The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 13, 1932, Page 4

Published by the Comprodally PubNshing Ce., Inc, dally except Sunday, at 60 East SUBSCRIPTION RATES: s , Page Four 13th St, New ore oa. x a seohune Absonquin 4-7958. Cable “DAIWORK." Dail ly er Ny By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, §3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Address and mai ecks to the Daily Worker, §0 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥, ttam and Bronx, New York City. . , é ae P, US.A of Manbattas ler ‘or! y- -Woreign: one year, $3; six montha, $4.50, 1 eS —— : ata ath 28 : THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE T.U.U.L. PREPARES FOR STRUGGLES By NATHANIEL HONIG e Committee meeting of the ity League, held in C! 1, which se! crete proble hops. C wo cen- the zation of r of the day on the in the industry secretary of the ted on the new and their the employers, eement leaders is plan or the depa ing became the policy be used in the United States. The Workers Response the last year in organizing on a In railroad and building we have gress in orientating on a shop. basis, build our opposition groups in the of L, unions on a shop basis, A. F Shop Branch and Grievance Committee Comrades still confuse the shop branch and the grievance We build the shop branch as the branch of the union in @ factory. But y workers are not prepared to join the union, willing to participate in developing we therefore try to develop in the s of the work in the shop thé griev- amittee, which takes up the various in the shop in the name of all the and not just in the name The union operates as the lead- committee. s in the shop, nion. The Unemployed. d to unemployment, we still Have some In the mining industry we are ex- We have the mine branch and the ed branch, both part of the local union, unemployed branch pays dues to the local In this way they carry through the united front and develop struggle between the employed and unemployed. union, The question of terror in the factories is im- t; the necessity to safeguard in all ways members and contacts. A real political ex- of the conditions in the shop, of the spy ; Systems, etc., must be made. s use the | | ing In the early stage of the wage cutting the workers’ response was not so militant, There were many illusions; that the crisis wolld soon be over, that the first wage cut would be the Strikers at the General Fabrics Mill, Central Falls, R. 1. only one; there was the deadly nifluence of the A. F. of L.; there was the extreme weakness of the revolutionary unions. Now a change is taking place. The illusions about the length of the crisis are being liquidated. Wage cut has followed wage cut. The first real stage of tirikes is beginning. AFL. Tactics Fit In With The Bosses’ The policy of the A. F. of L. leaders has also @hanged, and has been adapted to the situa- tien, to fit in with the bosses policy and tactics. The A. F. of L. policy has also undergone three stagec: first, the stage marked by the Hoover- A. F. of L. agreement, which laid the basis for wholesale wage cuts; the second stage, in which the A. F. of L. leaders dropped the arguments | that wages were not being cut, but began to state that wages must come down in order to bring about prosperity; this was marked by their tactics of “voluntary” wage cuts, as in hosiery, in W. Va., the railroads, etc. The A. F. of L. has now entered into its most dangerous stage of aiding the wage cutting of the bosses, it now uses the tactic of showing a radical face, of leading strikes against wage cuts in order to betray them. This is because the radicaliza- tion of the workers makes it difficult for the fakers to sell the workers out behind closed doors at the conference table. The A. F. of L. leaders even put themselves at the head of the wmorganized workers to betray their strikes. Their next step is the application of arbitration to betray the strikes of the workers against wage cuts. For instance, in December, the legal machinery under the Watson-Parker Law will in all probability be brought in. Lack of Day to Day Work ‘The revolutionary unions have, except in a few instances, played a minor part in leading the workers against wage cuts. This was due to our lack of preparations, failure to develop systematic shop work based on partial demands, to build the United Front from below, to sys- tematically work within the A. F. of L. Foster’s report was followed by Jack Stachel’s report on Work in the Factories. Why Stress on Work in Factories? ~ Precisely at the present time, Stachel said, when the burden is being shifted on the work- ers shoulders, when the employers are trying to utilize the unemployed to lower the standard of the workingclass, is required, more than ever before, organization inside the shops, to give ‘courage and unity to the workers. Failure to understand that further develop- ment of struggles without work in the shops cannot occur has led to our losing or not win- “ning all demands in a number of strikes, such as Penn-Ohio, Kentucky, Paterson, etc. Where we did develop even the minimum of organization inside the shops, we have been the ones to lead the struggle, as in the shoe industry’in New York (I. Miller). We are right in the departments here, and the A. F. of L. @ cannot take leadership away from us. Shoe Union Made Big Progress In the mining industry we have made the | beginning of developing our union on a mine basis. But for a long time we had mostly un- miners in our ranks and it was dif- ficult to reorganize. Our Marine Workers In- u Union is completely organized on a basis, not on a basis of docks and 7 Reports on Four Shops. re were reports on the work in shops in In each case the work in a par- r factory was selected. The big shortcom- in these reports was that they were made by kers in those factories, who feel the y problems of the work right in the not John Schmies told how, by formerly concen- trating on unemployed work the tendency was a development away from building the union. There was no union previous to the Ford Hunger March. unity of the employed and unemployed. It was decided that the basis of building the union lies in the building of department committees. In the Steel Mill. Meldon, reporting on the work in the Repub- lic Mill, Youngstown, told how the work had suf- fered because of too much of a general propa- ganda approach. Only recently did eontrete work begin, and a leaflet against discritiination on the job had led to a big demonstration at the mill gate, by the part-time workers, which forced the superintendent to end this practice, I. Miller Shoe Shop. How a real strike struggle can be developed by the slow but sure personal contact method was shown in the report of Ziebel, of the Shoe Workers Industrial Union, reporting on work in the I. Miller company union shop, scene of the present strike of 600 workers. By carelessness, the previous organization in the shop had been exposed and the work had to be begun all over again, with new elements. The organizer discussed with one member the problems based around his machine. He got two more workers, talked with them the purpose of the union, what's going on in the shop, etc. ‘This system of individual contacts was followed out. Regular leaflets were issued, on concrete problems in the factory. The issue of giving out work was fought out and it was seen to it that every one got equal work. The workers began to feel the force of the union. The workers met in groups to protect the members; this gave a good impression. From each group one was elected to a group of nine, the leaders in the shop. The 10 percent cut came. Before the company made a lockout, the workers in all other departments were prepared. The company union was smashed in this shop. The Pittsburgh Terminal Mine, Borich, in telling of the work in the Terminal Mine at Coverdale, dealt with an example of work within the A. F. of L. The Termitial Co. announced wage cuts on two different occasions, after the U. M. W. A. had signed an agreement with it, but each time, through the N. M. U. in- fluence the cut was voted down and defeated. But we could not establish the union in the | mine, because we had underestimated’ the work in the U. M. W. A. We thought because the miners voted against the cut twice they were | won over to the N. M. U, but forgot the matter of organization, of day to day work in the mine. We were surprised when they did not respond to our strike call when the wage cut finally went into effect February 1. Then we woke up and started actual work in the mine. We called three meetings so far, in the woods, at night, 36 came to the first; we expect 125 at the third. We dis- A group of striking miners in Wildwood, Pa. cussed the actual conditions, problems, senti- ment of the miners. At the expiration of the agreement it is sure that the U. M, W. A. will agree to a further cut, We talkeg not only of preparing a strike against this, but also of strug- gles on immediate grievances. Our members chalk up the mines on these grievances. We are building a real united front to fight the check- off. We have thug penetrated the Pittsburgh ‘Terminal, the U. M. W. A. stronghold. (Bditor’s Note: The mine did strike, June 1, against or- came aagse de of fg UM: WAN alacnmege poem, Yl The latter created confidence in the | STOP! Toward Revolutionary Mass Work (raz ‘srn preven THUS far there has been little discussion on the E. C. C. I. resolution on the LESSONS OF STRIKE STRUGGLES IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. In the Communist and Labot Unity a number of articles have been written. But even heré these articles were lim- ited to the discussions of one or two strikes and were not written by the comrades “active | in the local organizations. In the Daily Worker | there were hardly any articles on this most im- portant question. The E-C.C.I. resolution is of more than passing importance. It. represents a generalization of accumulated experience in the strike struggles conducted by the red unions over a period of a number of yéars. Without mastering the contents of this resolution we will be unable to correct the fundamental weaknesses revealed in ourstrike conduct. The Method of Discussion. Tt is necessary that we begin an extensive and thoroughgoing examination of our eonduct. and participation ~* in all recent strikes. It is neces- sary that every angle of our strike. leadership be discussed. And it is imperative that the com- rades active in these struggles, the comrades ac- tive in the factories, the local trade unions, shall come forward with their experiences, Criticisms, proposals, etc. It is not necessary that every article shall take up every question and be an exhaustive examination of a given strike. Real experiences in the conduct of the strike of one or another kind will help to throw light on the methods of work of our unions, our methods of leadership and provide a practical lesson for our work in the future. What will be the scope of such a discussion? Which strikes shall we take up? We should examine (1) the methods of strike leadership of strikes completely led by us (Kentucky miner strike, beet strike, shoe strike, etc.); (2) strikes in which the A. F. of L. unions assumed leader- ship (Ohio miners, ete.); (3) why there were no struggles developed in some of the most im: portant industries where wage-cuts took place and where wholesale attacks are made: on the living standards of the woskers (steel, auto, packing, etc.). Preparation of Strikes. Such a discussion must take up the experi- ences of strike preparations as a central ques- tion. This includes a whole range of questions (work.in the’ shops, the united front, concentra- tion, building the Party and the unions, the struggle against the A. F. of L. bureaucrats, special approach to the Negro, women and young workers, the struggle against terror, spying, etc.). Special attention must be given to the actual ex- periences in formulating demands, fixing the strike date, election of strike committees, strike funds, preparation of the defense and relief ma- chinery, etc, Questions relating to experiences in the course of the strike should include the relation of the strike: leadership with the mass of the strikers, the development of the initiative of the strikers, June Issue of » “The Communist” CONTENTS The Imperialist Offensive and the Fourteenth Plenum of the Central Committee. The Struggle for the Majority of the Working Class and Our Mass Work. By O. Kuusinen Some Elementary Phases of the Work In the Reformist Trade Unions. By Wm. Z. Foster. . Slave-owner. By J. STACHEL mass picketing, the activities of the A. F. of L. organizations, recruiting into the unions, the relation of the union and the strike organs, the Ppoliticalization of the strike, the building of the Party, etc. We wish especially discussién 6h the questions of negotiations of agreements, on end- ing the strike, on grasping the favorable moment for securing a settlement of the strike, the dis- cipline of the strike, organized retreat, etc. Finally, it is of éxtreme importance that we dis- cuss the work of our unions and the Party after the conclusion of the strike, how to utilize a vic- torious strike for the consolidation of our or- By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL (Berlin) H eet Nazi (Hitlerite) press (Kampruf, Vienna) has savagely declared that it would be a good thing if the ‘Scottsboro Negro boys were burned alive in the electric chair. It argued that they were members of an inferior race which would thus be lessened in its numbers, making for the strengthening of Nordic superiority and purity. But the toiling masses thought differently. After having demonstrated their solidarty with the oppressed Negro masses in the United States on the Scottsboro issue, both on International May Day, May First, and on- Scottsboro Day, May 7th, they poured out in unexpected num- bers to greet the Scottsboro Negro mother, Mrs. Ada Wright, in Vienna. Not only workers, how- ever, but intellectuals and other middle class elements foined the thousands of whom 234 joined the International Red Aid. ‘Trying to Mislead Masses Unlike Germany, where the greater part of the bourgeois and social-democratic press sought to ignore the message of struggle that the Scottsboro mother had brought to Europe, the Viennese press, from Nazi to Communist, car- ried a tremendous broadside of publicity. This, with the exception of the Hitlerite organs, was mostly favorable, tribute to the tremendous mass appeal of the Scottsboro issue. The social- fascist (Socialist Party) press, the mouthpiece of the Austrian Teft Socialist Party leaders, who are peculiarly adept in the use of socal-dema- gogy, sought to exploit the Scottsboro issue to the utmost, just as they had brazenly raised the slogan of “Defend the Soviet Unon!” on May Day. Socalists Honor Negro Siave Owners , In the great mass meetings, however, attended by great numbers of socialist workers, the speakers placed the question, “But what does the Socialist Party actually do to help free the Scottsboro boys” and the thundering answer: workers, “Nothing” to Vienna, the Socialist Party was putting the finishing touches on the program for the opening of one of its municipal apartment houses to be ‘istened “The George Washington,’ in memory the first Amercan president, who was a Negro. Thus the Sotlalist Party leaders, in the days when Austria is going hat in hand to French and British imperialsms for financial assistance to bulwark its poverty-stricken shil- ling, also beg at the door of Wall Street im- perialism for American favors, inviting the American ambassador and his whole diplomatic dedication ceremonies, The Austrian International Red Aid secretary had been arrested at the May Seventh demon- stration, the charge beng put forward that she had meniioned that in some countries the workers had stoned the windows of Amercan embassies. Mrs, Wright reccived greater police 4. Fascism, Social Democracy and Communism. By W. Knorin. ne 5. Lessons of Two Recent Strikes. In the Light of the E.C.C,I. Resolution on “Lessons of Strike Struggles In U.S.A.” By Jack| Stachel. 6. The War Offensive—Tightening the Capital- ist Dictatorship In the United States. By | Bill Dunne. 7. The Second Five-Year Plan, By Moissaye J. Olgin, 8, Marsism and the National Problem. By J. Stalin. e attention in “Socialist” Vienna than in any city yet visited. Plainclothes police at the station followed her in a taxi to the hotel where she was taken, ‘The same police sat at a nearby table as she lunched in the hotel's dining room. ‘They were at the demonstration in the evening came back, especially from the Socalist Party” In fact, on the very of Mrs. Wright's’ visit- staff with the tourist colony to lead in the By BURCE USSION OF For a Broad Discussion of Lessons ot Strikes ganizations, how to carry on the work in the face of defeated strikes, etc. Here in this short article we have merely tried to call to the attention of the comrades the | necessity of such a discussion, and indicated along what lines the discussion should take place. We urge all comrades to bring forward their experiences and opinions unhesitatingly. If we | succeed in developing such a discussion, it will | be possible for us to bring before the whole revo- lutionary movement all our experiences and to take a big step forward in improving our strike Jeadership- The Scottsboro Mother in Austria and followed her to the cafe where she was taken later by some-of Vienna's workers. Then they again followed her to the hotel. The next day they called for inspection of passports and detailed questioning. They were without doubt in an excellent position to give full information to the nervous U. S. ambassador who has already been forced to listen to the demands of several delegations of Austria’s workers. Vienna's dem- onstration selected another such delegation. Writers Support Campaign In Vienna Mrs. Wright conferred with Emest Toller, world-famous author and playwright Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld, Germnay's famous phy- sician and others on the development of the work of the Committee for the Liberation of the Scottsboro Negro boys, which is carrying on a tremendous activity in Austria as well as in Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. They both pledged themselves to contnue their activities with greater energy. Toller had just come from Budapest where he had attended a Writers’ | Congress, Young Communists had just carried - through a Scottsboro demonstration before the U. S. embassy and were being hounded by the police. Toller created a furore in the congress by declaring that instead’ of persecuting the young Communists, a protest should be launched _ Mrs. Ada Wright \ Hirschfeld declared He would himself personally visit the Amercan ambassador in Vienna and demand the release of the Scottsboro boys. On the day Mrs. Wright came to Vienna, the newly elected municipal council went into session with 15 National Socialist (Hitlerite Fas- cist) members who stormed through a six-hour session calling the 66 Socialist Party member Jews and demanding that right of citizenship for Jews and aliens be taken away. The reply of the Socialists to the Fascists was that Fas- cists were descendants of Jews and the offspring | of various nationalities. No touching of Vyas ; working-class problems. Race and national purity has, of course, become a myth in Vienna, that stood at the crossroads of Europe for 2,000 years. Today, however, its working class. with 500,000 jobless out of a population of 6,000,000 is being united also on the Scottsboro issue of Q naa The Monkeys Were Not Fooled y BS Was once a monkey island, Where the monkeys lived with ease; For they used to feed’ their tummies With the nuts off the treés. There were nuts for every monkey, Nuts and nuts and nuts galore; They just climbed the trees and picked them When they wanted any more. But one cunning, scheming monkey, Lazy—Work he did detest— Decided that to climb the trees, Disturbed his peace and rést. So he got a monkey genius, f A long pole to invent; With a long hook on the end of it, For picking nuts 'twas meant, Now he told the other monkeys That he'd rent them his machine; For every nut they picked themselves, They must bring one for him. The monkeys saw this saved a climb Of trees so high and tall; f They thought it quite a good idea, | From trees they would not fall. Well; they rented the nut-picker From the monkey tired but wise And so the job of gathering nuts Became commercialized. The trustng little monkeys now Came solely to depend On this machine for picking nuts It saved them work no end. The ‘capitalistic monkey's pile Of nuts grew mountains high, He manufactured more machines Ere many moons went by. And very soon he had stored up So many nuts, that he Decided that to gather more ‘Would very foolsh be So he told the other monkeys, When for nut-pickers they went That he had sufficient nuts, and His machines were not for rent. The monkeys now became alarmed, Their climbing tricks they’d lost; Their dependence on the nut-picker Was bought at any cost. é Too many nuts they’d gathered for The boss monkey's possession, And instead of having nuts to eat They brought’ on a depresson. The hungry monkeys sat and gazed At nuts they once -enjoyed, Instead of busy cracking shells They now were unemployed. For milk from nuts their babies cried, Dad monk fed mother fleas, And wondered why they starved to death, While nuts still grew on the -trees. A iestt Would point ‘up to the sky And say, “You'll all get coconuts In heaven when you die.” The affuential monkey's wife $ Flag-days originated _ To help to feed the unemployed And several nuts donated. Good coconuts were just around The corner they were told, All turning they explored for them, But none could they get hold, One shabby little toil-worn monk Chockful of resolution, Decided that the way to nuts Was through a revolution. So he lectured from a soap-box And a protest march he led. Some starving monkeys carried signs, “We want more nuts,” they read. They marched right to the monkey boss And told him plump and plain That they'd had enough starvation And we're going to eat again. The wealthy monk said, “Bolshevists,” His lady called them “Reds,” And spoke of agitators putting Notions in their heads. That no more would there be The ownership for private gain Of a necessity. ‘The monkeys soon decided then | The pickers are now used by all For all the monkeys use, And no one monkey hoards away A store of nuts profuse. —OOO A New Edition of the “Communist Manifesto” _ T= long-awaited reprint of the “Communist Manifesto” has. now become available for distribution: It is the 1888 edition—the most authoritative edition in existence. The transla- tion ts the same translation which Engels him- self, expert in both the English and German languages, supervised. .. . hg : troduction to the Manifesto, in which he gives the story of how this world famous appeal to the working class was written by Karl Marx and / himself. It gives the economic - political background against which the Mani- festo appeared, and the whole history of ism previous to the writing of thé Manifesto, | which first crystallized into one clear and un- compromising document the struggle of \ working class toward Communism, | i Engels ‘also compiled notes of a historical na- tuve, explaining references to various events ‘re- ferred to throughout the introduction and the text. NPR Se ARIE NE TEE ips =