The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 30, 1932, Page 4

Page Four DOWN WITH INTO ACTION IN-THE ANTI-WAR By F. BROWN FOR months and months war has been goir ‘on in the Far East, without war ¢ Under the same ba thousands of people were not only occupying Mi step is working feveris ary position in Manchuri the Soviet Union. New divisio th the pretext of fighting ‘ an white-guard bands are mobilized Tkans, in Czechoslovakia, and other hipped to the Far East. At t under the guidance of the French general puppet states of the impe: the ov the western front are weapons sharpening their Union Munitions For Attack On Soviet transport of arms, ammunit rmaitrials tor the preparation of amr following each other through the through the Suez Canal, leaving the the capitalist countries for the Far Ea Pacific, ports of tack against the Soviet Union is ope! ted by the capitalist press. A new wave o slenders against the Soviet Union for the pre-~ paration to arouse public opinion again: gradually mounting, and Pope Pius again, wit thé last encyclical, put the church amidst the yanguard of the imperialist bandits. “Releasing The Blow” Capitalism is frenziedly seeking the way 0 ef the crisis through war. While in certain limits “it is correct and indisputable that the contradiction in the imperialists camp hinders the onslaught on the Soviet Union,” it is more than evident that side by side with these c tradictions there exists the permanent tenden ef..a united attack of the imperialists against the Soviet Union and China. Japan is the spear- head of the world imperialism for the attack against the Soviet Union. In its war prepar- ation Japan has the support of the world in perialist robbers, as is more than evident from the transport of ammunitions and raw materi The fact that Japan occupies Manchuria with the. tacit consent of the imperialists, that bat- tles arc taking place daily, that the Japanese appreaching closely to the Siberian hows that “we are not simply confronted with tie preparation of a blow against the Sov- iet Tnion, but that the imperialists are already releasing their blow.” Anti-War Struggle Still Agitational When we examine the anti-war struggle of the world proletariat in general and of the United t States in particular, our struggle agair the Japanese imperialists—the invader of Chi the gpearhead in the attack against the Soviet Union ~our ‘struggle against the different imperialists at. home, we must come to the conclusion that we-cannot yet speak of a real atiti-war struggle of the world proletariat, that we did not ceed.in stirring the world proletariat in action in regard to the war against China, and the preparation of the onslaught against ‘the Soviet Union. Inthe United States, while during the motiths we can register some achievements the anti-war campaign (successful anti-war de monstrations in Washington, Chicago, Seattle, Friseo,.-and other cities, the First of May de- monstrations, etc.) we must state that we are still far from having brought the anti-war ca paign inside the factories, still far from having mobilized millions of workers in the anti-war struggle. ‘The last Party Plenum emphasized the role of the world proletariat in the struggle agai imperialist war, in the struggle against the Jap- anese imperialism, against the United States imperialism which while feverishly preparing for war against its imperialist competitors, is above all, ‘preparing itself for the attack against the Soviet Union. While steps were taken to show to the masses thatthe world proletariat under the leadership of the Communist Party can become a deci- sive factor for the postponement of the im- perialist attack against the Soviet Union, while we show to the masses that the anti-war strug- glc_means the strengthening of the position of the Soviet Union and of the world proletariat, and the weakening of the position of the im- perialists, we are still in an agitational stage of the struggle. Lack of Factory Work From the District reports we know that ir last’ months hundreds and hundre war protest meetings were held, indoor and out~- door, involving hundreds of thousands of work- ers. However, the meetings and demonstration. in front of shops can be counted on our fing! Till now, not a single demonstration took p in-front of ammunition plants, in front of docks at the departure of ships for the Far East, loaded with ammunitions, not one single concrete move was made to hinder the production of ammuni- tion, to hinder the transport of arms to the Far East. And the war is going on already for months. The anti-war campaign ptactically was not brought among the workers of the factories. No anti-war committees were yet established for the mobilization of the masses inside the plants, for leading them in the anti-war struggle. While workers correspondents from the ammunition plants through the Party press are notifying the Party'und the American working class about the speedy work in the ammunition plants, about the tfansformation of some of the industries to war industries, about shipments of ammu- nitions to the Far East—which shows the alert- fess of the most advanced workers inside the ammunition plants, among the longshoremen— we-are still unable to give these workers direct guidance and organizational forms to the fight~ ing spirit of the masses. slogan “Stop the Shipment of Munitions East” remains simply an agitational with the slogans for the defense bf the Soviet Union, for the defense of Soviet China, etc. We cannot be satisfied only with tepeating correct slogans which will remain ex- pressions of protest when steps are not taken for developing a real struggle in line with the slogans. Shouting Slogans Not Enough We vannot wait until war on the Soviet Union s actually carried on in order to mobilize the ‘for the struggle. China already was Manchuria was seized, battles are tak~ the Chinese masses are defending of Ween wits tate Tact Wreutowand we are | Pevole ia atte the N N. Telephone ‘2 to the ALgonquin 4-7956, Publishing Ce, Ine, daly except Bunday, at 50 East Y Cable “DATWORK* Daily Worker, 50 Bast 18th Street, New York, N. Y. Daily, Centred PASSIVITY — STRUGGLE slogans for the defense of the nasses. But concretely, did we suc- ‘ing the world proletariat, in ore a eal struggle against the Japanese against the imperialists at home? Did the United States the transport en one shipment of ammunition? Should content to merely continue shout- and organizing demonstrations? s alone is not enough. Shouting slogans would mean opportunist passivity. In the d pment of the anti-war campaign we must make rapid strides forward. We must jevelop our agitational campaign to a higher st. e time we must give organiza- tional form to our anti-war struggle. This strug- gle must already take concrete form. We must lead the proletariat inte action for hampering the production of ammunition, for hindering the shipment of arms and ammunition to the e, at the Far East, Not only the Party, but the Marine Workers Industrial Union, the Metal Workers Industrial League, the Railroad Workers In- dustrial League, the left-wing of the parallel anizations in the A. F. of L., all mass organi- ations around the Party, must be in the fore- | front of the anti-war struggle to mobilize the masses and organize the anti-war struggle on | concrete basis which must take the form of protest strikes in the war industries, in the docks, aboard the ships. | Detailed Work—Checking Up immediate task for all the districts is locate all ammunition plants in , and select one or two of the for concentration. An invyestiga- tion must be made in all units, in the revolu- tionary unions and mass organizations led by y to find out all the available connec- the workers of the plant which will concentration, in the widening ons. In this manner we shall be © to establish the first groups of anti-war ghters inside and among the workers of a par- | ticular factory, the first anti-war committees. x task of the anti-war committees will not only be to know what is going on in the in- dustries, especially in the ammunition plants, in the railroad centers, on the docks, but to dis- cuss with the workers, to help them realize that war is going on, distribute leaflets and anti-war literature among the workers; to arrange with the district with the revolutionary unions shop meetings, anti-war demonstrations in front of the plants, to become the leading body ef the anti-war struggle inside the plants. pecial attention must be paid to the che- mical war industries, to the ammunition plants, to the ching of the working women. Demon+ strat of unemployed workers shall be are ged in front of the factories (objects of our ation) to demonstrate the solidarity of nployed workers with the struggle of employed against the bosses offensive on i of living, against the bosses pre~ new imperialist war for the at- tack against the Soviet Union. One of the aims of the demonstrations, of the anti-war mags meetings must be also the ng of the illusions created by the bosses that war bring back prosperity. War will give work to few, bullets for millions of workers and farmers, and profits to a handful of capit- alists. 1s Concentration In Anti-War Struggle | we are not working only towards | future pectives, and the war is going on in | the Far East, ammunitions are produced day | and , arms and ammunitions are shipped to the Far East, the immediate concentration in important strategic plants, the establishment of the anti-war committees in the factories, | in the trade unions, is of tremendous importance for the widening of the anti-war struggle. | The hindering of the first transport of am- | munition, or the hampering of the production of arms and ammunitions thru protest strikes will ive a tremendous example to the whole work- | ing class of the United States on how to con- cretely fight against war. The example of the protest strikes which developed into the great mass strikes in Germany, Austria, England, Italy in the period of the first intervention war aga: the Soviet Union showed to us the pos- sibilities on how we can alse prevent in the U. 8. the shipment of ammunition, on how we can slow up, stop the wheels of the monstrous ma~- chines for the production of war material, on how the American proletariat together with the world proletariat can become a factor for the postponement of war against the Soviet Union. In Rotterdam the Chinese crew of the Laertes, n Hamburg the Chinese crew of the Phoe- in the present war already prevented the transport of ammunition for Japan, giving a tren’ ous example to the working class of all countries of their class consciousness and on concretely to fight against war. how All Struggles NOT Anti-War We cannot be satisfied with the theory that gles of the working class that are go- ing on are already a fight against war.’ It is not only the economic struggles that we have to develop at this moment against the: capitalist offensive on the standard of living of the Am- erican working class, and connect them with the anti-war struggle, but at the same time develop the anti-war struggle itself on a con- crete basis. Now is the time that we must #ight against all forms of pacifism, and passi- yity, spur the initiative of the masses, in this struggle, the initiative of each individual, each Communist, sympathizer, workers who are con- scious of the necessity to fight against wat in the shops, in the ammunition plants, in the docks, aboard the ships. Combating Capitalist Cunning The American bourgeois is cunning.. While part of it is talking about boycott against Japan it is making business with Japan. It is help- ing Japan directly, not-only with the shipping of arms and ammunition, but also thru conti- nuous shipments of raw materials — nitrates, j cotton, etc. At the same time, the United States is oiling its own war machines. Our task must be clear, The anti-war strug- gle must be intensified, must be brought among the workers of the industries. Our task is to mobilize millions of workers, to organize the anti-war struggle on such a@ basis that the pro- letariat will become the force which will break .| all strt the grip of the imperialist bandits. "This wall be a concrete struggle against the American and Japanese imperialism, in defense ‘of the Chinese, fatherland, Worker’ So subd sae SUBSCRIPTION RATES: = - By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; of Manhattan and Bronz, New York City. Foreign: one year, ‘excepting Borougns $8; six months, $4.50. GROPPER The N.A. A.C. P. Prepares New Betrayals of the Negro Masses By HARRY HAYWOOD Article 2 (Conclusion) fact that the N. A. A. C. P. is trying to save its facé could not be hidden by even the most skillful of its speakers, Dr. DuBois at its 23rd Conférence held recently in Washington, D. C. DuBois, who made the key political speech at the conference, did not even mention the word Communism, but preferred to speak in a vague manner about the youth, of whom, he said, “we have completely neglected and have practically | discouraged their participation in our organiiza- | tion.” He talked about the “very severe criticism | of the organization both from the inside and from the outside, etc., etc. DuBois tried to create the impression that the Conference was about to make a complete turn, but he is cautious enough not to say in what this turn consists. He also admits that “of course | the new policy will alienate some of our former | white friends who have been supporting our or- ganization, but the time is here when it becomes necessary to assert some independence.” Of course it is clear that these “former” white friends are precisely the imperialist bourgeoisie, which have in the past led the organization, and are still leading it, occupying the dominating positions in the leading committee, such as Spingarn, Mary White Ovington, Capper, etc. It is clear that the “independence” about which the elegant Dr. DuBois is suddenly concerned is independece fro mthe more open and brazen control of the imperialists over the organization. In other words, this control must in the future be in a more covered form in order to fool the masses. More Demagogy ‘The purpose of this demagogy about “inde- pendence” and DuBois’ talk about the necessity of taking “more interest in the economic ills that affect the great masses of our people, is clear. ‘The reformists betrayer understand full well that the old methods are no longer fit to serve the cause of their imperialist masters and, the im- perialist bosses themselves, in the person of the white president of the N. A. A. C. P., Spingarn, are willing to cooperate in this deception of giving some “independence” to the organization. Spingarn in his own manner explains the aims | of the white slave-drivers in permitting the | N./A. A. C. P. to make these demagogic gestures. Spingarn stated at the conference: “The fight for equality of all races in America is a last stand against the centrifugal forces carrying us away from the American center, a plea for a spiritual home here in America for the highest hopes of all the races, white and black, that inhabit our continent.” What are these mysterious centrifugal forces of which Mr, Spingarn speaks so vaguely? These are the revolutionary forces, part of which is the liberation struggles of the Negroes. And what is this American center? This, in relation to the Negroes, is the vicious system of national oppression—denial of elementary human rights, imposition of lynch-terror, debt-slavery, chain- gangs, misery and poverty. Spingarn in his speech also reveals the con- ditions under which the white imperialists permit the Negro reformists to “fight” the Southern slave-drivers and their system of lynching and Ku Klux Klannism. These conditions are: that the ‘Negro reformist agents shall, while carrying on a sham battle against the Southern slave- drivers, at the same time try to undermine the faith of the Negro masses in Communism and in the Soviet Union. Thus Mr. Spingarn says: “Dictatorship is absolutely opposed to the Am~ erican spirit. And in this sense the dictatorship of the dominant race in the South, under the leadership of the Southern bourbons, is just as anti-American as the proposed dictatorship of an economic group in the Russian sense of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” (Emphasis mine ~H. HL) Under the predent conditions of feverish war | from day to day. preparations against the Soviet Union, it. is clear Azebeb the gbove ststement meenx, Spingern's. 4 remarks are merely part of the campaign carried on by the imperialists and their agents to under- mine the growing influence of the Soviet Union upon the masses, to prevent the mobilization of the masses, and in this case the Negro masses, for the defense of the Socialist fatherland: Negro Masses Demand Action But such phrases are not sufficient to cover up the dirt and filth in the arsenal of the N. A. A. C. P. betrayers. More demagogy is necessary. The conditions of the Negro masses are worsening They are clamoring for relief from their misery. They are demanding action on the questions of their vital needs. What, then, do these fakers offer as a solution? They come forth with the proposal for con- ’ cooperatives in this period of excruciating y. There is nothing new in this idea of cooperatives. It has beén used many times in the history of all countries by bourgeois fakers to deceive the masses and to divert them from revolutionary struggles against their oppressors. The N. A. A. C. B. betrayers have eagerly seized apon this shopworn program. Most of the speakers mentioned. this program. But it was most expensively elaborated in the speeches of George Schuyler and Abram Harris. In order to understand the full treachery of such a proposal, it is necessary to realize that it is made in a period when the main cooperative movements in all capitalist countries are under the domination of capitalist trusts and mono- polies, on the one kind; and on the other hand, when the Jim-Crow economic base of the Negro bourgeoisie is being shattered under the blows | of the crisis With the Negro banks and other businesses being driven to the wall. The latest of these failures is the Douglass National Bank of Chicago, which closed its doors on May 20, 1932, while the Victory Life Insurance Company in Chicago is admittedly on the brink of disaster. In its report of the failure of the Douglass Na- tional Bank, the New York Amsterdam News accidentally exposes the extent of the collapse of the Jim-Crow economic base: “The closing of the Douglass left the South Side (Negro section of Chicago—H. H.) with one bank. Two years ago there were 11, including the Binga State Bank, another Negro-owned institution.” It is quite clear, therefore, that the idea of consumers’ cooperatives is advanced with a two- fold aim; to divert the growing fight of the Negro toilers for unemployment and social in- surance, against wage-cuts, etc., into channels that will not endanger the existing capitalist order, on the one hand; and on the other, to strenghen the crumbling Jim-Crow economic base of the Negro bourgeoisie. So-called Cooperatives In the same breath in which he advances his reactionary schemes, Schuyler says: “I personally advocate the violent overthrow of the system, But the time is not propitious.” Therefore, argued Schuyler, the Negro cannot wait; they must proceed to alleviate their conditions by building up consumers’ cooperatives, which, ac- cording to Schuyler, would “lay the basis for the building up of the new society in the frame-work of the old.” Y What does it mean to play with the slogan of “violent revolution” in an organization that invites the police to crush the growing resistance’ of the Negro toilers? In an organization that supports lynch terror? To come out with phrases about “violent revolution” in such an organiza- tion is the worst form of provocation against the Negro masses. It is to prepare a. blood-bath for the Negro masses, The ‘masses, as Schuyler well knows, can fight only when they are or- ganized and) Jed by the Communist Pay y, the rd of the working-class. Theo mouthing of such phrases by thosr, fakers shows that they understand the despers sion of the Negro masses in this period and are even now preparing the basis for the drowning of the growing revolutionary movement in blood. ‘They are attempting to head the struggles of the Negro. in THE UNITED FRONT IN THE OHIO STRIKE II (Conclusion) ‘HE strike-breaking role of the United Mine Workers of America can be brought home to the mass of the strikers only by the most skillful and determined. work of our union. It is not enough to “let the UMWA leaders expose them- selves to the rank and file.” We must not nder- estimate these fellows. If they are to be exposed as strikebreakers before the whole working-class. it is exactly our union. that must tear from them their mask of false phrases about strugg\ etc. Nor can this be done through agitation and prog- aganda alone, important as this is. It can only be done by so maneouvering as to place these people in a position where they are forced to expose themselves in action as opponents of workingclass unity, as the tools of the operators. ‘This can only be achieved by a correct. applica- tion of the united front from below. Skepticism in Ohio Lack of confidence in ,and resistance to the union line in Ohio is most completely expressed by the first of the three “theories” we are examining namely that “it is impossible for us to take over the leadership of the present struggle in Ohio.” * In the first place the whole question of inde- pendent leadership is here put incorrectly. We have no intention of going to the strikers with the declaration: “The UMWA is betraying your strike, as is proved by such and such actions of the leadership. Let us lead your strike and all will be well.” Yes, this is a wrong conception of how to obtain the independent leadership of the struggle. Our policy in Ohio is quite different. What Must Be Done ‘The National Miners Union must above all come before the strikers as the only sincere ad- vocate of real working-class unity in the strike. Due to mistakes already made in this strike many of the strikers are suspicious of us. They are inclined to believe the lies of their leaders that the National Miners Union has only one purpose in the strike, to disrupt the ranks of the strikers and thereby contribute to the loss of the strike. How are we to break down these suspicions? By plunging boldly into active work in support of the strike. Up to the present Principal activity has been to issue an entirely insufficient number of leaflets. We must change this, We must break down in every NMU local the Present resistance of sections of our membership to any active participation in the strike whatso- ever. On the contrary the NMU and its mem- ahaa vee sympathizers must become the most. active, the most militant, the i poate leading fighters in Our comrades must take the initative in the organization of mass picket lines over the heads of the UMWA officials, Our comrades must lead such picket lines and the mass demonstrations against terror, for re- lief for the unemployed, etc. In all phases of strike activity our comrades must prove to the masses of strikers that the NMU~ by no means held aloof from the strike, that on the con- trary the NMU and its members are the most faithful and the best fighters in the interest of winning the demands of the strikers. Second, it is necessary to convince the mass of the strikes that the first prerequisite for a suc- cessful struggle is the formation of a united fighting front of all those who are ready to conduct an honest struggle for the demands. The National Miners Union must take the inita- tive in proposing the means whereby unity in the ranks of the strikers can be achieved. Third, we must explain to the strikers in the most simple and understandable terms the only possible* basis for unity. We must expose the record of the UMWA leadership in the past, we must expose every concrete action of betrayal of the UMWA in the present struggle and then we must explain to the strikers that we will never unite with the UMWA officialdom for to do so means to unite on the basis of united strike-breaking. We must explain that we are opposed to unity on the basis of a wage cut.. That we will fight to the last against unity on the basis of a scale of 2214 cents a ton such as Van Bittner signed for in Scotts Run. We must make plain to every striker that we propose unity on the basis of a united fighting front of all strikers for the de- mands of the. strike and against the operators and their tools, the UMWA leadership. Fourth, we must show that all elements who wish to conduct an honest militant struggle for the demands of the strike can only be welded into one united fighting front by the setting up of a broad rank and file leadership representa- tive of all such elements. We must show how the policy of leadership by cimmitttee appointed by Lee Hall, Cinque and Co. gives no rep- resentation to the vast. majority of the strikers who are unorganized, gives no representation to the hundreds of NMU members we are involved in the strike and gives little if any representa- tion to the rank and file members of the UMWA itself who have nothing to say in these appoint- ments from above. We must explain that it is impossible for those who have no voice in the selection of such com- mittees to give them support. We must explain the opportunities for complete betrayal of the strike, for manipulation and secret. agreements behind the scenes provided by. the existence ot order to behead them, This ta.q.new J =e form of helping the imperialist bourgeoisie. Program Reactionary Yet all the pseudo revolutionary pharseology cannot hide the reactionary content of the pro- gram and actions of the N, A. A, C, P.. The proposed program of the conference—the. “war éuch committees. ‘We must demand and fight for a leadership elected and controjled by the mass of the strikers; that is, rank and file strike committee. It must be made clear to every striker that during the struggle itself this is the only organizational form a real united front can take. ‘ Such must be the basic line of our agitation) and propaganda, of our NMU organizers, speeches, | of our leaflets, of resolutons introduced on thig question or that in strikers mass meetings, im local unions of the UMWA where we have in= fluence, etc. The whole strike area must be; flooded with such agitational material, bringips ! our true position home to every striker. | Tat =) At the same time we must, in view of our few leading forces, concentrate on at first only three or four sections where conditions are most favore able to speedily put the policy into action. We must send a leading comrade into each of these sections to mobilize all local forees for the work and to lead the work itself. beginning in this, concretizing the policy in each instance to fit the needs of the particularly sece tion, and already“we are meeting with some success. Hand in hand with the struggle to wrest the leadership of the strike from the ‘hands of the UMWA bureaucracy and to place it in the hands of broad elected strike committees under our general leadership, must go an intensified cam- paign of recruitement of new members for the NMU. Already some three or four new NMU locals have been organized, not so much as the result of persistent work on the part af our comrades but because the men, many of them Untied Mine Workers of America members came to us and asked us for help in organizing locals in their mines. How much better results will be obtained when our union leadership and mem- bership in Ohio is really mobilized for this task! Finally, in the organization of united front relief activities we have one of our best weapons in the struggle against the UMWA fakers. A Splended beginning was made at the recent Workers International Relief conference in Yorke ville where the number of UMWA locals rep- resented outnumbered the NMU locals with del- egates present. Much can be done in the organization of the relief campaign in the strike area itself but it will fail of its fullest effect unless we show ta the strikers in action that the WIR with the aid of the NMU is ready and able to mobiliza, workers from other sections for the support of the Ohio strikers. This is a task not only for our comrades in Ohio but for the entire membership of our union and for the national organization of the WIR as well. \ We conclude with this question from the Re- solution of the Eighth Session of the RILU Cen- tral Council on the tasks of the revolutionary trade unions in America: “One of the most important, methods in or- ganizing the working masses for the struggle and to undermine the influence of the TU bureati- erats and the social-fascists is the correct appli cation of the united front tactic. The Revolu- tionary TU movement must take the initative in carrying out the united front of the working masses from below, drawing them into the struggle, showing up the maneuvers of the re- formists, particularly of the Musteites.” This, then is the cvatral task of the National Miners Union in Ohio today. With increasing emphasis it will become the central task of the NMU throughout the coal fields. Pamphlets Which Help in Shop Struggles The Yellow Dog Contract, by Elliot E. Cohen, International Pamphlets No. 21 .. Ce The Injunction Menace, by Charlotte Todes International Pamphlets, No. 22 ........ 50. Concentration Necessary Profits and Wages, by Anna Rochester, Inter- national .Pamphlets, No. 16 Spying on the Workers, by Robert Dunn. Inter- national Pamphlets No. 17 ..cecseeeeees 10M INTERNATIONAL Pamphlets, in publishing its latest two pamphlets on subjects of vital ine terest to workers engaged in shop struggles, is furnishing valuable ammunition in our day-to- day struggles against the employers and against the government which is their tool. This rela~ tionship between government and employer, in the struggles to keep the workers suppresseq. and unorganized is now better analyzed in these two new pamphlets, just off the press--The Yellow Dog Contract, and The Injunction Menace. An analysis is given in each of the use put by the boss and government of these two vicious weapons, The history of the development of these weap- ons; and an analysis of the deceptive antic injunction bill sponsored by the misleading Am- erican Federation of Labor showing that it merely strengthens this weapon of the employers instead of destroying it, are clearly brought out. The methods of the revolutionary unions in fighting these two great, menaces confronting the workers atempting to organize, the struggle in mass picketing in defiance of the injunctions, on Jim-Crowismn,” “program for legal defense for the’ Negroes,” “safeguarding prisoners . against quick-trial injustice,” etc, etc, reveals a con- tinuation of the old reformist policies. 4. ‘The entire program is aimed confusing and* demoralizing ‘the Negro. masses, Its deliberate, cold-blooded ‘purpose is t@ wreck the rising struggle upon the shallows of futile bourgeois re- To sum up: The conference represents a des- perate attempt upon the part of Negro reform- ists to revive bourgeois Nationalism among the Negro masses, on an éxtensive scale, as a coun- terpoise against. the -rising revolutionary na- tonal liberation movement of {he Negro teilers. ‘his corsronts the revolutionary workers, and especially the class conscious Negro work- SEL Oa Hint gee fs eT ann show the sharp contrast between the misleading American Federation of Labor and the fighting Trade Union Unity League. Profits and Wages shows the contrast between the sharés of the fruits of industry as received by the employers and by the workers. It is a graphic exposure of the capitalist system, show= ing by hard facts ard the increasing wage-cuts of the workers, and higher profits for the bosses. It should be of inestimable value for material for leafilgt and shop papers issued directly for shops, and in combatting the arguments of the bosses thet the crisis makes it impocsib'e to avoid Wage-cu.s. Spying on the Werkcrs 3.3 the methods used by the besses in their highly develoycd spy system, It will be found to be of great practical help in defeating the capitalist spy in the shop and in the labor movement in general, and will be an. eye-opener even to those. workers who arq We have made @ . é \ A AA A A iA Cli Ci i ii iC MALL LL LA, yt