The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 28, 1932, Page 7

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1932 a PAGE THREE EXPERIENCES OF A NEGRO SOLDIER IN THE WORLD WAR = By JAMES W. FORD When the World War broke out fn 1914 I was working in a big forging plant at Ensley, Alabama, near Birmingham. All steel mills of this vicinity were turning out war materials for the Allied and other armies. I was a helper to a German blacksmith; the foreman was an Englishman. There were many Bulgarian and other foreign- born workers working at these mills. The company quarters were divided, foreign-born workers lived in one, section and Negro workers in an- other. We were making “good” wages. Everybody was happy. Usually the topic of conversation at the mill was the war. We thought little of the fact that we were making war materials to be sent to Europe, nor little or nothing of the nature, cause and significance of the war to the working class. Each national group boasted of the prow- nes of “his” native country in the] war. There -was no Communist Party at that time. I for one never dreamed that I would be a soldier in the war. No one cf us remotely thought of America ever entering the war. Even at this time, however, and under the cloak of the remoteness of war to Amer- ica plans were being made by Am- erican capitalists to send American soldiers into the war to protect the | interests of Wall Street. Later Woo- drow Wilson was elected because “he kept us out of war.” = * * nresiden On December 15, 1917. I ~joined the army at Nashville, Tennessee, and was sent to Fort Oglethrcene, an old army camp near Chatta- nooga, to be sworn and assigned to an outfit for training. I was about 24 years of age; there were six other young Negroes who had come together. We had had some train- ing in electricity and mechanics and were to be assigned to a Signal corps battalion. Hostility te Negroes When we came to Fort Ogle- thrope, which was a white army post, we immediately came in con- tact with jim-crowism and insults. In the first place the army offi- cers declared that Negroes were not to be assigned to a technical branch of the army service. Although we had been signed up for this at Nashville, they refused to consider it and told us we would not be fed and quartered unless we washed dishes for the white sol- diers. This we refused to do, and they refused to feed us or quarter us. Here we were in the army no place to eat, no place to sleep and Chattannooga about ten miles away. : We were then taken to the YM CA barracks (that noble branch of army service) and threatened with a beating if we did not dance “nig- ger” jigs or sing “Nigger” songs for the amusement the new white recruits. There were several thou- sands of white recruits newly ar- rived at the camp, This we also refused to do and only escaped a beaten by slipping out of the back stage door and making our way to Chattanooga. Thus the first night in the army we were AWOL. from the army. We remained several days in Chattanooga with friends. Finally an order came from the war de- partment at Washington that the Seven Negroes would be sworn in and assignsd for signal corps train- ing. The War Department several months before had laid out plans in conjunctions with the Negro “leaders” of the race that a Jim- crow army Division was to be or- ganized for service in France. But this information has not been made widely known even to Army officers. Discrimination In Army. After a few days we returned to camp and were informed that we were to be sent to Chillicothe, Ohio, for training. Within a few weeks Negroes were fouring in from all parts of the country to help build up a Jim-Crow Negro Division. The Signal Batallion was the first unit organized. There were three com- panies including altogether about 500 men. Immediately intensive training was begun in radio, elec- tricity and telegraphy. There was to be about six months training in the U. S. A. and then we were to embark for France, Within about three months, how- ever, soldiers of the 24th Infantry regular Army Negro regiment at Houston had revolted and shot up Houston because of brutal treat- ment of Negro women by the police forces at Houston. This revolt caused considerable excitement in army circles and most of the Negro soldiers in training in the U. S. A.| | Frarice. 1918. Jim-Crowism in France, We were to get six months’ train- ing in France before being sent into active service. I was among a group of six that was selected for spe- cial training at the First American Army School at Longes, France. When we came to school we were refused admittance. This was the Elite American Army School in France, the most complete, and Negroes’ were not to be admitted, and we were not admitted. This school included on its staff profes- sors and instructors from the lead- ing technical schools and universi- ties in America as well as instruc- tors from West Point. We remained around this town about two weeks before a decision was reached. I believe an order came from General Pershing’s headquarters that we should be placed in a Jim- Crow school, but there were only about 5 or 6 of us. Finally it was decided that we be sent to a French training center where instruction was being conducted in English. Our outfit left in June of. This was located in Gondrecourt, France. There were at this camp, however, a few other white American soldiers and some English soldiers; it was secondary training center. We were in training here about 6 months. There were several hundred sold- iers. in training here. The Negro JAMES W. FORD Proposed Communist Candidate for Vice-President. soldiers finished the training among the first ten of the leaders. Struggle At The Front, We returned to our outfit which had been in practical training and field maneuvers, I was made a sergent and placed in of charge of signal communications for the 86th brigade of the 92nd Division. I had become proficient, and an expert in radio and telegraph communica- tion. There were about 65 men in this assignment. : By this time, however, the men had become very much disgruntled and dissatisfied. We were sent to the front. We had no revolutionary ideas, but despite this we began to get bold and take action against abuses and Jim-Crowism. Mean- while, we were also influenced by propaganda left in evacuated trenches by German soldiers. I re- call one leaflet that informed us lynchings that were going on in America and asked why we were fighting in the American Army while our people were being lynch- ed in America... Of course the army officers destroyed all such material. But we were greatly influenced by it. Unfortunately there was no re- | volutionary group in our outfit. Fighting Jim-Crowism. I recall the first action we took against abuses and jim-crowism. A captain, Felsenheld, was in com- our men overheard him tell a French officer while on maneuvers that thes: “niggers” were brutes tions required of signal corps out- | fit. Upon our return to the barracks in the evening this was reported to ; me. }pear in the barracks after supper company. He did not know what was to take place. When he came into the barracks the men refused to arise to “attention,” which is the strictest military custom. He immediately knew something was wrong. manded to know if the statement was true. He denied it. But the soldier who had overheard him im- mediately took the floor and told the whole circumstances and called the captain a liar. The captain by this time became much excited and hurriedly left the room. The next day we demanded his removal from command of the company. This was granted with- out an investigation by the officers The Red Army and the Masses “From “The Red Army” By A. ALFRED (Workers Library Publishers) One of the main features of bourgeois military policy is the care it takes to isolate the armed forces as much as possible from the masses. The bourgeoisie takes the soldiers away from their home areas, concentrates them far from proletarian centres in special gar- rison towns; keeps its navy out of contact with the ‘population, by means of frequent cruises and maneuyres; and maintains a pris- on-like regime in the barracks and on board the warships. The bourgeoisie takes the greatest care to prevent any intercourse be- tween the soldiers and sailors and the revolutionary workers and their organizations. The soldiers are watched by officers and _ police agents, they are spied upon, and their letters censored. The news- papers allowed in the mess-rooms, or offered for sale in the camps and barracks must be such as the of- ficers approve. At the least sign of projetarian influence, those guilty of such “high treason” are sum- marily and drastically dealt with. The basic principle of the bour- geoisie,, according to which “the army must not mix in _ politics,” only means that soldiers and sailors dare not have any connection with workers’ organizations. Only the bourgeoisie may exercise influence over the army; the patriotic and religious propaganda, inimical to the working-class, which is carried on in every bourgeois army, is meant to estrange the soldiers from the working masses, so as to make them tools in the hands of the | capitalist leaders. In capitalist countries, as a rule, soldiers and sailors have no elec- toral rights. When they do have them, as in Austria and in England, for instance, it is a mockery, since the soldiers do not take part in the political campaigns of the proleta- riat and are not allowed to attend political meetings. Red Army men on the contrary, take a most: active part in elections for the governing bodies — Soviets of Workmen's Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies— and take part, unhindered, in elec- tion meetings, held by workmen and peasacts. The U. S. S. R. does not need to isolate its army and fleet from the masses, since its army is not a body meant for the oppression of the people; it is the workmen’s and peasants’ own army. While the bourgeoisie endeavors to isolate its armed forces fromthe people, the proletarian state deems it partic- ularly important to organize and maintain the closest and most di- rect connection between’ the Red Army and“ Red Navy, and. the working masses. The influence of the proletarian masses over the army, which the bourgeoisie fears so much, because it fears that its armed forces will go over to the latter, is a source of strength to the army in the Soviet Union. The bourgeoisie will brook no connec- tion between the workshop and the barracks; while, in the Soviet Union, the workers come in crowds to the Red Army meetings and conferences, and vice versa. An Army Which Knows What It Is Fighting For In capitalist countries it is the practice for royal and other high personages to become _ patrons, “honorary colonels” of particular regiments. This symbolizes the in- fluence the ruling class wields over the armed forces. In the Soviet Union there is a similar practice, signifying the same thing, but it is the workers who are the “patrons.” The Young Communist League, as has been already stated, is the “patron” of the Red Army. Certain factories, in fact nearly all fac- tories, are the “patrons” of certain regiments.* *This is the organized form of maintaining contact between the workers and the armed forces. In capitalist countries soldiers and sailors are not permitted to take part in workers’ demonstra- tions. In the Soviet Union the soldiers and sailors take part in all working-class festivities and dem- onstrations. During the civil war of 1919, Lenin wrote as follows about the Red Army. “If this war is carried on with extra energy and unusual heroism it is only because this is the first example of an army, an armed force, which knows what it is fighting for; and, for the first time, the workers and peasants, who makes the most heavy sacrifices, do it with the full knowledge that they are defending the Socialist Soviet Republic—the power of the workers over the capitalists. They are defending the universal So- cialist revolution of the proletariat.” Those words of Lenin are doubly true in relation to the Red Army of today. Lenin declared that the strength of the Red Army lies in the fact that its soldiers are con- scious that they are fighting for their own cause and _ develop- ments since the civil war has made this consciousness even deeper. The difference between dying capitalism and triumphant So- cialism is more apparent than ever. Capitalism leaves millions of work- ers unemployed, makes millions of peasants into beggars; it can offer the working masses nothing but starvation, suffering and the batons of the police. Nobody except a small group of parasites lives well in capitalist countries. But Socialism provides work and bread for all those who want work, it ‘has shown itself abole to raise the living standard of the working-class, speedily and substantially. The peasantry, which, in the years of civil war, still wavered between So- cialism and capitalism, has now shown itself firmly and decidedly in favor of Socialism. mand of our company and one of | and inespable of performing func- | The spoksman of the group de- , , | the We organized a small group | and demanded that the captain ap- | | ous.” at general headquarters, who well mderstood the significance of the whole thing and wanted to pass it wer as quietly as possible. Within another month another action took place. Our Batallion had been quartered near a French village. In the vicinity were also many other troops. A French girl had reported to headquaters that she had been raped by a soldier. A frame-up was begun against our batallion. The officers decided to line up the company and have the girl go through the ranks to “iden- tify” the soldier who was supposed to have atiacked her. The whole batallion was confined to camp. For several days there was gen- eral excitement and _ discussion among the men. A small group dis- cussed a plan of action. At first it was discussed that a trusted man from each squad be selected to be a@ member of a group that would take action. The plan was that when the girl] with the officers passed through ranks and the moment she “identified” any one these picked men were to step forward and dis- arm the officers and take them and the girl to the batallion headquar- ters for an investigation. But this idea was discarded as too “danger- We discussed other proceed- ures. Meanwhile excitement was growing high. The plan finally de- cided on was that a protest meeting would be held in the barracks it anyone in the outfit was “identi- fied” Although the officers knew nothing about our plans still it was clear that they were very much disturbed at the attitude of the men. But to our complete surprise when the inspection was made a few days later no man was “iden- tified” and we heard nothing more of the charge. Defend The Soviet Union. As I reflect over these experiences today it becomes yery clear that great possibilities exist for soldiers taking action even to stop war and disorganize a whole army. Of course, now there is the Com- munist Party to give direction an¢ guidance to the workers and sold jiers to struggle against imperialist war. The imperialist war is already on in the Par East against the Chinese people. The interests of the workers are directly opposite the annexation and robber policier of the imperialists. The interest of the workers is to support the inde pendence struggle of the Chines, people against imperealist agressicr and annexations. The Time of Struggle NOW. Every day the direct attack upot the Soviet Union becomes closer an¢ closer. This means that now we must take action against imperialis{ war. This struggle must be carrie¢ on in an organizer manner in the shops and factories against the shipment of war materials t¢ Japan to be used against the Chin. ese people and for the attack on the Soviet Union. Real anti-war com- mittees must be set up for the pur- pose of watching and pointing out the manufacture and shipments to Japan. But this is not all, to really be against imperialist war prepara- tions an effective organized strug- gle must -be carried on in the mills‘ and especially in the war indus- tries. The big steel mill at Ensley, Ala- bama, where I was working at the beginning of the last war is al- ready turning out war materials and is so organized as to be able to be converted over night to a complete war basis. Now as then, the workers in the steel mill at Ensley are unorganized, not only unable to struggle to better their conditions and to struggle against the wage cuts, but not organized to effectively struggle against imperi- alist war. The only way to really struggle now against. imperialist war with all of its consequences of death to.the working class, jim- crowism and lynchings for Negro toilers is to ORGANIZE NOW, to defend the Chinese people NOW, to defend the Soviet Union Now, DIVO Dis Bde . Rot * the Only Workers’ Fatherl Pig OR BN It ET AY 8 Cape and---the So viet Union! ai