the union if he would back them up in case they struck against the cut, he an- swered, “No.” When the workers asked him to negotiate, he refused to confer for them with the mill management. He advised the work- to take the cut. While these wage-cuts are being put through, and the workers are calling for some lead in the strug- gle, Mr. James Tansey, President of the American Federation of Tex- .tile Operatives, and for many years | President of the Fall River Textile Council, has be2n appointed to a job in the new employment office set up by the government in Fall River. When members requested the president of the loomfixers’ union to have Tansey help them in opposing wage-cuts, he replied that Tansay would not be able to func- tion actively in the union since the government was “absolutely opposed to its employees taking part in la- bor disputes.” This is not the first time that Tansey has been “hon- ored” by appointment to a job with the government, For several years he was a member of the fire com- mission in Fall River. In return for these posts he has assisted the employers in opposing strikes and in lobbying at Washington for a high tariff on cotton goods, as . Shown in Labor and Textiles, p. 20% | San Quentin, merce. They are scabs. ‘They are wheels of the workers’ struggle in order to break it. But there is no power to break the workers’ strug- gles. The Greens, the Wolls, the Lewises and Shahrenbergs won't stop the workers’ progress. The waves of workers’ revolts are bat- tering ever more powerfully the ship of capitalism. The ship will sink and with it the opportunism, meanness, betrayals of those who have the sad courage to speak in the name of the working class whom they betrayed.” But, we thust add, it will go down only if we batter to pieces these props of boss rule, It seems as if Tom Mooney is ad- dressing an audience. His eyese are full of fire, He speaks not to me, but to a large crowd some- where—pethaps in this country, perhaps across the seven ‘seas, My thoughts involuntarily drift towards the Soviet Union: I cannot help asking him what he thinks about the land of the proletarian dicta- torship. Here, too, his reply is quick and decisive: “The Soviet Union is the biggest thing the working class has achieved anywhere; it is pointing the road for the workers all over the world.” Loves Soviet Union. I wish to know what facet of the Soviet activities has particularly impressed Mooney. He thinks a second before he replies; “It is the energy, the vitality, the will-to-do, and the fact that they have the energy to undertake and to accomplish great things. This thrills me even at this distance.” Mooney relates to me a very touching episode of a letter coming to him from a Red Army division in Siberia near the River Irtysh. Hard-working men, sons of the working class, they sent Mooney their greeting, telling him that they are preparing during their Red Army service to be ‘true build~ érs of their Socialist fatherland and that they are organizing in that far away village a section of the Mopr (LL.D.). “No letter of greetings ever moved me as much as this human voice from the wilds of a far away coun- try,” says Mooney. “Nothing en- couraged me as much as this voice from my friends across ten thou- sand miles of water and land.” Mooney has never forgotten, he tells me, that it was the Russian workers who by: their demonstra- tions saved him from the gallows in 1917. « It was time to quit. The guard was becoming impatient. A firm handclasp, a pat on the shoulder, one last glance and the interview is over. “Good luck, comrdde.” As you pass from the front court of the prison you would hardly guess that it is one of the Bastilles of king capital. It looks like a castle, Gravel walks, trees and flowers. A murmur of the brook nearby. Cleanliness and lots of air, One hillside is all covered with a blanket of red blossoms, From the midst of the blossoms rises the observation tower. Inside the tower there is a guard with a machine gun, : Behind the elegant facade, behind the broad front drive, behind the sham of cleanliness and peace there lies the real prison with its drab- ness, its stifling odor, its decay and its inhuman oppression, ; ‘There are 5,000 prisoners now in Ja. ,ers against the capitalists. He carried | THE WAGE CUTTING OFFICIALS OF , THE U.M.W.A. By F. BORICH HERE are many pages of be- trayal in the history of the Am- erican Labor movement. But the present betrayals of the United Mine Workers of America official- dom surpasses them all. Open and brazen betrayals, wage cuts and breaking of strikes, are practiced by the UMWA officials in every mining field. This is especially true since the beginning of the present economic crisis, The more the cri- sis deepens, the more the coal op- erators unload the burdens of the crisis on the backs of the already starving miners, the more active is the UMWA officialdom in forcing upon the miners wage cuts, break- ing their strikes and_ terrorizing them in order to crush their re- sistance to starvation and terror. Would Require Book To enumerate all their strike breaking deeds committed in the | last three years alone would re- quire a book. We will mention on- ly a few of the recent ones. The UMWA officials policy is also the policy of the A. F. of L. officialdom as a whole. In June 1931, at the height. of the strike of 40,000 miners, organ- ized and led by the National Min- ers Union, the UMWA officials, with the help of Governor Pin- chot, signed an agreement with the Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Co. cut- ting the wages of the miners from 52c to 45c a ton, and thus break- ing the backbone of the great strike. On February 1, 1932, with the UMWA officials acting as the spokesman for the Company, even bringing the books of the Com- pany to the Local Unions, the wages of the same miners were cut from 45c to 40c a ton. When this wage cut was put into effect, P. T. Fagan, District President of the UMWA, stated that he will re- | sign from his position before he will ask the miners to accept an- other wage cut. But again on July 1, 1932, the same Fagan cut the wages from 40c to 36c a ton, Three wage cuts in one year amounting to 16c a ton or almost 32%—this is what the miners of the Pitts- burgh Terminal Coal Co. received in return for paying $56,000, to the UMWA officials in form of dues and assessments. On top of these direct wage cuts, with the agree- ment of the UMWA officials, the Company deducts 400 Ibs. on each ton of coal, averaging two tons a day, on account of the so-called “dirty coal.” In no organized mine do the miners pay this penalty. Strike Against Wage Cuts Between these wage cuts, there were four attempted wage cuts which were prevented by the efforts of the National Miners Union. They led to two strikes. Before the last wage cut went into effect, July 1, the miners again, on the in- itiative of the NMU voted to strike. However, the local officials of the UMWA insisted on accepting the wage cut. In spite of the fact that the miners unanimously voted a- gainst the wage cut, these petty fakers signed an agreement accept- ing the wage cut. On the morn- ing of July 1 when the wage cut went into effect, over 50 deputy sheriffs and 10 state police appear- ed at Mine No. 8, on the joint re- quest of the Company and the UM WA officials. The miners are so embittered a- gainst the wage cutting UMWA officials that the very existence of the UMWA is in danger in spite of all the efforts of the coal com- pany to save the organization. The miners demand the immediate abolition of the check-off, by which they are tied up to the wage cut- ting chariot of the UMWA offi- cials. A bitter struggle is going on between the rank and file on one hand and the local and dis- trict officials on the other. Blacklisting Policy To save this wage cutting and strike breaking instrument and to make it function more swiftly, the local officials. of the UMWA in- structed by the top officials and in consultation with the company officials, have developed real black- listing policy. The names of all the miners who spoke against the wage cut, were turned over the Company with the categoric de- mand that they be discharged. The local officials of the UMWA are sitting in the company office and militant miners. The charges as | gainst the militant miners are so outrageous that the company of+ ficials tell the miners openly thas they have nothing against them but that their own UMWA officials demand that they be discharged. ‘They act in the capacity of the dischargers and blacklisters of the miners who resist wage cuts, i In Northern W. Va. ! Another, even more outst example of the UMWA officialdom| policy, is taking place in Northern West Virginia today. The recent. developments there are basically the same as those in the Terminal mines but more outrageous. In Northern West Virginia, the miners struck last year against 386 a ton. Van A. Bittner, head UM WA official, who openly says that the official policy of the UMWA is. “to ‘out scab the scabs,” took over! the leadership of the strike and in spite of stormy protests of the miners, signed an agreement for 306. a ton. was renewed for 22\4c a ton. A few months later the agreement. was revised and the six-hour day, with the corresponding wage cut,| introduced. ‘Thus the wages of the| daymen were cut to $2.02 a day,’ the outside labor to 92 cents a day,| and the loaders were limited tol only three cars a day, making an’ average of $1 a day. This is the wage scale that existed iu Northern West Virginia in the year 1900, | How They Run “Strikes” While the above seale prevails in the mines working under the UM WA agreement, the miners in the unorganized mines, with the excep- tion of the Consolidation Coal Co, received 24c, 26c, 28c, and 30c a ton. Recently the Consolidation Coal Co. cut wages to 19¢ a ton, Some of the miners struck spon- taneously. The UMWA officials took advantage of the situation and began to force a strike, not so much in the mines of the Con= solidation Coal Co., but mainly in the mines paying 28¢ and 30c a ton. The paid pickets, the official gangsters, the mine foremen from the mines under the UMWA agree- ment, etc., is the crew trying to force the strike. The members of the UMWA working for 224c a ton, are forced to continue to work, but must pay 25¢ a day for the transportation of the “pickets”. Thus far, by fierce terror the UM WA officials forced a strike of some 3,000 miners, working for the scale at least 20 per cent higher than that of the UMWA. Businessmen Labor Leaders Meanwhile an “Emergency Con- vention of the UMWA” was called on June 23, with most carefully selected “delegates.” The Conven- tion was called to “stimulate” the strike development. The Conven- tion went on record to invite the coal operators to a joint Confer- ence to sign an agreement with the UMWA. In the call sent t@ the coal operators in the name of the Conyention, we find the fol- lowing: “Under the policy adopted by the United Mine Workers of Am- erica, in convention, you will be asked to sign the same agreement that is now in effect in union mines in Northern West Virginia. Let us set aside the prejudices and meet in this conference as American business men should.” Here we have the UMWA offle cials pleading with the coal oper- ators to come to a conference to cut the wages of the miners from 28c and 30c a ton down to 22%¢ a ton. To strengthen their invit- ation, they forced the miners to strike for a wage cut. However, they carefully omit to mention the present scale of the UMWA, One of the chief tasks of the National Miners Union is not only to expose the wage cutting and strike breaking role of the UMWA. Officials, but to develop uncompro- mising and determined struggle, based on the united front, against these fakers, eliminating them from the ranks of the miners, win- . ning the confidence of the min- ers and bringing them into, the ranks of the National Miners Union, serving as the witnesses against the } Ryan Walker Died at Home By JOHN R. McMAHON. I knew Ryan Walker for a quarter century. We were neighbors for a decade. Our friendship began soon; after the Haywood trial in ituao which I reported for Willshires Mag- azine. - He had been out there earlier for the Appeal to Reason, I believe, sketching the outlines of that historic and victorious skirmish of the work- the Socialist banner when only fools and cranks were supposed to foliow it. ‘When the party became respectable and the banner was bleached out to resemble the emblem of the white guards, Ryan Walker rebelled. He knew the right color. He could not be deceived. And when he saw the flag of his lifetime allegiance raised and firmly established over one sixth of the earth’s area, he recognized it, me: “What a pity about poor Ryan Walk2r—ihe circumst>>-2s—” “What circumstances?” ty “That he dieq sv ..< away from home.” “You are mistaken; he died at home,” I replied. “But the papers all say he died in Russia.” “There is no contradiction there,” T said. “What do you mean?” “I mean that home is not a matter of geography or four walls of material environment. Home is not located by surveying instruments, The home of Ryan’ Walker, which h2 had ardently dreamed of in his youth and was — amazingly privileged to see with his own eyes in his age—a glorious con= gladly saluted itand joyfully marched undr its comradly folds. A nighbor who knew Ryan Walker summation of his hope and loving faith—was the workers’ fatherland of, international socialism in Soviet Rus« sia, ‘Therefore, Ryan Walker diedy, A Loutwargy, but not inwardly seid tol fortungtely and bapplly, at homeld Later on, the agreement 4 % if bY