The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 24, 1932, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDa, _ Yorker: gonet Posty USA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., daily excxept Sunday 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Dally Worker, 50 E. 18th St,, New York, N. ¥. Inc SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, 36; six months Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York $4.50. ; two months, $1; exeepting Foreign: one year, $8; six months, Ajter One Year r Hoover proclaimed his debt moratorium which was to world on the path to “recovery,” the hunger and war mes forward with a “new b plan. This plan is in the “peace” and-“w vorld recovery,” and on the pretense tha’ will effect. great economies. But Mr. -Hoover made’ sure to announce this plan after completing a budget which put over one Sillion ‘dollars of new taxes upon: the toili The i-farce enacted by the list powers under the decep- t conferences” has seen the capitalist. diplomats make gesture after another. The cleverness of all of these consisted in trotting out proposals sure to be rejected by ‘jalist rivals. Hoover’s proposal represents another grim scene comedy. What is the aim of the Hoover proposal? It is aimed to deceive the nasses at home. It is directed at establishing naval parity with Great Britain, reducing the status of Japan and opposing French military itrength in Western Europe. It seeks to weaken the imperialist rivals of the United States without making a single substantial sacrifice on the part of America. In fact, Washington officials admit that while Great Britain would have to scrap 130,000 tons of cruisers under the Hoover proposals, and Japan 77,000 tons, the United States would be “required” (!) to build 33,500 tons of cruisers and 9,950 of air craft carriers to attain parity with Great Britain. Similarly for other war crafts. The United States generously offers to scrap 165,910 tons of destroyers but Washing- tor officials declare that the United States now has 189,000 tons of “over age” destroyers. It is among these outworn destroyers that the scrap- ping would take place. The same thing is true of the British and Japan- ese scrapping of war vessels. On the question of land forces, Washington experts state that the Hoover “arms cut” would permit the United States to increase its army from its present announced strength of 140,000 officers and men to over 190,000 on the basis “of one soldier to 650 citizens as permitted Germany.” In other words, “arms reduction” is on the one hand an actual in- crease in the fighting forces of American imperialism, on the other hand, the scrapping of worthless ships. And all of this is put forward by the president in the name of disarmament! Clearly the Hoover proposal for arms reduction is intended to bring pressure to bear upon France by attempting to cut its land forces and submarines, and to break up the united front which France has with Japan, and against the front which the European powers have been at- tempting to set up on the debt question. But even in its move aganist France, the United States has in view its chief imperialist rival, Great Britain. Just as the London Naval Conference which was called for disarm- ament resulted in every one of the imperialist powers coming out more armed to the teeth than before, so the present conference in Europe has the same purpose. The louder they talk peace, the more vigorously the imperialists prepare for war. Only the Soviet Union has offered complete and general disarmament. This was forthright rejected. The Soviet Union then offered a plan for real reduction of arms. This was likewise rejected. And at the same moment that the’ imperialist powers scorned these genuine peace pro- posals, the Japanese military forces backed by the League of Nations, by these’ very same disarmament swindlers, extended the armed interven- tion against the Chinese people in Manchuria and in south and central China. In the same way the proposals of Mr. Hoover, which are made in furtherance of the war aims of Wall Street, will be followed by more vio- lent actions against the Chinese people and by increased imperialist ag- gressiveness against the Soviet Union. Capitalism knows only the method of the reactionary offensive against the working class and the method of imperialist war in order to escape from the devastating crisis. Against this international conference of dis- armament swindlers the working class must set up their own international united front and participate in the International Conference Against Im- perialist War called at Geneva on August 1. Under the slogan of NOT A CENT FOR IMPERIALIST WAR! ALL WAR FUNDS FOR THE UN- EMPLOYED! FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE CHINESE PEOPLE AND ‘THE SOVIET UNION! the workers must reply to this latest imperialist move of the hunger president, this cynical playing with the lives of the workers, by strengthening the revolutionary struggle against the criminal war mongers. Words and Deeds GAINST the danger of imperialist war the workers answered with reso- lutions and demonstrations led by the Communist Party. But the shipments of ammunition by the United States to Japan against the Chinese people and for war against the Soviet Union continues. Not a day passes but ships depart from American ports carrying their deadly weapons for the suppression of our class brothers in China and for the destruction of the socialist fatherland. Though resolutions have been adopted repeatedly throughout the country calling for the stoppage of the shipment of ammunition, no ef- fective action has as yet been taken by any of the Party district organ- izations or the revolutionary unions to bring these resolutions into life. In Britian, France, Poland and Germany the revolutionary workers have shown that not only can they protest in demonstrations, but also eatry through even higher forms of struggle. Are the American revclutionary workers to lag behind? Are words only to remain words? Where are the district organizations of the Party and the revolutionary unions that are to be the first to take re- solute action to stop the shipment of arms? Such a blow struck will be a powerful measure to awaken the whole working class of the United States to the acuteness of the war danger. Such action would send an electric current throughout the whole working class. It is time to turn from words to deeds. ment” Letters from Our Readers Milwaukee, Wis.) All power to the Communist Party, {the party of action, the party that jlifts the down-trodden producer: of wealth out of the mir of constitu- tional ideology and sends him upward on the road towards true. progress! Comradely, — ANB. wee ‘There are two very important ques- tions which are asked me in my work among workers which I usually find Daily Worker:— ‘The Communist Party is writing a big lettered page in American history today. It all started with the organizing and fulfillment of the Hunger March last winter. Many people said,| “Those fools; those idiots; what do they think that is going to get them to march on the White House?” It “GLAD ' TO RECOGNIZE YOU!” didn’t get the marchers anything directly, but—it put a bug in many a person’s ear and now we have the veterans charging down on Washing- ton due to the efforts of the Party. | What tickles me pink—or redy I} undoubtedly should say—is that the) first amendment to the Constitution is, getting some real exercise after) 146 years of peaceful slumber; since Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts. ‘Those olden horny handed farmers j{ wouldn’t stand the oppression of the rich; they just put their guns on their shoulders as a matter of habit and marched into the county center towns and took charge of the court houses. Showing Up Government. These veterans at Washington are showing up the government in great style. They go directly to Congress; and petition regarding their griev- ances as per the first amendment. “They have awakened to the fact that not ‘words” or “votes” do the trick,— “deeds” are the thinse that get ace tion, * | iia difficulty in answering. 1. The difference between the So- | cialist Party and the Communist Par- ty. While it is true that the Daily Worker devotes a good deal of spuace calling the 8. P, “fakers,” etc. and | One can see the daily betrayal of the S. P. from their activities, yet I think we should be armed with more ma- terial than the Daily Worker gives us. I would suggest that the D.W. run a series of articles on the past and present role of the S. P., not emphasizing the slandering names, but facts. 2, The other troubling question is this: “How_can you accuse the lead~ ership of the A.F.L. unions of being corrupt and say the,industrial unions have honest leadership? Aren't the leaders of both unions elected by the union members? What is the dif- ference between electing leaders that makes the AFL leader corrupt and the industrial union leader sincere?” Comradely, Yours ¢ YOUTH IN THE ELECTIONS Young Communist League Must Wipe Out Sectarianism in the Election Campaign By DAVE DORAN PPOSITION of a sectarian char- acter exists in the Young Com- munist League to the mass forms put forward by the National Exec- utive Committee for drawing the youth, into the election campaign. | First. of all thére;has been oppo- sition to the proposal made by the NEC. that broad, loose forms of orgatjization should be established. ‘The argument against this proposal Tuns as follows: “The youth are radicalized and can be won directly for our ‘Vote Communist Clubs’.” . Certainly the youth are becoming radicalized and many of them can be directly or- @anized into “Vote Communist Clul But what’ the comrades fail to see is that the bulk of youth are as yet not convinced of the Com- munist platform. On the contrary, the bulk of the youth do not know our program and sections of them are hostile to it. Underestimate Demagogy The-comrades with this argu- ™ment also show an under-estim- ation of the role of demagogy in tying the youth to the capitalist patties. They fail to see that the increasing “radical” phrases of the Socialists will win many youth who really belong to us. They live in their sectarian shell and do not really see the influence of our op- ponents upon the young workers. This argument is a typical exam- ple of what the Y.C.L. Resolution calls “deep rooted sectarianism... often covered with petty bourgeois radical phrases.” Here, under the “left” cloak of “radicalization,” the comrades hide their real opportun- ist fear of the masses. The second argument used, ts “What guarantee have we that these clubs which will include youth of other political opinions, will not be taken away from us by the Republicans, Democrats and Socialists.” If we work stupidly in these clubs we shall not be able to retain them under our influence. On the other hand, if we maintain them as mass clubs and activize the membership, drawing them into the election campaign and connect thém. up with the mass struggle, there‘is no danger that these clubs will be won away from us. But when the comrades offered this argument they failed to see that the Republicans, Democrats and Socialists are also carrying on ac- tivity’ among’ the youth and that our main task with these clubs is to use them in order to win other youth clubs from our enemies. Lack of Faith in Masses But the, comrades who put this question. sean this point. These coniradés actually scared stiff about coming into contact with youth who have opinions of their own, who are still under the ideology of the ruling class. ‘They have, a complete lack of faith in our Communist platform and the possibilities of winning broad mas- ses around it. It is the above argumeht which brings out crassly the opportunist roots of the en- » tire conception. While: in the first argument they hide behind “radicalization,” in the second one they clearly show that in reality they do not see this rad- icalization,* that’ they under-estim- ate the leftward move of the masses, | "The" entire logic of both of the! above’ arguments lead ‘to the further isdlation of our League -. The National Plan of our League states on this point: ~ “The election campaign must create the broadest united front of all workers behind the Party and League platform. In order to establish such a broad united front, we must establish organi- zational forms of the broadest possible character. We must in- volye the largest number of youth in the day to day activity of the campaign. We must watch very carefully against any sectarian tendencies to limit the campaign to Communists and close sympa- thizers. Any narrow approach to this question will mean absolute failure in the elections.” Comrades in New York have ex- pressed confusion and resistance merely because they could not grasp the importance of the N.E.C. proposals and because of their sec- tarian inner orientation. The N. E.C, proposed that as a means of developing the deepest discussion and fermentation among the youth during the election campaign, we should create a number of united front forms of organization. Con- cretely, the N.E.C. proposed that. as there are about 8 billion youths who will have the right to vote in a presidential election for the first time, we should be instrumental in creating on a broad basis as one of these forms, “First Voters Clubs.” The .N.E.C. directives states: “These are not to be organized of only those who support our program, but of all First Voters we can interest. The purpose of these clubs is to discuss collec- tively the issues in the campaign and to arrive at ‘decisions on whom to support... The main - thing to remember in the orga- nization of these clubs is not to fear coming into contact and clash with the opinions of non- Communist youth. It is only through such contact that we can win the majority of them to our viewpoint.” The Comrades in New . York failed to understand that such contact was a prerequisite in or- der to learn the immediate needs of the young workers upon which we base our entire program and struggle. Entire League Must Learn But New York is not an excep- tion. Our entire League is a vic- tim of this weakness, and our en- tire League must learn from the mistakes of the New York District. The New York District Election Plan in a lesser way manifests the same shortcoming. It only form- ally concedes to the need of doing mass work. Here are some of the main weaknesses of the Plan: 1. The New York Plan was writ- (Conclusion) The coal which a miner gets 40 cents a ton for mining, however, costs him $3.50 a half ton when he buys it for his house. The com- pany stopped the miners’ picking from the slate dump by setting it afire in the last strike. Now, how- ever, they are allowed to go to the dump with a sack to pick coal. No trucks are allowed. Dislike Check-Off. Most of the miners were agreed that it would be better to go back. into the mines without the Fagan check-off, even with a wage-cut, than to continue working under Fagan's agreement and the U. M. W. A. Rob Miners of $1,800 Weekly. The check-off of U.M.W.A. union dues takes over $1,800 dollars every two weeks from the miners at Camp 8 alone. “Tf it wasn’t for the check-off, Fagan wouldn't give a damn about the local,” said..a miner. “For 7 years the U.M;WiA. was dead aféilnd, | here. You didn’t hear a sound out of it. But when we came out un- der the N.M.U., Fagan rushed in to settle things for the bosses, and get his check-off back.” ‘The Pitts- burgh Terminal went “open-shop” in the 1924 strike, but signed an agreement with Fagan during the N. M. U, strike in 1931, with a wage-cut from 52 cents to 45 cents, agreeing to the union check-off of dues Swindled At Company Stores. “It would be better to go back open shop again, to get rid of Fa~ gan and his sliding ecale,” the miner went on. “You know your- self that it’s easy enough to slide It’s a yellow-dog contract, that’s what it, #.” Under Fogan’s con- ata nate : ns chin tenia Fighting the Sell-Out of Penn.-Ohio Miners down, but the scale never slides up. , Relief should be sent at once and: tract wages were cut twice more, the last one bringing the pay to 35 cents a ton. The robbery in the company stores continues. Prices are 40 per cent higher than in the private stores. N.M.U. Defeated Wage-Cut. The National Miners’ Union can claim credit for the defeat of the pay cut at this time. If there had been no N.M.U. men on the job, Fagan’s gang could have cut the wages in a new agreement, when the strike first started. As it was, the rank and file of the U.M.W.A. followed the N.M.U. leadership on strike and prevented the wage-cut. temporarily. The company was forced to drop the wage-cut itil July 1, for fear of losing the “union” —‘“my union” Fagan calls it—en- tirely, and getting the N.M.U. in- stead. Fagan, with the aid of Father Cox, has been able to keep a relief pot boiling, In some cases his gang took over the kitchens established last year by the. Work- ’ International Relief. “In others ‘}, he has set up a jungle in the open,’ |: The same danger threatens the Ohio strike, if the united front is not strengthened and if the Work- ers’ International Relief does not get its relief activities organized better in the near future. In Ohio they face the machine guns of the National Guard, airplane’ gas at- tacks and the treachery of the U. M. W. A. leaders. So far the N. M. U. has held the leadership, but, if ithe miners kzep on starving, they will eventually be driven to a cept the goyernor’s “ten. points” and go back to work under the U. M. W. A. scab settlement. 611 ) Penn Pa. ‘in large quantities mands of the youth. ten from above without any dis- cussion or consultation with Unit functionaries and members. 2. The Plan does not recognize the Young Communist League as an independent political force in the election campaign and does not make reservation for even one youth rally or any other independ- ent action. It glosses over entirely the special role of the youth in the elections and stipulates no ac- tion or struggle for any of the de- Tt especially fails to understand the need for intensifying all the mass work of the League, for the organization of struggles for the needs of the un- employed youth, struggles against wage cuts, for the defense of the Scottsboro Boys and for Negro rights. It does not emphasize that only by struggling everyday for the needs of the youth can we con- vince them of the correctness of our program. 3. It has no line to the factories, and fails to point out that our entire elections work must have as its main aim the Penetration of the factories. These errors flow out of the iso- lation of the leadership from the masses of youth which result in the strong sectarian tendencies ex- isting in the League. ies aaa ‘Through the election’ campaign we can help break our isolation from the décisive sections of the youth and penetrate the basic fac- tories. In order to stamp out séc- tarianism in all its forms, we must: 1. Further deepen the broad ide~ ological discussion in the ranks of the League on the line of the Y.C.L. Resolution and the NEC Plenum. We must especially clarify the membership on our program in the election campaign and the rol¢ of the League in this campaign. + 2. Our membership must be ed- ucated on the need for a sharp struggle against démagogy, parti- cularly on the part of social fas- cists. We must also teach our members to answer the arguments put_forth ,by our opponents and how to ‘convince the youth of the _ correctness of our position. 3. Every District must place a responsible committee in charge of the election campaign so as to make every member active behind our election program and develop new youth methods and forms of work. 4. We must consciously turn our leading bodies to working down below among the young workers. Only when we do this can we guar- drawn up in ‘cooperation with the lower League bodies and especially the Units and membership, 6. Every District must, with Bol- shevik determination, turn towards work at the factories and realize that the election campaign is only an instrument an% opportunity by which we can mg easily pene- trate the most important factories of basic industry. r 4 % \Earl Browder puts forth a pro- gram in. the pamphlet “The Fight for Bread,” one cent. This is Brow- ‘ der’s ' keynote speech ‘st the‘ Chi- cao Nonainating of the ROTTEN LIBERALISM IN THE FIGHT AGAINST PROVOCATION On the Expulsion of the Stool-Pigeon Zagaria in Boston Statement of the Boston District Committee % N hare exposure of Arthur Zagaria, member of the district bureau, as a stool pigeon, must serve as a danger signal shock to the entire Party, not only. in our district, but throughout the country. The alarming feature is not that a stool pigeon has been able to worm him- self into our highest leading com- mittee in the district, but that the tolerant policy of the leading com- rades themselves and their frivole ous attitude towards the question of exposing and fighting capitalist Stool pigeons, has made this pos- sible. ‘The Communist International has already directed the attention of the Communist Party of Canada to the fact that the activities of the police stool pigeon Leopold (Esselwein) were possible and were so fruitful to the Canadian bour- geoisie largely because of the gross underestimation by the Canadian Party of the importance of the fight against provocateurs and spies. Similarly, Comrade Insaroy, in his article on the fight against provo- cation (Imprecorr No. 66, 1931), states: “underestimation of the fight against provocation is the worst form of right opportunism and borders on direct betrayal of the interests of the working class.” The District Bureau must ac- knowledge itself responsible for the worst opportunism and rotten lib- eralism in the failure for four years to definitely track down, ex- Pose and rid the Party of the stool Pigeon Zagaria. Nor can we justify ourselves by any claim that the task was exceptionally difficult technically. On the contrary, only the worst kind of rotten liberalism and non-Bolshevik tolerance made it possible for the bureau to close their eyes to the scores of obvious indications of the treachery of this stool in all the four years of his membership in the Party. In the early days of his mem- bership he-was discovered time and again listening in outside the rooms where the district bureau and other important meetings were being held. He exhibited con- stantly the greatest curiosity about what was going on in ‘all leading committee meetings and in upper Party circles. A member of an im- portant shop nucleus, he was three times arrested in actions outside the factory, and in each case was released after private negotiations with the police. In the course ‘of years, practically no other comrade was ever able to last more than a month or two in the factory. One after another they were fired or laid off. But after every lay-off, Zagaria got his job back. A dem- onstration was planned at a meet- ing at which only bureau mem- bers were present, but when the demonstrators arrived at the place the cops were there in full force. The stool pigeon’s car was always at the disposal of the district lead- ers and was used by them con- stantly, to go to important meet- ings. During the Lawrence strike and during the State Hunger March this stool pigeon absented himself from his job for days at a time to . take part in these actions and de- spite such absences from the fac- tory was always able to go back to work. More than once his car was smashed, but he always reape peared with a new one, with some story that his wife had paid for it, The bureau recounts these ine stances, not in order to give proof of the guilt of Zagaria, but im | order to expose its own rottem | liberalism in failing to. take ase tion on all this mass of evidence or at least to take immediate steps to clinch the case. As soom | as a real attempt was made to get conclusive evidence, it was obtained. But the story is not ended yet In the face of all this, the stool’s entire work was reductd to the greatest ease and simplicity by ace tually co-opting him onto the dis- trict bureau as a “proletarian and member of a shop nucleus,” de-= spite the fact that he had never shown the slightest activity or ree sults in this shop nucleus. This was done on the false and non- Bolshevik theories, first, that the protection of the rights of the in- dividual member takes precedence over the protection of the Party; second, that unless a stool is ace tually caught in the act of bee trayal, he must not be insulted by suspicion despite the megs of con- tributory evidence; and, Bird, that a suspected member must be re- garded either as guilty or else as a hundred per cent innocent, and, in that case, despite all suspicions, may be put right on the highest leading committees of the Party, Thus we have a picture of the worst form of right opportunism and rotten liberal tolerance in the struggle against provocation and spying—one of the most dangerous weapons of the bourgeoisie, and we recommend this lesson, not only to our own district, but to the entire Party. At the same time it is neces- sary to remember that we cannot correct our mistakes of rotten lib- | eralism by becoming hysterical ' and panicky, by developing an attitude of spy hunting. The best weapon‘ against spying is the development of mass strug- gles, in the course of which spies are readily exposed and the healthy - proletarian elements are brought rapidly to the front and into the leadership in unit, section and dis- trict. It is significant that it is pre- cisely in this district with the worst traditions of sectarianism in our Party, where the Party members are less in contact with the healthy proletarian elements in the factor ies and among the ranks of the unemployed, that this outstending case of provocation is to be found. The carrying into life of the reso- lution of the 14th Plenum, break ing down the wall of sectarianism that separates us from the masses, rooting the Party in our district,” in the shops and mills and building our revolutionary unions, will steel the Party and give it a solid mass base so that it will be able to withe stand all the attacks of the bour- geoisie, whether they come in the form of underhand provocation, or of open force. { District Bureau, Disirict L, Peak Unemployment in Textiles ‘TILE operations this summer are to be lower than at any time in many years, according to the mill owners whose crisis pro- grams of curtailment are now be- ing carried out with ruthless dis- regard of workers. facing starva- tion. The wool industry is work- ing at about 15 to 20 percent of capacity, Cotton cloth production is now 15 percent lower than at the be- ginning of the year. The index of catded cotton cloth production dropped to 643 for the week ended May 28, as compared with 94.5 for the corresponding week last year, a decline of 32 percent. At the beginning of June the fine cotton ‘goods mills of the country were operating at less than 30 per- cent of capacity — New Bedford fine goods plants at between 15 and 20 percent; print cloth, sheet- ing and broadcloth mills under 50 percent of capacity; cotton duck mills under 40 percent. The larg~ est southern producers of print cloth have cut output to a basis of 50 percent for May, June and duly. The cotton spinning industry was reported to have been operated during April at 70 percent of ca- pacity on a single shift basis—the lowest point reached since August, 1924. Out of a total of 11,470,920 spindles in New England states, ' only 5,979,474 were operated at any time during the month of April. The rayon industry is working at about 10 to 15 percent of capa- city, and the silk industry at 45 to 50 ‘percent, The largest compa- pay ea the rayon yarn hei which produces 50 percent of all the synthetic fibre turned out in the United States, is closing down plants affecting about 20,000 workers, 4,500 of them at Roanoke (between 40 and 50 percent of these workers being women), more tham | 4,000 at Marcus Hook, Pa., 4,000 ag Lewistown, Pa., and 3,000 bic Pare kersburg, W,, Va. FINE START FOR NEW LOAN ! IN THE SOVIET UNION. During the first three days of. the new loan the workers in Mos- cow have subscribed 186.64 million rubles. This figure should have been reached on the fifth day only, ‘The workers in the “Stalin” motor car works, the electrical factories, the rubber works and a number of other factories have contributed a full month's pay. In Leningrad the frst thre days brought in 74 million rubles, Here also the workers of many factories signed for a full month's pay. The loan is being, well re ceived amongst the members of the collective farms. 3 1 A THING TO REMEMBER, 4 The New York Times of June 13 in describing the meeting in New York City , called to notify Thomas | of his nomination for the presie dency, reports: “In accepting the Nomination in a brief address, Mr, ‘Thomas declared that the big asks the socialists had before them was to give intelligent and organized expression to the Lape Pere tent in this bears order that revolution: might be averted, andj i |