The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 28, 1932, Page 12

PAGE EIGHT DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1932 aieatguen ‘TOWARD SOVIET AMERICA’ | SOVIET AMERICA” Z. Foster, Coward- New York, 343 pp. * * “TOWARD by William McCann, Inc., By EARL BROWDER William Z. Foster has made an- Other big contribution to the strug- gle of the American working class against its oppressors in his new book “Toward Soviet America.” Serving as an extended statement of the Communist Party platform in the coming National Election Struggle, in which Foster is the Communist candidate for Presid- ent, this book is at the same time @ more fundamental document. It places the immediate tasks of the Communist Party. as the vanguard of the working class, in connection with the whole historical period of the decline of capitalism and the} rise of socialism in the Soviet Un- ion, and especially in connection with the present situation out of the world wide crisis, and. developing war economic q The Keynoie. “The most striking and. signifi- €ant political and social fact in the world today is social conditions prevailing in the capitalist-countries and those ob- taining in the Soviet Union.” These first words of Foster's book provide the keynote. The first chapter deals with the decline of capital- ism, the immediate economic cri- sis, its relation to the general crisis of capitalism, the Marxian analysis of capitalist development, the de- velopment of a new imperialist war, the world wide upsurge of the forces of revoiution, and the revolu- tionary perspective that faces the capitalist world. “Capitalism has created the objective conditions for secialism. But it can go no fur- ther. It cannot carry society to highér~ stages of development, to socialism and communism; it has become an obstacle in the upward path of humanity, a means of con- demning hundreds of millions of people to mass starvation and death. History will soon sweep aside this obsolete system. Capital- ism has provided its own execution- ers and grave-diggers, the proletar- World capitalist society is heading irresistably towards the proletarian revolution.” The rise of socialism is the sub- ject of the second chapter. It is the unique advantage of the Com- munists, that he alone is able to .deal with the question of the re- construction. of society, now bank- rupted by capitalism, upon the _baSis of the concrete example of ac- tual achievements in building so- ciatism in the Soviet Union. Com- rade Foster explains the conditions making possible the tnprecedented rise of Bolshevik economy, which was made possible only by smash- “ing through the limitations of capi- “state and its replacement by a new, talist private property, by the defeat and destruction of the capitalist State power, that of the working class in alliance with the toiling peasantry, in the form of the Soviet Government. The practical achieve- ments flowing from the working class seizure of state power, in the revolutionary upbuilding of a new industrial system, the transforma- tion of agriculture to a collectivist: basis, the unprecedented rise in the conditions of life of the toiling masses, the cultural revolution which has brought tens of millions of workers and peasants into con-! scious participation in the collective building of a new social life—these world-shaking facts are marshalled in a brief but illuminating review, making a sharp contrast indeed to the picture of decay and chaos in the capita¥st countries. Capitalist Way Out. Foster brings out very sharply the essential prerequisite for these achievements, namely, the dictator- ship of the proletariat, “the first form of the new toilers’ democracy _after the overthrow of capitalism,” “under the leadership of the Com- munist Party. The third chapter is a detailed examination of the various phases of the drive of the bourgeoisie for arising | imperialist | the glaring contrat | between the industrial, political and ; | talist planning’ ’provides a Capitalist way out of the crisis at the expense of the toiling masses. Especially illuminating and valu- able in this chapter is the clear presentation of the role of the so- cialist party and leaders of the American Federation of Labor as agents for the carrying through of the capitalist way out of the crisis. Hammering home this lesson with fact after fact, Comrade Foster traces the evolution of social re- formism to its present role as the pathfinder for fascism, as the prin- cipal social bulwark of decaying capitalism, as the agency within \, The difference the working class of the capitalists. Concretely tracing this develop- | ment of social fascism Comrade- Foster is at his best in exposing the division of labor between its right and “left” wing. A rich array of facts are marshalled show- ing how the self-styled left wing of social fascism (Muste group, “Militants,” Trotskyites, Lovestone- ites), far from being an exception, furnishes additional examples of} the development of reformism into fascism. The illusion cultivated by the social fascist and other ideolo- gists of the capitalist way out of the crisis, to the effect that “capi- a way out; and for the is exposed in its true antizworking, counter-revolutionary character. The capitalist way out of the -czisis, whatever form it may j assume amd whatever victories it may win over the xoiling masses, ! inevitably fails to solve any of the fundamental contradictions which! produce the crisis, but on the con-' trary intensifies sil these contradic- | | ( i] both for capitalism working Class, tions, giving risé io a new and deeper crisis. Workers’ Way Out. Chapter four deals with the revo- j} | lutionary way out of the crisis. The road to the revolutionary working class solution of the crisis begins with the mass struggle for the im- mediate’ life needs of the toiling masses, just as the capitalist way begins with the most ruthless at- tacks against the living standards of the masses. “The social fascists try to create the legend that the difference between them and the Communists is that while they fight for immediate demands, the Com- munists confine themselves simply to ultimate aims. This is not so. is that while the Communists fight for the ixame- diate demands as well as the final goal, the social fascists betray both.” Under the conditions of the decline of capitalism every earnest struggle of the workers to defend their class interests inevitably comes into the sharpest collision with all the forces of the- ruling W. Z. FOSTER Proposed Communist Candidate for President ( class and of the capitalist state. Every such class struggle raises the question of power, the question of which class shall rule, the capitalist class or the working class.. Only the program of the Communist ‘Party gives the working class, the answer to these questions.. The path of class struggle whereby the workers defend their interests here and now, leads, therefore, step by step, to the full unfolding of the revolutionary way out of the crisis, to the overthrow of the capitalist state power and the establishment of a workers’ state, to the dictator- ship of the proletariat, t 0 the So- viet Power. The working class in America is no exception to this general process that is going on in every capitalist country. © “The toiling masses of United States will not submit to the capitalist way out of the crisis, which means still deeper poverty and misery, but will take .the revolutionary way out to socialism.” The fifth and final chapter deals with the working class power in this country, the United Soviet States of America. “The Soviet system was not an invention. Its basic institutions arose naturally from the economic and political ne- cessities of workers and peasants freeing themselves from capitalist exploitation. Thus, for the United States as well as other countries, the Soviet Union is a clear indi- cator of the society that is to be, taking into account minor varia- tions. for special conditions in the several lands. It forshadows the broad lines along which the futur Soviet America will develop.” This does not mean that. the concrete problems of the revolu- tionary change are the same in all countries. On the contrary. One of: the most profound differences By M. SALERNO. The “Disarmament Conference” which the sociai-democrats hailed as a “guaranty of peace” was in- augurated precisely when Japan was sneaking into war against China, when as a consequence of this undeclared war Chapei, the proletarian city, was being reduced to a desolate ruin. As the League of Nations, osten- sibly created to outlaw war, only succeeded in outlawing the. declar- ation of war, which is now regarded. as umecessary and practically un- safe; so the socalled “Disarmament Conference” merely served as a convenient maneuver to hide or at least to attempt to hide the actual war. being carried on by Japan against China and the war prepa- ration being specded up by all im- perialist powers against the Soviet Union. Soviets fér Peace. When the conference opened, the disposition of forces on the question of disarmament reflected the funda- mental contradiction between the imperialist powers, on one side, and the Soviet Union on the other side, while the contradictions existing among the imperialist powers them- selves never ceased to find an ex- pression in the resolutions and pro- posals advanced at Geneva. The actual disposition of forces et the Conference is the follow- ing: On one side the Soviet Union proposing, in view of the obstinate determination of the other imperi- alist powers to reject the original proposal for total disarmament, an objective and proportional disarma- ment which, while leaving un- changed the present correlation of forces, hinder the war preparations of the various general staffs and thus delay, at least, a new imperial- ist slaughter, On the other side was France, advocating individual limitation of armament ‘according to “security” and “international obligations,” and demading also the creation of an International Army by the League ever are we maintenance of real peace is linked of Nations. The “Journal des Debates” voiced France’s demand for “security” -by- stating quite frankly: “More than convinced that the to the existence of a France strong enough to discourage the forces of destruetion; and the day she deliv- ers herself helpless to their desires Europe will enter on an era of catastrophes.” France was supported-in this de- mand by Poland and Yugoslavia, while Germany and Italy stood for “equality” of armament at the level of the weakest powers. Evidently the “weakest” imperialist powers were endeavouring to defend their position by disarming their rivals. Naturally enough, the position of Germany and Italy is not a “peace position’ but an imperialist position, which is in indirect relation to the economic weakness of the two pow- ers, U.S. for “Defense” Arms. The American delegation, how- ever, advanced a different proposal which called for the destruction of “offensive” armament while leaving the possibility of increasing the so called “defensive” armament. This proposal was in line with the war preparations of America aiming at the creation of a new correlation of forces materially in favor of Am- erican imperialist ambitions. The contradictions existing among the several imperialist pow ers thus asserted themselves on the question of “disarmament” which each of these powers wanted to utilize to foster its own position. In the light of the proposals which reflect the inter-imperialist contra- dictions, the real intention of the capitalist countries appeared as be- ing bent upon hastening war in- stead of guaranteeing peace. In view of the important and not negligible circumstance that the first phase of the world war is already on in China, in view also of the “forces of destruction” iden- tified by the imperialist powers in | PEER es The Two Worlds at Geneva the Soviet Union with its successful socialist construction, and the colo- revolutionary “advances, the contra- dictions among the capitalist powers en the question of disarmament were temporarily quieted down by a resolution which embodies the modified British porposal. The resolution reads: “Without prejudice to the other proposals which fall to be discussed under later heads of the agenda, the conference declares its approval of the principal of qualitative dis- armament, that is the selection of certain classes or descriptions of weapons, the possession or use of which could be absolutely prohibited to all powers, or internationalized by international conventions.” Obviously enough, “the resolution harmonizes the French and the Am- erican proposals on the creation of an international army to be used, undoubtedly, against the Soviet Union, China and other colonial countries. It is true that as such it does not eliminate the contradictions exist- ing among the capitalist countries and it leaves a hole for the possible discussion of the other proposals, should the situation require it. But it answers the imperialist appeal for even a temporary solution of “the complex interplay of antagon- istic forces,” which otherwise would “endanger all democratic society.” This is so far the outstanding decision of the “Disarmament Con- ference”: To create an international army against the Soviet Union and | China. “WE DON’T WANT A SINGLE FOOT OF FOREIGN TERRITORY, BUT WE SiIALL NOT GIVE UP A ‘SINGLE INCH OF OUR OWN TERRITORY EITHER, TO. ANYONE. ft STALIN. between United States and Russia, in achieving the socialist transfor- mation, is provided by the differ- ent level of economic development in the two countries. The working class of Russia were faced with the task of laying the economic foundations of socialism after the siezure of power, after the estab- lishment of the Soviet Union. This required a protracted and ditf- ficult period of struggle which will be entirely unnecessary after the establishment of the Workers State in America. In this country cap- italism has itself Created all of the productive forces necessary for a Communist society; all that_is nec- essary here is to break through the paralyzing bonds of capitalist pri- vate property. reinforced by the capitalist class state. In America the proletarian revolution will re- lease such a flood of productive forces as carmnot today be conceived; “the period of transition from cap- italism to socialism in the United States will be much shorter and easier than- inthe Soviet Union.” Towards a Workers’ State. With a wealth of detail Comrade Foster shows how the American Soviets through the socialization ot economy will solve all the problems of life, material and cultural, for the» masses.. The ‘liberation of the oppressed Negro population, the es- ‘tablishment of the most complete equality and the right of. self- determination in the Black Belt, will be one of the basic achieve- ments of the prole.arian revolution. The complete liberation of all the colonial and semi-colonia] peop-e now oppressed by American im- perialism in tne Phillipines, Hawaii, the Carribean Is’ands, Central and South America will be a first act of the U. S. A. The emancipation of women, and the liberation of the youth from the barbaric conditions imposed by the capitalist society, are outlined by Comrade Foster in a few eloquent pages. The cultural revolution, -which . follows the es- tablishment of working-class power, will sweep away the “maze ~ of hypocricy and intellectual rubbish” which characterizes capitalist Am~ erica. The liquidation of crime and the criminal -underworld, which is an organic and more and more dominating feature of capitalist so- ciety (to such an extent that the gang leader is the national hero in America) can be: accomplished only by the workers’ state. “One of the revolutionary achieve- ments of victorious world commu= nism will be the ending of war. So long as capitalism lasts war must continue to curse the human race. It is the historical task of the proletariat to put an end to this hoary monster. This it will do by destroying the capitalist system and with it ‘the economic causes that bring about war.” “The advice of the revolution is difficult,” Comrade Foster points out in conclusion, “Its pace is slow, and varies. from country to coun- try, but its direction is sure and its movement irresistible. Under the leadership of the Communist Inter- national the toilers of the world are organizing to put a final end to the Jong, long ages of ignorance and Slavery, of which ° capitalist im- perialism is the last stage, and to begin building a prosperous and in- telligent society commensurate with the level to which social knowledge and production possi- bilities have reached.” This brief and entirely inade- quate review of Comrade Foster’s new book is intended merely to give some idea of its profound im- portance and to stimulate a wide- spread circulation and reading. We have here a powerful weapon for the organization of new hundreds of thousands of American workers for struggles against the beastial capitalist system, for the theoretical deepening and steeling of a Bol- shevik Party in America, which will stand forth in the coming months and years of struggle as the leader and organizer of the million masses for the proletarian revolutien in th* United States.