The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 7, 1932, Page 4

ANN ae RAISES > \ fege Four ’ tik) DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 7, 1932 Wublished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exoxept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-956, Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, New York, N, ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3: Berough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. six months, $4.50. The Collapse of the Dis- armament Conference two months, 81; excepting Foreign: one year, $8; HE Di: nament Conference at Geneva has come to an end. It has announced a “vacation” during which time the imperialist powers intend to “study” various projects of disarmament. In reality the ad- journment is the fulfillment) of the wishes of the imperialists expressed weeks ago to bring its shadow existence to a close This disarmament conference presided over by the socialist Hender- son in the five months of its duration, did not reduce fhe huge standing armies by a single soldier, meli down a single gun, scrap a single battles ship, or reduce by a single aeroplane the huge air fleets of the impertal- ist powers. The only positive act of this cinference during its long sessions was to reject the only genuine disarmament proposals made by the delegation of the Soviet Union headed by ‘Comrade Litvinov. From beginning to end this conference was an imperialist swindle for the deception of the masses. American imperialism, like the other powers, demanded the disarm- ament cnly of its rivals. “America opposed submarines in order to pro- tect its t ; England fought for the abolition of bombing planes, Tealizing its particular vulnerability to air attacks; Japan advocated the abolition of airplane carriers in order to meet the superiority of America in this respect; Italy opposed heavy weapons of attack because it is un- able to keep up with French armaments. The Geneva delegates all en- deavored to put forward demands which would weaken their opponents and strengthen the military position of their own countries.” The conference was upon the verge of collapse several times, but on *ach occasion one or the other of the imperialist powers attempted to galvanize it into life in order to extract some benefits out of it. This was done with pacifist talk in order to cover up their war preparations, to deceive the masses at home, who are groaning under the weight of the huge armament costs, and to make some cunning maneuvers against their imperialist rivals and especially to aim at combinations directed against the Soviet Union. Thus the trip of Stimson to Geneva in April of this year aimed at preventing a bloc of France and Britain against the Uni- ted States and to break up the alignment of France, Japan and Britain on the Far Eastern question in line with its policy of seeking the loot pf China and the Pacific and of trying by war to dispose of the prin- cipal class enemy of the American imperialism—the Soviet Union. And likewise the recent maneuver of President Hoover was made as @ counter move against the European powers on the debt question, a maneuver which sought to reduce the arms of the other imperialist and to prepare for war with powers, but strengthen American arms, reduced co: \ The collapse of this conference which once again shows the inability of capi n to disarm, exposes at the same time the treachery of the Socialist International with which the American socialists are affiliated. This International bl d the conference and called upon the masses to lend it its confidence. The Second International attempted to distract attention of the masses from the war going on in the Far East against ‘which it has not lifted a finger. This is entirely in keeping with its role jof aiding the capitalists to prepare war under a cover of peace talk. The Neaders of the Socialist International in Germany built war cruisers, in ‘England carried through the naval building program, in France defended the increase of armaments, and in the United States, through Norman ‘Thomas, assured the American government at its War Policies Commis- sion that if war should become an actuality, they will find the American socialists on their side. It praised the imperialist war moves of the hunger president Hoover. ‘The conference wnich opened up with the guns thundering in Shang- hai and Harbin, closes with the Japanese imperialist forces sneaking ‘closer to the Soviet border, increasing its air forces, accumulating arms jshipped by the imperialist powers that have been participating in the “disarmament” conference and with the menace of world imperialist war greater than ever before. World imperialism cannot and will not disarm. It seeks the way out of the devastating crisis through imperialist war. If capitalism is not overthrown by the revolutionary action of the working class, it -vill suc- ceed in developing the present imperialist advnture in the Far East into janother world imperialist slaughter, into a war of intervention against 'the Soviet Union. ‘The collapse of the disarmament conference will speed up these war preparations. Just as every imperialist power as a prelude to this con- ference increased its agitation for larger armaments, so now it will fol- low the coliapse of the conference by increased war measures. But the working class can retard the outbreak of the war. The working class of America must develop mass mobilization against Mmperialist war. The American toilers must build up the international ‘conference against war called for the end of August upon the initiative of Romain Rolland, Henri Barousse, M, Gorki and Theodore Dreiser and make of it a powerful instrument for the fight against imperialist war, for the defense of the Chinese people and of the Soviet Union. t the 1st, International Day Against Imperialist War, must be point in the struggle for the defense of the interests of the American and world proletariat against the war mongers, a new high point in the * actions, the stoppage of shipments of arms to Japan, a day of great international action against world imperialism. Greater Support to the Ohio Miners’ Battle great struggle of the Ohio coal miners goes into its fourth month with the ranks of the strikers still unbroken. On the contrary, the unparalleled campaign of naked terror and violence let loose against the strikers which culminated in the murder of a strike sympathizer by mine guards last week and the arrest of over 500 pickets in two days, has raised ithe fighting spirit and the mass anger of the Onio strikers to new heights. \As the militancy of the strikers grows, so grows their indignation against ‘the United Mine Workers machine which is now openly attempting to break the very strike it itself called. ‘This mass revolt against the treacherous leadership of the U.M.W.A. expresses itself in the formation of democratically elected Rank jand File United Front Strike Committees—organs of struggle elected un- {eer the general guidance and leadership of the National Miners Union. (These local Strike Committees are more and more completely supplanting ‘the U.M.W.A. officials in the leadership of the strike. In the face of the direct orders of the U.M.W.A. officials that pickets must be restricted to groups of 3 men and these groups spaced 50 feet “Extraordinary Remedies!” _ ‘By BURCK Bure. “I am fully aware that these are extraordinary remedies. Some of the provisions I have mentioned would be unthinkable in normal times. ‘Under ordinary circumstances I would be the first to oppose the principle that a government ration should be permitted to make loans to private business.” tal agency like the Reconstruction Finance Corpo- Statement by Senator Wagner in a radio speech on July 4, 1932. Pages from Bolshevik History A REVIEW BY HELEN KAY | Spokes the struggles of yesterday we draw lessons and plan Strategy for the struggles of today. From a critical examination of his- tory we glean tactics to be em- Ployed; learn where the snares and traps of defeat lie; always bearing in mind the immediate situation before us. Now, at a time when , our Party's chief tasks are the de- velopment of strike struggle and work among the unemployed, com- bined with the fight against the war, we can learn from the experi- ences of the Russian. Bolsheviks. Workers Library Publishers is- suéd two pamphlets. They are: “The Strike of the Dredging Fleet in 1905,” and the “Unemployed Councils in St. Petersburgh in 1906.” Both these gems of work- ing-class battles were written by a tried and tested fighter in the cause of the proletariat. Sergei Malyshev, a member of the Society of Old Bolsheviks, under whose supervision these pamphlets have been prepared, was a factory worker in old Russia, and early joined the Bolshevik organization in St. Peters- burg. In jail, in exile, during tor- ture, while escaping, in the factory, in the mill, with the peasants, as a sailor, through the glorious victory of the October Revolution, Maly- shev was always first and foremost an active Party worker. Steady Day-to-Day Work. In his narration of these class battles, he shows the steady, sure, day-to-day work, which we have as yet not mastered. Conditions on the Dredging Fleet were unbear- able.. Malyshev worked among the dredgers as one of them. He talked over the demands, and together for- mulated their program. He be- came their friend and sympathizer, and gradually made the demands more and more political. Subtly and persuasively he led them to be- lieve and to have confidence in his judgment. Trained Youth for Leadership. He realized the effectiveness and necessity of organizing the young worker. He encouraged and devel- oped the youth for leadership, at the same time stemming their ten- dencies to over-enthusiasm. He trained new forces so that when the tinal day for STRIKE came he was not a lone eagle. The small nu- cleus spread and grew and devel- oped into the grievance and strike comunittees. He won the support and unity’ of all the workers, and apart—an order which, if obeyed, means filling the mines with strike- breakers — the United Front Strike Committees” are daily mob- ilizing thousands of men, women and children in front of every mine which has tried to open in the strike area, As a result Jess than 700 scabs lare in the mines. H In the face of the complete failure of the U.M.W.A. to provide relief ‘and its sabotage of local relief campaigns initiated by the strikers them- iselves the Rank and File Strike Committees, with the cooperation of the ‘Workers International Relief, have set up a Central Relief Committee and are developing a national campaign which along with local relief can bring in the funds necessary to win the strike. While the U.M.W.A. leaders are negotiating behind the backs of the strikers with the Rail and River Coal Company and announce that they lare on the verge of “convincing” the company to sign an agreement for 40 cents a ton (the miners were paid 45 cents a ton before the strike), ithe Rank and File Strike Committees which declared that they alone lare empoweréd by the strikers to negotiate with the companies are ‘mobilizing the strikers to reject the wage cutting agreement the U.M.W.A. officials are preparing to sign. The Party comrades in Ohio, having largely ovetcome the ‘opportun+ istic tendencies which formerly existed against taking part in the strike, {now have the task of increasing the tempo of their work so as to take full advantage of the exceptionally favorable situation in Ohio; to spread ithe movement for the election of Rank and File United Front Strike Com- Imittees to every mine in the strike field, to recruit workers into the N.M.U., and to build as a result of this strike a powerful National Miners Union Ohio. This can be done effectively if more aggressive action is taken build up the Party units especially in the most important mines, ‘The workers of the whole country have the task of increasing at once se in a thorough and simple manner he explains: how, Vote Red! pe you win your bread By the sweat.of your brow? ‘Then, brother worker, Vote Communist now: ~~ Do you work part-time And fear for your job, Then vote against those That exploit you and rob. Are you unemployed And filled with despair? Under the Sickle and Hammer Put your voting cross there: Are you a worker With skin black or brown A Communist vote Helps break barriers down. Victory is ours In the working-class fight their support to the great struggle in Ohio by the mass collection of | When under the red flag ‘food and-funds for relief, All workers -untte.. Lessons in Strike Struggle and Work Among Unemployed Mass Struggle Won Victory. To many of us—Unemployed Councils seem to be a new phen- omena. But in 1906 in St. Peters- burgh, under the blackest rule of Czardom, successful and victorious councils were organized. The Bol- Sheviks went into the soup kitchens, Similar to our present-day bread- lines, with their program of work, not charity, from the city (Duma) government. Agitation was seeped into the ranks. A council of thirty delegates from the unemployed and a similar number from the mills and factories of different districts were elected to lead the fight against unbearable conditions, for immediate work and to rally all the employed and unemployed’ workers around this fight on the basis of their common demands. ‘The Mensheviks opposed and hin- dered the work. Just as the "So- cialists” of today hinder and op- pose. Social demagogy had to be fought against. They were exposed as the fishers that they are, trying to catch working-class votes. (Gov- ernor Pinchot.) + “We ask nothing of you: We de- mand. We think that all the money A SCHOOL OF MARXISM- LENINISM (Excerps from speech of Earl Browder, opening the sessions of the six-weeks full-time Na- tional Training School, June 18, in name of Central Com- mittee.) tae SoRah i ae is a school of Marxism-Len- inism, of Bolshevism. It is a school to study the theory and practice of the class struggle, of the proletarian revolution. The school itself is a part of this prac- tice. That means that we must establish collective work and joint responsibility of all students, and at the same time individual re- sponsibility of each student for his own tasks. This is not an easy task. It assumes that already gou bring to the school a certain foun- dation of experience and of study, a certain degree of understanding of Bolshevik theory and methods of work, Deep Seriousness of Work. What must we accomplish in the school? We must bring about cer- ' tain changes in the ideas, methods of thought, and methods of work, of every student. If you should go away from the school without an essential change having been made in this respect, then the school is a failure. Thus a great responsi- bility rests upon the school, upon the instructors and upon the stu- dents, which can only be met if we” all work actively together. The Students must approach their work understanding its deep seriousness and their own responsibility. What is the’ substance of the change we wish to acomplish? We are going to open up new fields, of understanding; we are going to en- rich our present understanding by more intensive study of Lenin's teachings; we are going to obtain greater command of Leninism; ‘we are going to fit ourselves for the’ tasks of organizing and leading large masses of workers to conduct the class struggle more effectively. . The object of the class struggle is to fundamentally change the en- tire world. ‘This 18 dur task, in its largest aspect,’ ‘But in order to’ change the entite world, we must first learn how to make many smal- ler changes, first of all to change ourselves. We must consciously shape and mold our own charac- ters, thinking, methods of work, to make ourselves more fit instru- ments to bring about greater changes, and finally to transform ‘the world. © ‘to make our school possible. ‘The task of the Bolshevik Party is to make the world revolution. In order to do that we must begin with the very smallest things. We must learn to solve the smallest everyday problem of the working class and of the toilers generally. From this foundation we master the teachings of Lenin, the theory and practice of revolution, pro- ceeding step by step to deal with the problems of te entire world, the problems of tens and hundreds of millions of the toiling masses, Nothing must be *oo big for us, and nothing too small for us. The task of the school is to bind to- gether, in firm Bolsheyist under- standing, the smallest and great- est problems and tasks of the class struggle, into a single whole. You will learn more about history, especially the history of our own movement, you will learn some- thing of dialectical materialism. The history of our own movement is very important to us. By the very nature of our tasks we mnst become historians, develope a his- torical perspective and approach to all problems, Our Party has grown and developed—that is, it has a history, rather a long one. We must study this history, gain a historical understanding and feel- ing of social development and change, and the forces that pro- duce the change. We study the Process of change, and learn to direct and control history. To / make the revolution, which is our task, means to become the mas- ters of history. Our school has a rich material to work with. Above all, we have the experience of the successful revolution led by the Party of Len- in, the Russian Bolsheviks. “Results Up to You.” The Central Committee takes ‘this school very seriously. We go through the most extreme hard- ships in other fields of work in order to secure the finances needed We have thereby created the condi- tdons for a successful school, pro- «yided you with capable leaders and instructors. Now the results will largely be determined by you, the students, by the proletarian ser- jousness with which you take up the work, by the individual accept- ance of responsibility for making the school a success, and by the development of a collective work and life of the entire school the Central Committee believes that you will make good, at your disposal rightfully belongs to us.” That was the line of the committee that went to the city Duma with the support of the thou- sands of unemployed. They stuck by it, and won with it. Work among the petit-bourgeoisie was carried on to arouse, their sym- pathies, and to gain their help. Above all the Unemployed Coun- cil fought for and retained the right to control the activity of the Com- mittee set aside by the city to work with the unemployed. They man- aged and controlled the work. This was one of the outstanding victories of the éampaign, A Solid Front. The employed and unemployed workers formed a united attack against their robbers and oppres- sors and it was because of this that, they won. The Unemployed Council had a hand in the preparation of strikes, showing their solidarity with the employed workers, and with their funds gave support and food to the strikers. After the first attack of the council, the Duma procrastinated, trying to hold up the work of re- lieving the intense suffering. But the Unemployed Council, always on the job, always bringing the issue to the front in dramatic demon- strations, for the third time in- vaded the Duma, just as the un- employed today invade the city and State legislatures and the Con- gress at the National capitol. Malyshev tells of how the coun- cils outwitted the Duma, coming upon them suddenly so that they could not rush out and adjourn the council meeting as they had pre- viously done ang as they still do today In both pamphlets he strikes home the fact that a war was on! The class war! And accordingly, in the strike and in the councils, maneuvers, stands were carefully pianned and thought out. These pamphlets are classics out of the pages of Bolshevik history from which we can learn much. These old Bolsheviks are good teachers. They have something to say, and they tell us simply how they organized and fought for the economic demands of the workers, how they gained théir confidence and trust, how they schooled them in the struggle and raised them to the level of higher political de- mands. The years 1905 and 1906 were the seeds that flowered into October.. From their immediate de- mands they went further, they laid the basis for November, 1917. JULY COMMUNIST This is a special anti-war issue and contains the following: 1, Concretize and Strengthen the Anti-War Struggle—Editoriad. 2. Piece the Party on a War Foot- ying, by Earl Browder, 3. Contradictions Among the. Im- perialists.and Conflicts on the Pacific Coast, by N. Terenteyev. 4. Yankee Imperialist Intervention Against ‘the Chinese Revolu- tion, by M. James, 5. The Defense of the Fatherland, by V. I. Lenin. 6. Will Imperialist War Bring Back Prosperity? by Robert W. Dunn. 7. The Philippine Islands in the War Area, by William Simons. 8. The Revolutionary Example of the Japanese Tollers. A letter from Tokio. 9. The Economic Crisis Grinds On, by John Irving. 0, The Struggle Against. the- ‘Pro- vocateur, 111. Book, Resiows . — Class Solidarity Aboard a Steamer E all know police terror as it exists ashore, but here is an ex- ample of the very same terror afloat. On June 11 Comrade Otto Jungwirth, who speaks Spanish, ar- ranged to address the Spanish pas- sengers on the steamer Yorch of the North German Lloyd. This steamer was enroute to Leningrad. Five or six hundred * Spanish workers crowded into the thir class dining room to hear about the achievements of the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union in accomplishing the Five Year Plan in four years. Jungwirth had spoken for ten minutes, when the Captain, flanked by four other officers and a few flunkies rushed in. The captain demanded that the meeting imme- diately end. He threatened the Speaker with arrest and imprison- ment if he attempted to continue. Prepare Handcuffs The handcuffs were prepared for our comrade. And four lines of hose were held ready for disband- ing the meeting. But Comrade Jungwirth was not terrorized. He explained in Spanish what the cap- tain wanted. A deafening roar went up, and Several speakers then addressed the crowd. The captain plainly saw that things were not going to be easy if he attempted drastic mea- sures. He demanded that Comrade Jungwirth go'to his (the Captain's) office, but the crowd refused to let him go alone. And so a Commit- tee visited the Captain. The Cap- tain tried to bulldoze Comrade J., but soon calmed himself when he saw that such tactics wouldn't work. The Committee refused to leave the Captain's quarters despite his ef- forts to trick them into going, and we left only after a specific pledge that the speaker would not be jail- ed. When we left we all went to- gether. Censorship on Board The Captain declared this: That he, by his authority as Captain, did declare a censorship on board and forbade the reading or dis- cussion of political questions by the passengers. This was 4 little lesson in crust, an attempt at intimidas tion, We laughed at him, and con- tinued to do what we liked. Signature Drive On Board Well, the officers wanted to pro- tect themselves against any pos- sible protest on the part of us workers, and so they got the brother of the Bishop of Havana, (on the same steamers were several catholics going to Dublin for the Eucharistic Congress) to circulate a paper in the first, second, and tourist cabins to attest the com- plete satisfaction with the company and the ship's officers in all res- pects. Of course, some **’-~ class passengers signatures were neces- sary, and after the upper Classes had been petitioned, some in our group were approached. All refused to sign, and we drafted a counter paper with a bill of complaints, and a repudiation of the others paper. Then we proceeded to gather signatures for it. I must not fail to mention that at the meeting for the Five Year’ Plan, a resolution against the mur- der of the nine Scottsboro boys, all class war prisoners, was unanime Mu passed with cheers. This re- solution of protest was given the radio operator for transmission, to the International Labor Defense in New York. White Chauyinist Priest Another interesting sidelight is that a Negro tourist class passen- ger from Havana was excluded from the dining-room and com- pelled to eat in his cabin as the result of the protest of a Catholic priest. These priests forget the fleck at feeding time, but are al- ways present with clippers in each hand, when it comes to the shear- ing. —Worker Correspondent, Features of the Economie Crisis in the US. 'HE bourgeoisie of the weaker cap- italist countries always look to the United States in the hope that a turn for the better may come from there. In the course of the last two years they have heard again and again from the American leaders that the crisis is already over and the upward development. about to set in, declares E. Varga, well-known Communist writer on economics. But their hopes have been blighted again and again, though the economists and politi- cians of the United States leave no stone unturned in the capitalist at- tempt to drag American economy out of the crisis, ‘These attempts are being carried on with particular eagerness at the present moment. Partly because, the longer the crisis lasts, the more strongholds of financial capital are involved in ruin. The giant con- cerns of the United States, the Steel Trust, Bethlehem Steel Cor- poration, Westinghouse Electric, Gulf Oil Company (third among oil producers of the world), and Amer- ican Smelting and Refining, have closed their books for 1931 with a loss. Partly also because the “glo- rious” Republican Party is bound to be defeated at the Presidential elections in the autumn if the ec>:- omic position has not decidedly improved by that time. But all attempts have so far re- mained without avail, for the open- ing months of the current year failed even to afford that seasonal revival which regularly takes place in the spring. “The rcost important thing to be said i: that the rate of decline has been pronouncedly slower during the last month,” said the ‘Industrial Conference Board’ on. March 17, 1932. On March 28, Strawn, President of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, spoke as follows: “No man can foretell when the depression will end. So far there are no favorable signs visible on the horizon.” | The “Financial and Commercial Chronicle” of April 9 heads its pub- lication as follows: “The crisis continues both in production and on the security markets, Apparently the various relief measures so liberally applied can bring about no speedy cure.” The press again and again quotes Hoover's prophecy of March 8, 1930, according to which all signs point to the worst effects of the collapse will be over within the next sixty days.” Seldom has a statesman made such a fool of himself. To- day, two years lates, there are no signs that the crisis in the United States will soon reach an end; in the development of production, of prices, of stocks, of orders, and of building, nothing indicates a speedy end of the crisis. Literature Sales Analyzed By JAMES WATSON (Philadelphia) SCIENTIFIC check-up on lit- erature sales was made to deter- mine the correlation between lit- erature sales in a given soction of the Communist Party and the the- oretical-political level of the sec- tion. We wanted to know if a high literature sale in a section meant a relative high political level of the section. In the course of our in- vestigation we were unable to de- termine this correlation, but we did unearth some startling situations with regard to the distribution of, our literature among the Philadel- phia workers. 1. For three months, which we might say were typical, there was practically no literature sale among the masses in Philadel- phia. 2. Comrades call open-air meet- ings successful, though not a leaf- let or pamphlets was distributed or sold, 3. The theoretical political poli- tical level of comrades is so near zero because of their differences and “cold shoulder” attitude to- ward Party literature. Let us examine the figures for each of the four sections of the Communist Party in the City of Philadelphia for a period of three months (February, March, April). Section 1—During the time of study this section had about 200 -members, Its concentration point was the waterfront. This section, with over five units, sold less than $12 worth of literature in and out- side the Party during these three months. Section 's—This section has more old revolutionaries than any other section in Philadelphia, but sold less than $20 worth of literature during these three months. The enrollment of this section is over hundred about five miles. Section 9.—Here the comrades are forever telling us about the re« markable mass open-air meetings they are holding. But they sold the \ “remarkable” amount of $11.35 worth. Section 2.—Here the concentra- tion point is textiles. They led in the amount of literature sold, but it was less than $30 worth for these three months. All the sections ang all the Communists in the city of Philas delphia in three months bought $33 worth of revolutionary litera- ture, Comrades in Philadelphia must face the naked “truth. For three long months the comrades spent less than one cent per week en literature. Further . examinat would tol Ghat the 6S oer eae oe the comradcs'during this period did not spend one cent for literature. This “know-it-all” attitude, that our comrades have assumed, is in- deed dangerous in this period. Tens of thousands of workers in Phila- . delphia want to become acquainted with us, They want to know our program better. Our speakers can’t reach all of them. But with the proper organization and distribu- tion of our literature, tens of thousands of toilers can be aroused to action against the capitalist sys- tem of slavery, and for the defense of th Soviet Union, Philadelphia has just opened a naw beekshop at Locust Street. This is a big step forward, But it would be a mistake to make this the central point of our activities, We must not only expect the workers. to come to us, but we must go out to them with armfuls of literature, | Philadelphia has got to wake ul rl